CHAPTER XXII

CROMWELL AND HIS FAMILY

“Mr. Lely,” said Cromwell to the painter, “I desire you would use all

your skill to paint my picture truly like me, and not flatter me at all;

but remark all these roughnesses, pimples, warts, and everything,

otherwise I never will pay a farthing for it.” Doubtless the Protector

would have given a similar charge to his biographers, but their task is

more difficult; much contemporary evidence is merely worthless gossip,

much is vitiated by party spirit, and on many points the authorities are

silent.

John Maidston, the steward of Cromwell’s household, supplies us with

what he terms “a character of his person:”

“His body was well compact and strong, his stature under six foot (I

believe about two inches), his head so shaped as you might see it a

storehouse and a shop both of a vast treasury of natural parts. His

temper exceeding fiery, as I have known, but the flame of it kept

down for the most part, or soon allayed with those moral endowments

he had. He was naturally compassionate towards objects in distress,

even to an effeminate measure; though God had made him a heart,

wherein was left little room for fear but what was due to himself,

of which there was a large proportion, yet did he exceed in

tenderness towards sufferers. A larger soul I think hath seldom

dwelt in house of clay than his was. I believe if his story were

impartially transmitted, and the unprejudiced world well possessed

with it, she would add him to her nine worthies.”

The numerous portraits of Cromwell help to complete Maidston’s

description. Like most Puritan gentlemen he wore his hair long; the

thick light brown locks which began to grow grey before he became

Protector covered his collar and almost reached his shoulders. His eyes,

according to Cooper’s and Walker’s portraits, were blue or grey, and his

eyebrows strongly marked. His nose was long, thick, and slightly arched,

with full nostrils—the beak of a vulture, said royalist pamphleteers,

and even political friends jested about its size. “If you prove false,”

said the downright Haslerig to Cromwell, “I will never trust a fellow

with a big nose again.” The mouth was large, firm, and full-lipped.

Strength, not grace, marked both face and figure. But the rough-hewn

features have an air of kindness and sagacity mingled with the

resolution and energy which are their most marked characteristics. In

some portraits there is an air of melancholy.

The dignity of the Protector’s outward bearing was admitted even by

opponents:

[Illustration:

(_From a miniature by Cooper, in the Baptist College at Bristol._)

]

“When he appeared first in Parliament,” writes Clarendon, “he seemed

to have a person in no degree gracious, no ornament of discourse,

none of those talents which use to reconcile the affections of the

standers by; yet as he grew into place and authority his parts

seemed to be renewed, as if he had concealed faculties till he had

occasion to use them; and when he was to act the part of a great

man, he did it without any indecency through the want of custom.”

To another Royalist, Sir Philip Warwick, he appeared “of a great and

majestic deportment and comely presence,” and he made a similar

impression on foreign observers.

When the Protector gave audience to ambassadors or received official

deputations an elaborate ceremonial of a quasi-regal character was

strictly observed. Sir Oliver Fleming, who had been one of the

continental agents of Charles I., and was skilled in all the niceties of

diplomatic etiquette, acted as Cromwell’s master of the ceremonies. But

the Protector transacted much important business in less formal

interviews with the representatives of foreign states. He was easily

accessible to his subjects in general, and petitioners found no great

difficulty in putting their grievances before him. Opponents of his

policy were allowed opportunity to set forth their objections, and he

argued with them freely in reply. Even religious enthusiasts contrived

to deliver their messages from the Lord or, like Fox, to explain what

their religious views really were. About three times a month the

Protector took part in the proceedings of the Council of State, but most

of his political or administrative work was transacted with small

committees or with Secretary Thurloe alone. With these trusted

councillors he freely unbent.

“He would sometimes be very cheerful with us,” says Whitelocke, “and

laying aside his greatness he would be exceeding familiar with us,

and by way of diversion would make verses with us, and everyone must

try his fancy. He commonly called for tobacco, pipes, and a candle,

and would now and then take tobacco himself; then he would fall

again to his serious and great business.”

Whitelocke also gives some account of the Protector’s recreations.

Cromwell retained throughout his life the tastes of a country gentleman.

At Hampton Court he often amused himself with bowls, but his favourite

sports were hunting and hawking. As he rode from Worcester to London

after his victory in 1651, he diverted himself, on the way, with

hawking, and he sometimes practised the same sport on Hounslow Heath

after he was Protector. When he entertained the Swedish Ambassador at

Hampton Court in 1654, after dinner was over the Protector, the

ambassador, and the rest of the company “coursed and killed a fat buck”

in the park. Cromwell was a bold jumper, and it was noticed that the

ambassador “would not adventure to leap ditches after the Protector, but

was more wary.”

Good horses of every kind were always Cromwell’s delight. English

diplomatic agents in the Levant were employed to procure Arabs and Barbs

for his riding or for breeding purposes. “Six gallant Flanders mares,

reddish grey,” had drawn the General’s coach when he set out for the

reconquest of Ireland, and six white horses drew the Protector’s coach

when it conveyed the Spanish Ambassador to his place of embarkation. Of

these white horses it was said that they were a finer team than any king

of England had ever possessed. Another team of six horses—presented by

the Count of Oldenburg in 1654—ran away in Hyde Park when the Protector

himself was driving them. Cromwell, who was flung off the box upon the

pole, got entangled in the harness, and was dragged for some distance by

one foot, but he escaped in the end with nothing more than a few

bruises. Andrew Marvell and George Wither both published poems

celebrating the Protector’s deliverance, and the incident furnished

several royalist wits with a theme for satires and epigrams.

Another recreation which found great favour with Cromwell was music.

When he gave a banquet to foreign ambassadors or members of the House of

Commons, “rare music, both of instruments and voices,” was always an

important part of the entertainment. The same thing took place in hours

of relaxation or domestic festivities, for the Protector, according to a

contemporary biographer, was “a great lover of music, and entertained

the most skilful in that science in his pay and family.” In the great

hall at Hampton Court he had two organs, and his organist, John

Hingston, was a pupil of Orlando Gibbons. James Quin, a student of

Christ Church, Oxford, who had been deprived of his place by the Puritan

visitors of that university, obtained his restoration to it through the

Protector’s love of music. Quin was not a very skilful singer, but he

had a bass voice “very strong and exceeding trolling.” Some of his

friends brought him into the company of the Protector, “who loved a good

voice, and instrumental music well.” Cromwell “heard him sing with very

great delight, liquored him with sack, and in conclusion said, ‘Mr.

Quin, you have done well; what shall I do for you?’ To which Quin made

answer, with great compliments, that his Highness would be pleased to

restore him to his student’s place, which he did accordingly.”

A few other notices of the Protector’s personal habits may be gleaned

from contemporary sources. In his diet his tastes were very simple;

according to a contemporary pamphleteer, it was “spare and not curious”;

no “French quelquechoses” were to be found on his table, but plain,

substantial dishes. His ordinary drink, according to the same authority,

consisted of “a very small ale” known by the name of “Morning Dew.” He

also drank freely a light wine which his physicians had recommended to

him as good for his health.

In dress Cromwell’s tastes were marked by the same simplicity. When he

expelled the Long Parliament in 1653, he was wearing “plain black

clothes with grey worsted stockings.” At his installation in the

following December he had on “a plain black suit and cloak,” though a

few weeks later when he was entertained by the Lord Mayor he wore “a

musk colour suit and coat richly embroidered with gold.” When Protector,

his dress was naturally more sumptuous than it had been before, and Sir

Philip Warwick, who had so contemptuously criticised the cut of his

clothes in 1640, attributed the improvement in his appearance to a

better tailor as well as to converse with better company. But even then

a young Royalist fresh from the French Court described the Protector as

“plain in his apparell,” and “rather affecting a negligence than a

genteel garb.”

The Protector’s household was naturally organised on a more magnificent

scale than that which had sufficed him as General. The sum allowed for

its maintenance was sixty thousand pounds during the first Protectorate,

and a hundred thousand pounds during the second. But many other expenses

were defrayed from this fund, and Cromwell spent a large amount in

charity; according to one biographer as much as forty thousand pounds a

year. Speaking of the Protector’s second installation, and the increased

state which was its consequence, Sir Philip Warwick says: “Now he models

his household so that it might have some resemblance to a Court, and his

liveries, lackies, and yeomen of the guard are known whom they belong to

by their habit.” The forty or fifty gentlemen employed in the internal

service of Whitehall and Hampton Court, or in attendance upon the

Protector’s person, wore coats of grey cloth with black velvet collars,

and black velvet or silver lace trimming. And besides these “yeomen of

the guard” he had the life-guard of horse which has been mentioned

before. All this show and state offended many rigid Puritans, to whom

even the semblance of a Court was hateful. Others held that it was

“necessary for the honour of the English nation” that its head should be

surrounded by a certain amount of pomp, and this opinion was generally

accepted.

Both newspapers and private letters make frequent mention of the

Protector’s family. When Cromwell took up his residence at Whitehall in

April, 1654, his aged mother removed with him. But she took no pleasure

in her son’s grandeur, and it was said that she “very much mistrusted

the issue of affairs, and would be often afraid when she heard a musket

that her son was shot, being exceedingly dissatisfied unless she might

see him once a day at least.” She died in November, 1654, in her

ninety-fourth year, and a little before her death, gave her blessing to

her son, in words which show how fully she sympathised with the aims of

his life. “The Lord cause His face to shine upon you, and comfort you in

all your adversities, and enable you to do great things for the glory of

the most High God, and to be a relief unto His people. My dear son, I

leave my heart with thee: good night.”

Of the Protector’s wife, “her Highness the Protectress” as she was

officially styled, little mention is ever made. There is no doubt some

foundation for the account of her methodical and economical management

of the Protector’s household, which is contained in a contemporary

pamphlet, but the main object of the pamphleteer was to sneer at her

“sordid frugality” and unfitness for the station in which fortune had

placed her. Mrs. Hutchinson, while owning that Cromwell “had much

natural greatness and well became the place he had usurped,” describes

his wife and children “as setting up for principality,” which suited

them no better than fine clothes do an ape. The Protector’s daughters

according to her were “insolent fools,” with one exception. The

exception was Bridget, the eldest, who after the death of her first

husband, Ireton, became the wife of Lieutenant-General Fleetwood. She

alone “was humbled and not exalted with these things.”

Elizabeth Claypole, the Protector’s second and favourite daughter, was

in her father’s opinion in danger “of being cozened with worldly

vanities and worldly company,” while some of the sharp sayings

attributed to her account for Mrs. Hutchinson’s severe judgment. On the

other hand we have the evidence of James Harrington, the author of

_Oceana_, that “she acted the part of a princess very naturally,

obliging all persons with her civility, and frequently interceding for

the unhappy.” Harrington owed to her the restoration of the confiscated

manuscript of _Oceana_, and she often interceded with her father on

behalf of imprisoned Royalists. Perhaps it was owing to this that, when

the bodies of the Protector and Admiral Blake and many other great

Parliamentarians were exhumed from their graves in Westminster Abbey,

hers was left undisturbed, and lies there still.

Mary, the third daughter, who was born in 1637, married Thomas Belasyse,

Lord Fauconberg, in November, 1657, while Frances, the youngest, became

in the same month the wife of Robert Rich, grandson of the Earl of

Warwick.

Both weddings were celebrated by festivities which scandalised some

Puritans. The wedding feast of Frances was kept at Whitehall, “when,”

says a news-letter, “they had forty-eight violins and much mirth with

frolics, besides mixt dancing, (a thing heretofore accounted profane)

till five of the clock yesterday morning.” That of Mary Cromwell was at

Hampton Court, and songs for the occasion were composed by Andrew

Marvell, in which the bride was introduced as Cynthia, Fauconberg as

Endymion, and the Protector himself as Jove.

Both these two ladies lived to see the Revolution, Mary dying in 1712,

and Frances in 1721. Lady Fauconberg was childless, and Mrs. Claypole’s

children died unmarried. But after the death of Robert Rich, Frances

Cromwell married Sir John Russell of Chippenham, and from her or her

sister Bridget many existing families can trace their descent.

[Illustration:

RICHARD CROMWELL.

(_From a drawing by W. Bond._)

]

The Protector’s sons fare little better at Mrs. Hutchinson’s hands than

his daughters. According to her, Henry Cromwell and his brother-in-law

Claypole were “two debauched, ungodly cavaliers,” while Richard though

“gentle and virtuous” was yet a “peasant in his nature” and “became not

greatness.” Richard’s education had not fitted him for greatness.

Cromwell, until his second Protectorate at least, never contemplated

being succeeded in power by one of his sons. He objected on principle to

hereditary governments, and declared, in 1655, that if Parliament had

offered to make the Government hereditary in his family he would have

rejected it. Rulers should be chosen for their love to God, to truth,

and to justice, not for their birth. “For as it is in the

_Ecclesiastes_, who knoweth whether he may beget a fool or a wise man?”

Cromwell therefore made at first no attempt to advance either of his

sons. For six or seven years after his marriage, Richard lived on his

property in Hampshire, devoting himself to hunting and other amusements.

His father’s complaints show that he was idle, ran into debt, neglected

the management of his estate, and made “pleasure the business of his

life.” In November, 1655, however, the Protector appointed him one of

the Council of Trade, in order, no doubt, to give him some training in

public business. In 1657, after the Protector’s second installation, a

further change took place. Richard was suddenly brought to the front; he

succeeded his father as Chancellor of the University of Oxford, was made

a member of the Protector’s council, and was given the command of a

regiment of horse. When he travelled about the country, he was received

by the local authorities as if he were the destined heir of his father’s

authority. It was a poor training for a future ruler, and, after he

became Protector, Richard was heard to complain that “he had thought to

have lived as a country gentleman, and that his father had not employed

him in such a way as to prepare him for such employment; which he

thought he did designedly.” Yet though Richard showed no political

ability during his brief reign, he was far from being the country clown

which royalist satires represented him. In his public appearances he

displayed a dignity of bearing which surprised even his friends, and an

oratorical power which they had never suspected. After the Restoration,

the debts which he had contracted as Protector, and the jealous

suspicion with which the Government of Charles II. always regarded him,

obliged him to live many years in exile. “I have been alone thirty

years,” he wrote to his daughter in 1690, “banished and under silence,

and my strength and safety is to be retired, quiet, and silent.” After

his return to England, which took place about 1680, he thought it safer

to adopt a feigned name, and lived in complete retirement. He died in

1712, leaving three daughters, and his eldest son, who died in 1705,

left no issue.

Henry Cromwell, though a man of much greater natural capacity than his

brother, was also for a time kept back by his father. From 1650 to about

1653, he was colonel of a regiment of horse in Ireland, and was reputed

to be a good officer. In August, 1654, the Protector’s council nominated

him to command the forces in Ireland, but the Protector was reluctant to

allow his son to take the post, and kept him a year longer in England.

“The Lord knows,” wrote Cromwell to Fleetwood, “my desire was for him

and his brother to have lived private lives in the country; and Harry

knows this well, and how difficultly I was persuaded to give him his

commission.” As Commander-in-chief and a member of the Irish council

Henry proved his ability, and in November, 1657, he succeeded his

brother-in-law, Fleetwood, as Lord Deputy of Ireland.

His task, like his father’s task in England, was to establish civil

government in place of military rule, and to unite all Protestant sects

in support of the Protectorate. He had many difficulties to contend

with, both political and financial; the Anabaptists and a faction

amongst the officers gave continual trouble. The land settlement was but

half completed, prosperity was slow to return, and order hard to

re-establish. Yet he was more successful than could have been expected,

and with the majority of the Protestant colony in Ireland he gained

great popularity. Rigid Puritans held that his way of living and his

ostentation in dress savoured too much of the world, but in other

respects his conduct was blameless. His chief defect was an infirmity of

temper. He was very sensitive to criticism and very impatient of

opposition; insomuch that his father warned him against making it a

business to be too hard for his opponents.

It is sometimes said that if the Protector had made Henry his successor

instead of Richard, the Protectorate might have lasted. But the choice

of Cromwell was dictated by the circumstances in which he was placed.

Among his councillors and generals there was no man whom the rest would

willingly have accepted as their ruler, and of his sons Richard was far

more acceptable to the chief supporters of the Protectorate than his

abler and more masterful brother would have been. The military cabal

which overthrew Richard would have proved too strong for Henry, to whom,

moreover, some of its leaders were personally hostile.

A month after the fall of his brother, Henry Cromwell resigned the

government of Ireland, and rejecting all the overtures of the Royalists,

acquiesced in the re-establishment of the Republic. He declared that he

had formerly had an honourable opinion of the Republic, but was

satisfied also of the lawfulness of the “late government under a single

person.”

“And whereas my father (whom I hope you yet look upon as no

inconsiderable instrument of these nations’ freedom and happiness),

and since him my brother, were constituted chief in those

administrations, and the returning to another form hath been looked

upon as an indignity to these my nearest relations, I cannot but

acknowledge my own weakness to the sudden digesting thereof, and my

own unfitness to serve you.... And as I cannot promote anything

which infers the diminution of my late father’s honour and merit, so

I thank the Lord, for that He hath kept me safe in the great

temptation, wherewith I have been assaulted to withdraw my affection

from that cause wherein he lived and died.”

At the Restoration, Henry, thanks to his friends amongst the Royalists,

and to the moderation with which he had used his power, was not

molested, though he lost a portion of his estates by the change. He

lived in retirement on his property in Cambridgeshire, dying there in

1674. Henry’s great-grandson, Oliver Cromwell of Cheshunt, who died in

1821, was the last descendant of the Protector in the male line.

[Illustration]

[Illustration:

HENRY CROMWELL.

(_From a drawing by W. Bond._)

]

[Illustration]

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