I do not think, however, that man would have noted the merely

astronomical year--the year of the sun's position--at least till a

relatively late stage in culture, if he had not first noticed the

organic year--the regular recurrence of plant and animal seasons. So

many yams--that is to say, so many yam harvests--in other words, so

many years, is a common savage way of reckoning times and ages. But

they call it "yams," not summers or winters. And when I say yams, I

give that merely as a single instance, for elsewhere the "seedtime

and harvest" are reckoned indifferently in maize or millet, rice

or barley, according to the agriculture of the particular people.

Even hunting races know that at certain times of year certain foods

abound; and this is true of equatorial savages and equatorial plants

or animals, as well as of others.

Moons are more obvious measures of time than suns, in the tropics at

least--probably everywhere; for the waxing and waning of the moon

mean much to people who live largely out of doors; and the month is,

perhaps, the earliest fixed mode of reckoning time beyond a day or

two. Most savages count time mainly by so many moons. But they must

also have noticed early that after a certain number of moons (usually

about thirteen), certain fruits or seeds were ripe again; especially

must they have noticed it when this recurrence coincided with the

return of the rainy season, or of some other annual meteorological

phenomenon, like the bursting of the monsoon or the Nile inundation.

Thus, even in the tropics, and before the coming on of the Glacial

epoch, men or the ancestors of men (one can not draw precise lines

here) must probably have observed a certain rough relation between

the months and the vegetative cycles; after so many moons, about say

thirteen, the yam, or the mangoes, or the grains are ripe again.

These organic years, I take it, must have been noticed before the

astronomical ones. For it is now beginning to be more and more

believed that man is of preglacial origin; and even if something

worth calling a man were not, then at least man's pre-human

ancestors go back far into the Tertiary period. Only later would men

begin to note that some thirteen moons, and the recurrence of a food

stuff, concurred with a particular solar season.

Indeed, if one comes to think of it, how much even now do any of us,

save the most scientific, mean by the year, beyond the visible change

of summer and winter? What we are thinking of is the leafless trees,

the ice and snow, the green grass in spring, the flowers and warm

days in summer, not the abstract astronomical fact of the earth's

revolution round the sun, or the due succession of the signs of the

zodiac. It is that visible organic year that must have counted most

with man from the first; though no doubt its meaning and reality are

much more vividly present since the coming on of the Glacial epoch,

and the more so in proportion as we live nearer to the north or

south pole; while at the equator the year is to the last a much more

inconspicuous period--a largely artificial mode of reckoning.

Still, from the very first, there was one element of diversity in

the year which must have struck all men, in the temperate and frigid

zones at least, perhaps even in a certain way in the tropics. I mean,

the varying length of the day, always perceptible in the frigid and

temperate zones; for as soon as men in these regions began to think

and to observe at all, they must have noticed that the days increased

in their summer and lessened in their winter; and they must have

learned to correlate this waxing and waning of the day with the

appearance or abundance of certain fruits, seeds, birds, fishes,

game, roots and other food stuffs. It is at least certain that all

the world over men do now celebrate the solstices and the equinoxes

as special feasts; and the close similarity in most such celebrations

leads one to suspect that the custom has been handed down from the

very remote time when the human family was still a single continuous

body.

In the tropics, it is true, the days vary so little that this

difference in itself is not likely to have struck primæval man. But

there, another point would come in--the annual movement of the sun

overhead from south to north and _vice versa_; and though this would

be less directly important to human life than in temperate regions,

it would still be indirectly important. It would bring the rain with

it. In Europe, of course, and in temperate America, we can see at

once that the return of the sun northward must always have meant

spring, the increase of food stuffs, the promise of corn or maize,

the suggestion of harvest; and we can therefore understand why the

midwinter feast, when the sun after his long journey south begins

to move visibly north again, should have been both in pagan and

Christian times the great festival of rejoicing for the men of the

north temperate region. Day by day they saw the sun recede and the

cold deepen; at last, one evening, he sets a little nearer, and they

know that he has not deserted them forever. Similarly, the promise

made at Yule begins to be realized at that other great feast of

the spring equinox, which we still call in England by its ancient

heathen title of Easter; the day by that time has got the better of

the night, and "the sun dances on Easter Sunday" in commemoration

of his completed victory over the combined powers of winter and

darkness. In the tropics, on the other hand, the connection is less

clear; but even here the shifting of the sun's apparent place is

closely correlated with the shifting of the rain zone; and therefore

it would not be long (after man was man) before tropical savages

began to perceive a constant relation between the movements of the

sun to north or south, and the occurrence of the fertilizing rainy

season. We must remember that savages, with their improvident habits,

are much more dependent upon rain than we are, and that magical

ceremonies for breaking up a drought are among their commonest and

most universally diffused superstitions.

On the whole, then, before the coming on of the Glacial epoch, we may

be pretty sure that plants and animals on the one hand had learned

organically and automatically to recognize the existence of the year

and to adapt themselves to it; and that men or the progenitors of

men on the other hand had also learned to correlate the recurrent

seasons of food supply with the movements of the sun, though nothing

equivalent to winter and summer as we know them to-day existed as

yet on any part of our planet. I say advisedly "on any part of our

planet," because even near the pole itself remains of a subtropical

vegetation in Tertiary times have been amply indicated. Nevertheless,

in all parts of the world then, as in the tropics now, we may gather

that plants and animals ran through annual cycles--that the year, as

I have put it, was organically recognized. Trees had their time to

sprout, to bud, to flower, to fruit, to seed, to shed their leaves

(in the evergreen way); birds had their time to nest and hatch out

their young; insects had their fixed periods for laying, for larval

life, for assuming the chrysalis form, for becoming winged beetles or

bees or butterflies. In one word, the year is a terrestrial reality,

not merely an astronomical fact, in the tropics now; it was a

terrestrial reality over the whole planet in the Tertiary period. But

it was hardly more marked, apparently, into distinct seasons than it

is marked to-day in the equatorial region. Rainfall and drought must

have had more to do in determining the annual cycles than winter and

summer.

From all this it must result that the conception of the year as an

epoch at all (save for advanced astronomy) is almost or entirely

due to that tilt of the earth's axis which causes the seasons--dry

or wet, cold or hot. Without the seasons, in one form or other, we

might have been ages longer in discovering the fact that the earth

moved round the sun, and that some three hundred and sixty-five days

(I omit those important fractions) were needed for its revolution.

Certainly, without the seasons, at least to the extent that they

occur in the tropics, plant and animal life could hardly have assumed

its fixed annual cycles, nor could early men have caught at the idea

of the year at all as a period of time, a unit of measurement.

Before the Glacial epoch, in particular, the discovery of the year,

organically or consciously, must have been much more difficult than

it is now in high latitudes. It must have been almost as difficult

in what are now the temperate zones as it is to-day in the tropics.

Far north or south, of course, the length of the day would tell;

and within the Arctic and Antarctic Circles the long night would

form an unmistakable feature. But if the plane of the equator had

always found itself vertical to the sun, there could have been no

recognition of the year at all, either organic or conscious. In

other words, from the point of view of organic life, the year does

not mean the revolution of the earth round the sun: it means the

apparent northward and southward movement of the sun on either side

of the equator; it means the seasons, whether recognized as winter

and summer, or as dry and wet periods. That is really the year as man

knows it, as plants and animals have always known it.

With the coming on of the great cold spell, however, the importance

of the seasons in the temperate and frigid zones, perhaps also

even in the tropics, became much more marked. I will not go here

into the suggested reasons for that vast revolution, perhaps the

greatest our planet has ever suffered. Most physicists now accept

more or less the theory put forward with great ingenuity by Mr.

Croll, which sets it down to a period of extreme eccentricity in the

earth's orbit; but some weight must also be allowed, as Mr. Alfred

Russel Wallace has clearly shown, to the local arrangement of land

and water on the globe at the time of its origin, as well as to the

occurrence of mountain ranges just then at the poles, and to other

purely terrestrial causes. Never before, in all probability, had the

poles been occupied by great glacier-clad mountains. It seems most

likely, indeed, that we are now practically at the end of the Glacial

epoch, and that if only we could once get rid of the polar ice caps,

which keep a stock of chilliness always laid on (I speak the quite

comprehensible language of everyday life), we might recur forthwith

to the warm and almost imperceptible winters of the preglacial

period. But, as things stand, the stock of ice at the poles never

gets melted away in the existing northern or southern summer; fresh

ice accumulates on top of the old mass with each winter; prevailing

winds, blowing over this ice, chill regions lying much farther

toward the tropics; icebergs detach themselves and float off, thus

lowering the temperature of the sea in the middle zones; arctic or

antarctic currents spread round the coasts and absorb the solar

heat in enormous quantities. We have only to remember the trenchant

difference in England between a parching cold east wind and a mild

sou'wester to realize what an immense part these polar ice caps and

frozen highlands play in the production of our existing winter. Alps,

Pyrenees, Himalayas, Rocky Mountains, further assist in the same

direction.

On the other hand, currents in the sea may cut either way; the Gulf

Stream makes England warm, while the arctic current makes Labrador,

much farther south, practically uninhabitable.

Ever since the Glacial epoch, therefore, it has been quite easy

for man in the temperate and frigid zones to recognize the year as

a natural reality. The annual cycles of heat and cold are far too

marked to be overlooked by anybody. Organically, they made themselves

felt at once by extraordinary changes induced in the fauna and flora.

Before the steady advance of the annual cold wave, vegetation had

perforce to alter its ways. The large-leaved evergreens went out

altogether in frigid and high temperate regions; deciduous trees,

or needle-leaved types like the pines and firs, took the place of

the luxuriant Miocene foliage in Europe and North America. Every

autumn the larger number of trees and shrubs learned to shed their

leaves all together; every spring they came out anew in fresh green

and in masses of blossom. Similarly with animals. Birds learned to

migrate, or to accommodate themselves to the winter; insects learned

to hibernate in the egg or the cocoon; pigs fattened themselves on

mast against the frozen time; moles slept over winter; squirrels

hoarded nuts for a store to bridge over heavy frosts; frogs retired

to the warmer mud in the depths of ponds; adders coiled themselves in

holes and dozed away the cold season. Innumerable adaptations sprang

up at once, those species or individuals which failed to meet the

new conditions perishing in the struggle. In proportion as we recede

from the tropics, the more marked do the annual cycles of life thus

induced become, many species practically ceasing to exist as such for

several months of the year, and being only potentially represented by

eggs, germs, or seeds, and sometimes by dormant pregnant females.

At the same time, while the cause of the seasons as a whole is the

obliquity of the earth's axis, with the resulting inclination of

either pole toward the sun alternately, we must not forget that the

seasons and the climate in each particular country depend in part

upon many minor contributory causes. It is not merely nearness to

or distance from the equator that counts; we have to consider also

relative distribution of land and water, elevation, prevalent winds,

exposure, condensation, and many other elements of a complex problem.

In Ecuador, for example, whose very name means the equator, the plain

is always in scorching summer, the mountains are always in perpetual

spring. The monsoons, again, produce in other countries some curious

results: they depend themselves on the change of relative temperature

in sea and land at different seasons; and they break upon the

Himalayas with this odd and unexpected effect, that the snow line on

the southern side of that vast range goes very far down, owing to

the immense rainfall (or rather snowfall) and the consequent spread

of snow fields and glaciers; while on the northern side it descends

but a very little way, owing to the extreme desert drought and the

great summer heat of the central Asiatic table-land. We have thus the

apparent paradox that millions of Tibetans occupy towns and cultivate

farms to the north at a height from three to four thousand feet above

the snow line on the southern slope of the same mountains.

Looking at the matter broadly, then, and taking for granted the

now generally accepted modern view that the great oceans and great

continents have been relatively fixed (though liable to minor

fluctuations and variations of outline) throughout all geological

time, and that the earth's crust has not shifted from pole to

equator or vice versa, we arrive at last at the following probable

conclusions: There have always been seasons more or less marked, and

these have been more or less organically answered by corresponding

changes or cycles of change in plants and animals. Rain and drought

have in many cases more to do with such changes than variations of

temperature. The seasons, again, are less marked in the tropics

than in temperate and circumpolar climates. Nevertheless, even near

the equator, they exert and have always exerted certain organic

influences-have resulted in annual cycles in the life of species.

Even before the coming on of the Glacial epoch, the seasons were

probably somewhat more marked in the temperate and polar regions than

in the tropics, the longer day in summer and the greater directness

of impact of the rays making the summer months always warmer. But

for various reasons, among which we may presumably rank the absence

in early ages of high land at the poles and of an accumulated polar

ice cap, together with the existence of warm sea currents from the

tropics to the poles, the winters of preglacial ages seem to have

been relatively mild, perhaps (if we may judge by the types of plant

life) milder than those of South Carolina and Georgia in our own

period. No cold winds of importance seem then to have blown with

blighting effect from glaciated or snow-clad districts. (Mars in our

own time appears to enjoy winters somewhat of this character, though

a little colder, with a temporary snow cap.) The seasons as we know

them in temperate and arctic climates, however, seem to be largely

the result of the glacial epoch, and its persistent legacy the arctic

and antarctic ice caps. If we could once manage to get rid of those,

it is possible that our planet might again enjoy in all its zones the

mild and genial preglacial winters.

These are rough notes, I know; mere adumbrations of a probable

truth: but adequately to develop the subject would require a very

big volume. My object here is simply to suggest that in many

inquiries, both into human and animal or vegetable life, we must

never take the existence of seasons as we know them for granted,

except in very recent times. The year, for organic beings, means

essentially the seasons; and the seasons may mean and have meant

many separate things, as time and place vary--heat and cold, food

and scarcity, foliage and leaflessness, drought and wet; longer or

shorter days, the midnight sun and the winter darkness; hibernation

and wakefulness; the egg, the cocoon, the seed, the plant, the

flower, the fruit; dormancy or vitality. According as human life

started at the poles or the equator, for instance, it would view in

the beginning many things differently. All I wish to point out now

is merely this, that we must bear such possibilities ever in mind;

and that we must never take it for granted in any problem, human or

biological, that the seasons were always just what we know them,

or that the year to any organic being meant anything more than the

seasonal cycle then and there prevalent.--_Longman's Magazine._

* * * * *

In the excavations of the ancient cemetery of Antinoe, near Lyons,

France, a "party dress" of the time of the Emperor Adrian, very

fine silks, jewels, etc., have been discovered. One sarcophagus

held the remains of a woman musician with a rose chemise, a

cythara, pearls, castanets, etc.; in another was a child's costume

with its little laced shoes, its vest ornamented with flowers

_appliqués_, and its robe of gauffered crape. It appears that the

women of sixteen hundred years ago dyed their hair with henna, and

twisted ribbons round their heads. Nothing changes.

M. A. Thieullen, publishing the results of fifteen years'

studies among the flint implements of the French beds, draws the

conclusions that the elaborate palæolithic flint axe and hammer

and the typical neolithic implements were luxuries used by the

more distinguished members or for the more important purposes of

the flint-implement-using community, while the ruder implements

which are found in enormous numbers were the objects of general

and daily use throughout all the flint-using ages, whether

palæolithic or neolithic.

BRAIN WEIGHTS AND INTELLECTUAL CAPACITY.

BY JOSEPH SIMMS, M. D.

Having been for thirty years a lecturer on man and his character

as evinced by his form, features, head, and gestures, and having

made observations on the subject in all parts of North America, in

continental Europe and Great Britain, and parts of Asia, Africa, and

Australia, I should not be deemed presumptuous when I present a few

facts regarding the relations of mind and the size and forms of heads

and weights of brains. It has been observed by many persons versed

in the branches relating to the subject that men with the largest

brains are not those of most talent, power, or intellect; but many

such have been only ordinary or inferior men, or even idiots; while

some men of most powerful and comprehensive minds have had unusually

small brains. Esquirol's assertion that no size or form of head or

brain is incident to idiocy or to superior talent is borne out by my

observations.

After long and careful research in the great libraries and museums

of the world, I have collected a table of brain weights of eminent

men, along with which are entered, in my original document, the

occupation of the subject, age at the time of determination, and the

source whence the item is derived. These can not be given within the

limits of this article, and only the briefest and most generalized

summary of the main features can be indicated. The largest weight of

brain in the whole list is that of the Russian novelist Turgenieff,

whose brain weighed, at the time of his death, at sixty-five years

of age, 71 ounces.[32] It is a considerable step from him to the

next in order, the English mechanician and author, Knight, whose

brain weight at the age of fifty-eight was 64 ounces. Then follow the

Scottish physician Abercrombie, 63 ounces; General B. F. Butler, 62

ounces; and the Scottish general Abercromby, 62 ounces. Another group

of nine, including weights from 58.6 ounces to 54 ounces, includes

Jeffrey, Scottish judge and author, Thackeray, Cuvier, George Combe,

United States Senator Atherton, Spurzheim, and the Scottish physician

Simpson. The next group, 53.6 to 50, is larger, including twenty-one

names, among which are Daniel Webster, Agassiz, Napoleon I, the

Scottish divine Chalmers, the mathematicians De Morgan and Gauss, the

anthropologist Broca, and the generals Skoboleff and Lamarque. The

last group, 49.9 to 40 ounces, contains twenty-five names, including

those of the philosopher Huber, Grote, Babbage, the anthropologist

Bertillon, Whewell,[33] Liebig, Gall, Gambetta, and Bishop, the mind

reader. Only one remove from the foot of the list is Gambetta, a man

of indisputably high genius and ability, with a brain weighing only

40.9 ounces.[34]

The table goes to illustrate a general rule which I discovered and

published several years ago, that larger brains appertain to natives

of colder climates. Dr. John Abercrombie, for instance, was born

at Aberdeen, Scotland, on the German Sea, and farther north than

any part of the United States. Sir Ralph Abercromby was born in

the county of Clackmannan, Scotland, where it is far colder than

any part of southern Europe. Lord Francis Jeffrey first saw light

in Edinburgh. General Butler was born in Deerfield, New Hampshire.

Ivan Turgenieff, with the heaviest brain of all, was a native of

cold, inhospitable Russia. Dr. Franz Joseph Gall (brain weight 42.2

ounces)[35] was born in Würtemberg, in southern Germany, passed

most of his life in Vienna and Paris, and, being a student, spent

much of his time indoors. Gambetta was born at Cahors, France, of

Italian parents. This climatological view of the size of brains

is confirmed by a paper, "Crania," of the Philadelphia Academy of

Sciences, which gives as the average size, in cubic inches, of the

cranial cavities of various nationalities, taking the results of many

measurements: Lapps, 102; Swedes, 100; Anglo-Saxons, 96; Finns, 95;

Anglo-Americans, 94; Germans, 92; Celts, 88; Malays, 86; Chinese, 85;

Tombs of Gizeh, 84; embalmed Semitic, 82; Egyptians, 80; Fellah, 79;

Bengalese, 78.

A table of average brain weights of various nationalities,

compiled from Topinard's and Manouvrier's works and other standard

anthropological publications, illustrates the same tendency toward

greater brain weights in colder countries. One of its results is to

show that the colder air of the United States produces larger brains

in the negroes than the warm air of Africa. The table further shows,

in the comparisons of Hindus and African negroes, that the brains are

smallest in the warmest countries, irrespective of race or nation;

and that the largest average attained is in Scotland, where it is

never extremely warm.

The measurement of the cranial cavity is a very uncertain gauge of

the size of the brain, for the cerebro-spinal fluid may occupy a

large share of the space. Weighing the brain is without doubt the

only scientifically certain method of determining its size and mass.

Appletons' Popular Science Monthly, December 1898 Volume LIV, No. 2, December 1898 · 第 10 / 17 段