were usually for the destruction of, or for doing harm to, an enemy.
Sometimes, however, the spells were originally for the promotion of
fertility, but were misunderstood by the recorders and probably by the
witches themselves. Alexia Violaea (1589) said that 'nachdem sie were mit
ihren Gespielen umb und umb gelauffen eine ziemliche gut Weile, habe sie
pflegen in die Hoehe ueber sich zu werffen ein reines subtiles Pulverlein,
welches ihr der Teuffel darzu gegeben habe, darvon Raupen, Kaeffern,
Heuschrecken, und dergleichen andere Beschaedigung mehr, so Hauffenweise
wuechsen, dass die Acker darmit in einem Augenblick ueberall beschmeist
wuerden'.[417] Isobel Gowdie's magical charm (1662) seems to come under this
category:
'We went be-east Kinlosse, and ther we yoaked an plewghe of paddokis.
The Devill held the plewgh, and Johne Yownge in Mebestowne, our
Officer, did drywe the plewghe. Paddokis did draw the plewgh, as oxen;
qwickens wer sowmes, a riglen's horne wes a cowter, and an piece of an
riglen's horne wes an sok. We went two seuerall tymes abowt; and all
we of the Coven went still wp and downe with the plewghe, prayeing to
the Divell for the fruit of that land.'[418]
The greater number of meetings were occupied with business of a magical
character with the intention of harming certain specified persons; though
any other kind of business was also transacted. The North Berwick witches
opened the graves which the Devil indicated in order to obtain the means of
making charms with dead men's bones; on another occasion they attempted to
wreck a ship by magic.[419] The Lang Niddry witches (1608) went to the
house of Beigis Tod, where they drank, and there christened a cat.[420] The
Lancashire witches (1613) met at Malking Tower for two purposes; the first
was to give a name to the familiar of Alison Device, which could not be
done as she was not present, being then in prison; the second was to
arrange a scheme or plot for the release of Mother Demdike, the principal
witch of the community, then a prisoner in Lancaster Castle; the plot
involved the killing of the gaoler and governor, and the blowing up of the
castle.[421] In 1630 Alexander Hamilton was tried in Edinburgh,
'the said Alexr Hamiltoun haifing concaivet ane deidlie haitrent
agains umqle Elizabeth Lausone Lady Ormestoun younger becaus the said
Alexr being at her zet asking for almous she choisit him therfra
saying to him "away custroun carle ye will get nothing heir". The said
Alexr therupon in revenge therof accompaneit wt tua wemen mentionet in
his depostiones come to Saltoun woid quhair he raisit the devill and
quha appeirit to him and his associattis in the likenes of ane man
cled in gray and the said Alexr and his associattis haifing schawin to
him the caus of thair coming desyring him to schaw to thame be quhat
meanes thay micht be revendget upon the said Lady.'[422]
Margaret Johnson (1633) deposed that she was not at the great witch-meeting
on All Saints' Day, but was at a smaller meeting the Sunday after, 'where
there was, at yt tyme, between 30 and 40 witches, who did all ride to the
said meetinge, and the end of theire said meeting was to consult for the
killinge and hurtinge of men and beasts.'[423] The Forfar witches (1661)
claimed to have wrecked a ship.[424] Isobel Gowdie (1662) is as usual very
dramatic in her account; on one occasion the witches met to make a charm
against the minister of Auldearne, Mr. Harie Forbes: 'Satan wes with ws and
learned ws the wordis to say thryse ower. Quhan we haid learned all thes
wordis from the Divell, we fell all down wpon owr kneis, with owr hear down
ower owr showlderis and eyes, and owr handis lifted wp, and owr eyes
stedfastlie fixed wpon the Divell; and said the forsaidis wordis thryse
ower to the Divell, striktlie, against Maister Harie Forbes his recowering
from the said seiknes.' When making an image only a few of the witches were
present with the Devil.[425] Marie Lamont (1662) claimed that her Coven
raised storms on two occasions; and on a third, they in the likeness of
'kats', and the Devil as a man with cloven feet, made a charm with 'wyt
sand' against Blackhall younger and Mr. John Hamilton.[426] Amongst the
most detailed accounts of the wax or clay images, and of the ritual for
killing the person whom the image represented, are those of the Somerset
witches[427] (1664). The baptism of the figure is an interesting point. The
Paisley witches (1678) had a meeting to make a clay figure in order to kill
an enemy of the witch in whose house the meeting was held.[428] At
Borrowstowness part of the accusation was that 'ye and ilk ane of yow was
at ane metting with the devill and other witches at the croce of Murestane,
upon the threttein of October last, where you all danced and the devill
acted the pyiper, and where yow indewored to have destroyed Andrew
Mitchell.'[429] In New England the witches accused George Burroughs 'that
he brought Poppets to them, and Thorns to stick into those Poppets'.[430]
At the Esbats it is also evident that the Devil wished to maintain an
appearance of miraculous power not only before the world at large, but in
the eyes of the witches as well. This will account for the meetings on the
sea-shore in raging storms when vessels were liable to be wrecked, and
there are also many indications that the destruction of an enemy was
effected by means more certain than the making and pricking of a wax or
clay figure, means which were used after the figure had been made. Some of
the methods of maintaining this prestige are of the simplest, others are
noted without any explanation: 'Satan faict en ce lieu [le Sabbat] tant de
choses estrages & nouuelles que leur simplicite & abus prend cela pour
quelques miracles.'[431] At Forfar (1661) the means of obtaining the result
are apparent; during a great storm the Devil and the witches destroyed the
bridge of Cortaquhie, and the destruction was so arranged as to appear to
have been effected by magical power; but Helen Guthrie confessed that 'they
went to the bridge of Cortaquhie with intentione to pull it doune, and that
for this end shee her selfe, Jonnet Stout, and others of them, did thrust
ther shoulderis againest the bridge, and that the divell wes bussie among
them acting his pairt'. Issobell Smyth, who also assisted on the occasion,
said, 'Wee all rewed that meitting, for wee hurt our selves lifting.'[432]
Still more simple was the method of destroying the harvest of a field at
Crook of Devon, where Bessie Henderson 'confessed and declared that Janet
Paton was with you at ane meeting when they trampit down Thos. White's rie
in the beginning of harvest, 1661, and that she had broad soales and
trampit down more nor any of the rest'.[433] The Devil of Mohra in Sweden
cared only to impress his followers; when the wall which they were building
fell down 'some of the Witches are commonly hurt, which makes him laugh,
but presently he cures them again'.[434]
_Site._--In some places the Esbat was held at a fixed site, in others the
site varied from week to week. In both cases, the locality was always in
the near neighbourhood of the village whose inhabitants attended the
meeting.
'Pour le lieu ordinaire c'est es carrefours, co[~m]e disoit Isaac de
Queyran, qui deposoit y auoir este au carrefour du Palays Galienne,
pres la ville de Bourdeaux; ou aux places des paroisses au deuant des
Eglises, & le plus souuent au droict de la grand' porte, si l'Eglise
est plantee au milieu de la place comme elle est souuent, afin que le
Diable plante sa chaire tout vis a vis du grand autel ou on met le
Sainct sacrement: comme il est en la place d'Ascain, ou tous les
tesmoins du lieu, nous ont dict que le Sabbat se faisoit. Il a aussi
accoustume les tenir en quelque lieu desert, & sauuage, comme au
milieu d'vne lande; & encore en lieu du tout hors de passage, de
voisinage, d'habitation, & de rencontre: Et communement ils
s'appellent Aquelarre[435] qui signifie Lane de Bouc, comme qui diroit
la lane ou lade, ou le Bouc conuoque ses assemblees.'[436]
Danaeus emphasizes the variation of both site and date: 'They meete
togither in certen apointed places, not al of them togither, nor at once,
but certen of them whom he pleaseth to call, so that he apointeth where
they shall meete, and at what houre of the day, or of the nighte.'[437] The
Windsor witches, however, 'did accustome to meete within the backeside of
Maister Dodges in the Pittes there'.[438] Boguet's evidence also points to
there being a settled site for the Esbat in each village:
'Les Sorciers du coste de Longchamois s'assembloient en vn pre, qui
est sur le grand chemin tirant a S. Claude, ou l'on voit les ruines
d'vne maison. Ceux du coste de Coirieres tenoient leur Sabbat, sous le
village de Coirieres proche l'eau, en vn lieu appelle es Combes, qui
est du tout sans chemin. [Autres] se retrouuoient en vn lieu dict es
Fontenelles, sous le village de Nezan, qui est vn lieu assez
descouuert ... le Sabbat des Sorciers de la Moueille se tenoit en la
Cour du Priore du mesme lieu.'[439]
Jane Bosdeau (1594) went twice a week regularly to 'a Rendezvous of above
Sixty Witches at Puy de dome'.[440] And the Swedish witches went so
uniformly to one place that there was a special building for their rites:
'They unanimously confessed that _Blockula_ is scituated in a delicate
large Meadow whereof you can see no end. The place or house they met
at, had before it a Gate painted with divers colours; through this
Gate they went into a little Meadow distinct from the other.... In a
huge large Room of this House, they said, there stood a very long
Table, at which the Witches did sit down: And that hard by this Room
was another Chamber where there were very lovely and delicate
Beds.'[441]
On the whole, the weight of evidence in England and Scotland is in favour
of Danaeus's statement that there was no fixed site, though this should be
taken as referring to the local meetings only, not to the Great Assemblies.
The Forfar witch-trials give much information: Helen Guthrie
'wes at a meitting in the church yeard of Forfar in the Holfe
therof.... Betwixt the oatseid and the bearseid [barleysowing], she
wes at ane other meitting at the Pavilione hollis.... This same year,
betwixt the oatseid and bearseid, she was at a thrid meiting in the
church yeard of Forfar in the holfe thereof, about the same tyme of
the night as at the [former] meitings, viz. at midnight.--About the
beginning of the last oat seid tyme, Isabell Syrie did cary hir
[Jonet Howat] to the Insch within the loch of Forfar, shoe saw at this
tyme, about threteen witches with the divill, and they daunced
togither.... About four wiekes after the forsaid meiting in the Insch,
the said Isabell Syrie caried hir to ane other meiting at
Muryknowes.--About three and a halfe yeares since, she [Elspet
Alexander] was at a meiting with the divill at Peterden, midway
betwixt Forfar and Dondie.... About four wiekes after this mieting at
Petterden, shoe was at ane second mieting at the Muryknowes ... shoe
was present at ane thrid mieting near Kerymure.'[442]
Isobel Gowdie's evidence is detailed as usual: 'The last tyme that owr
Coven met, we, and an vther Coven, wer dauncing at the Hill of Earlseat;
and befor that, betwixt Moynes and Bowgholl; and befor that we ves beyond
the Meikleburne; and the vther Coven being at the Downie-hillis we went
from beyond the Meikle-burne, and went besyd them, to the howssis at the
Wood-end of Inshoch.... Befor Candlemas, we went be-east Kinlosse.'[443]
The same facts were elicited from the Kinross-shire witches; Robert Wilson
'confessed ye had ane meeting with the Devill at the Stanriegate, bewest
the Cruick of Devon ... the Devil appointed them to meet at the Bents of
Balruddrie'.--Margaret Huggon confessed 'that ye was at another meeting
with Sathan at the Stanriegate, bewest the Cruik of Devon ... lykeways ye
confessed ye was at another meeting with Satan at the Heathrie Knowe
be-east the Cruik of Devon, where the Gallows stands ... a meeting at the
back of Knocktinnie at the Gaitside ... and another at the bents of
Newbiggin'.--Janet Brugh 'confessed that ye was at ane meeting at
Stanriegate ... ye confessed that about Yule last bypast ye was at ane
meeting with Sathan at Turfhills ... lykeways ye confessed that ye was at
the Bents of Balruddrie and Gibson's Craig, where Sathan was present at
them both'.--Christian Grieve 'freely confessed that ye was at ane meeting
with Sathan at the back of Andrew Dowie his house'.[444] The Somerset
witches (1664) varied in this respect. Those of Wincanton met in different
places: Elizabeth Style 'hath been at several general meetings in the night
at High Common, and a Common near _Motcombe_, at a place near _Marnhull_,
and at other places'.--Alice Duke 'hath been at several meetings in Lie
Common, and other places in the night'. But the Brewham Coven appear to
have met commonly at Hussey's Knap in Brewham Forest.[445]
Occasionally a reason is given for the change of site. 'Parfois vn Sabbat
finy a vn coin de paroisse, on s'en va le tenir a vne autre, ou le Diable
mene les mesmes personnes: mais la, on y en rencontre d'autres'.[446]
Sometimes also a sidelight is thrown upon these gatherings, which explains
the fact that in many cases the witches said that they did not know all the
people present at a given meeting:
'Antoine Tornier, Et Iaquema Paget ont confesse, que comme elles
retournoient a certain iour par ensemble de glanner, passans au long
du [=p]re de Longchamois, elles apperceurent que l'on y tenoit le
Sabbat; Surquoy elles poserent bas leurs fardeaux, & allerent au lieu
predict, ou elles firent comme les autres, & puis se retirerent
chacune en leurs maisons, apres auoir reprins leurs fardeaux.'[447]
The Salem Witches (1692) met 'upon a plain grassy place, by which was a
Cart path and sandy ground in the path, in which were the tracks of Horses
feet'.[448]
_Date and Hour._--There was no fixed day or hour for the Esbat, and in this
it differed from the Sabbath, which was always at night. The Devil let his
followers know the time, either by going to them himself or by sending a
message by the officer. The message might be by word of mouth, or by some
signal understood by the initiated.
Though there was no fixed day for the Esbat, it seems probable that one day
in the week was observed in each locality.
Danaeus, in his general survey of the cult in 1575, says: 'He apointeth
where they shall meete, and at what houre of the day, or of the night:
wherein they haue no surenes, nor certentie. For these meetinges are not
weekely, nor monthly, nor yeerely, but when and how often it shall seeme
good to this their maister. And many times himself warneth them to meete,
sometimes hee apoynteth others to warne them in his staede. But when he
doth it himself, he appeareth vnto them in likenesse of a man.'[449] De
Lancre says that in the Basses-Pyrenees 'le lieu ou on le trouue
ordinairement s'appelle Lanne de bouc, & en Basque _Aquelarre de verros,
prado del Cabron_, & la les Sorciers le vont adorer trois nuicts durant,
celle du Lundy, du Mercredy, & du Vendredy.--Les iours ordinaires de la
conuocation du Sabbat, ou pour mieux dire les nuicts, sont celles du
Mercredy venant au Ieudy, & du Vendredy venant au Samedy.--Catherine de
Naguille de la paroisse d'Vstarits, aagee de onze ans, & sa compagne, nous
out asseure qu'elles auoi[~e]t este au Sabbat en plein midy.'[450] Jane
Bosdeau (1594) 'every Wednesday and Friday met a Rendezvous of aboue Sixty
Witches at Puy de dome'.[451] Boguet says that the day of the Sabbath was
variable, usually Thursday night;[452] while, according to Bodin, the most
frequent was 'entre la nuict du Lundi & Mardi'.[453] Boguet also goes on to
say, 'Le Sabbat ne se tient pas tousiours de nuict, ains que les Sorciers y
vont aussi quelquefois de iour, selon que firent Antoine Tornier, & Iaquema
Paget, & plusieurs autres de leur secte le confessent.'[454] The Lorraine
witches also had the same custom:
'Alle zugleich, so viel ihrer bisher in Lotharingen peinlich sind
verhoeret worden, bekandten, dass solche Versammlung in keiner andern
Nacht, als welche zu nechst vor dem Donnerstag oder Sambstag hergehet,
gehalten werden.--Johannes a Villa und Agathina des Schneiders
Francisci weib, sagt, eine oder zwey Stunde vor Mitternacht, were die
bequemste Zeit darzu, und zwar nicht allein zu diesen Gespensten,
sondern auch sonsten zu allerhand Gespensten, Bollergeisten,
Irrgeisten, &c. Aber die Stunde nach Mitternacht diene nicht
darzu.'[455]
The English and Scotch evidence is to the same effect. The witches 'are
likewise reported to have each of them a Spirit or Imp attending on, or
assigned to them.... These give the Witches notice to be ready on all
Solemn appointments, and meetings, which are ordinarily on Tuesday or
Wednesday night'.[456] Janet Breadheid of the Auldearne Coven emphasizes
the irregularity of the dates: 'Efter that, we vold still meit euerie ten,
twelve, or twantie dayes continwally.'[457] Marie Lamont merely notes that
the meetings were at night: 'The devil came to Kattrein Scott's house in
the midst of the night.... When she had been at a mietting sine Zowle last,
with other witches, in the night, the devill convoyed her home in the
dawing.'[458] The Somerset witches had no special night: 'At every meeting
before the Spirit vanisheth away, he appoints the next meeting place and
time,'[459] and Mary Green went to a meeting 'on Thursday Night before
Whitsunday last.'[460] At Paisley the meeting was on Thursday, the 4th of
January, 1678, in the night, in John Stuart's house.[461] The Swedish
witches were much harder worked: 'whereas formerly one journey a week would
serve his turn, from their own Town to the place aforesaid, now they were
forced to run to other Towns and places for Children, and that some of them
did bring with them some fifteen, some sixteen Children every night.'[462]
The more modern examples suggest that the date became more fixed: 'On croit
que c'est toujours un vendredi soir que les sorciers et sorcieres se
reunissent.'[463] 'Sorciers et sorcieres vont au _sabbat_ le vendredi, a
travers les airs.'[464]
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 328: Boguet, pp. 106-7.]
[Footnote 329: Pitcairn, ii, pp. 542-3.]
[Footnote 330: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 148.]
[Footnote 331: Id., _L'Incredulite_, p. 808.]
[Footnote 332: Kinloch, pp. 122-3.]
[Footnote 333: Burns Begg, p. 239.]
[Footnote 334: Bourignon, _Vie_, p. 211; Hale, p. 29.]
[Footnote 335: Stewart, p. 174.]
[Footnote 336: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 239. Spelling modernized.]
[Footnote 337: Boguet, p. 104.]
[Footnote 338: Potts, G 4.]
[Footnote 339: Whitaker, p. 216.]
[Footnote 340: Pitcairn, iii, p. 604.]
[Footnote 341: Horneck, pt. ii, p. 320.]
[Footnote 342: Bodin, _Fleau_, p. 178.]
[Footnote 343: Scot, pp. 41, 184. Scot is as usual, extraordinarily
inaccurate in his statements. The correct formulae, as given by Wierus,
will be found in Appendix V, with notes on the ingredients by Prof. A. J.
Clark.]
[Footnote 344: Boguet, p. 96.]
[Footnote 345: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 148.]
[Footnote 346: H. G. van Elven, _La Tradition_, 1891, p. 215. Unfortunately
neither name nor place are given in the transcription.]
[Footnote 347: Burns Begg, p. 223.]
[Footnote 348: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 139, 141, 148-9, 151.]
[Footnote 349: Scot, Bk. iii, p. 66; Lea, iii, p. 493. I give Scot's
translation as being more racily expressed.]
[Footnote 350: J. Bournon, p. 19.]
[Footnote 351: Boguet, p. 96.]
[Footnote 352: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 123.]
[Footnote 353: Whitaker, p. 216.]
[Footnote 354: Bourignon, _Vie_, p. 214; Hale, p. 31.]
[Footnote 355: Horneck, pt. ii, pp. 316, 317, 318, 319, 321.]
[Footnote 356: Kinloch, p. 129.]
[Footnote 357: Surtees Society, xl, pp. 191-2, 194, 197; Denham Tracts, ii,
pp. 299-301, 304, 307.]
[Footnote 358: Holinshed, _Ireland_, p. 58.]
[Footnote 359: Chartier, iii, p. 45; Lea, iii, p. 536.]
[Footnote 360: From a trial in the Greffe, Guernsey.]
[Footnote 361: Danaeus, ch. iv.]
[Footnote 362: Boguet, p. 104.]
[Footnote 363: Id., pp. 9, 104.]
[Footnote 364: A marginal note against the word _ramasse_ gives 'autrement
balait, & en Lyonnois coiue'.]
[Footnote 365: Boguet, pp. 9, 97, 104.]
[Footnote 366: Cannaert, p. 49.]
[Footnote 367: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 604, 608, 613.]
[Footnote 368: Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 194.]
[Footnote 369: Howell, vi, 660; J. Hutchinson, _Hist. of Massachusetts
Bay_, p. 31.]
[Footnote 370: Cotton Mather, p. 158; Burr, p. 244. _See also_ J.
Hutchinson, ii, pp. 35-6.]
[Footnote 371: Burr, p. 418.]
[Footnote 372: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 65.]
[Footnote 373: Id. ib., p. 72.]
[Footnote 374: Bodin, _Fleau_, p. 181.]
[Footnote 375: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 123.]
[Footnote 376: Bodin, p. 187.]
[Footnote 377: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 97-8, 114, 149, 153, 165,
167.]
[Footnote 378: Whitaker, p. 216; Baines, i, p. 607 note, where the name is
given as _Hartford_. The importance of the stone in the Sabbath ceremonies
is very marked in the account of a meeting in Northumberland (1673). Ann
Armstrong declared that 'she and the rest had drawne their compasse nigh to
a bridg end, and the devil placed a stone in the middle of the compasse,
they sett themselves downe, and bending towards the stone, repeated the
Lord's prayer backwards'. Denham Tracts, ii, p. 307; Surtees Soc., xl, p.
197.]
[Footnote 379: Horneck, pt. ii, pp. 321, 324.]
[Footnote 380: Mather, p. 131.]
[Footnote 381: Harou, _La Tradition_, vi (1892), p. 367.]
[Footnote 382: Monseur, pp. 2, 88.]
[Footnote 383: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 64.]
[Footnote 384: Id. ib., p. 123.]
[Footnote 385: Kinloch, p. 133.]
[Footnote 386: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 245. Spelling modernized.]
[Footnote 387: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 97-8.]
[Footnote 388: Ib., i, Christen Michell, p. 165; Bessie Thom, p. 167.]
[Footnote 389: Ib., i, Issobell Richie, p. 142; Margrat Og, p. 144; Helene
Rogie, p. 147; Jonet Lucas, p. 149; Jonet Dauidsone, p. 150; Issobell Oige,
p. 152; Beatrice Robbie, p. 153.]
[Footnote 390: Pitcairn, ii, p. 478.]
[Footnote 391: Baines, i, p. 607 note.]
[Footnote 392: Pitcairn, iii, p. 606.]
[Footnote 393: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 398.]
[Footnote 394: F. Hutchinson, _Historical Essay_, p. 42.]
[Footnote 395: Boguet, p. 125.]
[Footnote 396: Chetham Society, vi, p. lxxiii; Whitaker, p. 216.]
[Footnote 397: Pitcairn, iii, p. 601.]
[Footnote 398: Burns Begg, pp. 219, 226, 237.]
[Footnote 399: J. Hutchinson, _History of Massachusetts Bay_, ii, p. 17;
Taylor, p. 98.]
[Footnote 400: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 154.]
[Footnote 401: Bournon, p. 23.]
[Footnote 402: Remigius, pt. i, p. 72.]
[Footnote 403: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 239.]
[Footnote 404: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 97, 114, 165, 167.]
[Footnote 405: Boguet, pp. 119, 125.]
[Footnote 406: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 165, 167.]
[Footnote 407: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 123.]
[Footnote 408: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 163.]
[Footnote 409: From the record in the Justiciary Court of Edinburgh.]
[Footnote 410: Arnot, p. 358.]
[Footnote 411: Id., p. 358.]
[Footnote 412: Kinloch, pp. 120, 121.]
[Footnote 413: Id., p. 122.]
[Footnote 414: Pitcairn, iii, p. 613.]
[Footnote 415: Sharpe, pp. 131, 134.]
[Footnote 416: _Scots Magazine_, 1814, p. 200.]
[Footnote 417: Remigius, pt. i, p. 91.]
[Footnote 418: Pitcairn, iii, p. 603; see below, p. 171.]
[Footnote 419: Id., i, pt. ii, pp. 210-11, 217, 239.]
[Footnote 420: Id., ii, pp. 542-3.]
[Footnote 421: Potts, C 3, G 3, I 2, I 3.]
[Footnote 422: From the trial of 'Alexr Hamiltoun, warlok', in the
Justiciary Court, Edinburgh.]
[Footnote 423: Whitaker, p. 216.]
[Footnote 424: Kinloch, p. 122.]
[Footnote 425: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 609, 613.]
[Footnote 426: Sharpe, pp. 132-4.]
[Footnote 427: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 137-8, 164.]
[Footnote 428: Id., pt. ii, p. 294.]
[Footnote 429: _Scots Magazine_, 1814, p. 201.]
[Footnote 430: Mather, p. 125.]
[Footnote 431: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 135.]
[Footnote 432: Kinloch, pp. 122, 133.]
[Footnote 433: Burns Begg, p. 224.]
[Footnote 434: Horneck, pt. ii, p. 323.]
[Footnote 435: The full name is Aquelarre de verros, prado del Cabron.]