2, 3, etc. These walls have much similarity to the _agger_ of Servius
Tullius, but in the latter case the great wall forms the inner boundary
of the trench and the lesser wall, retaining the excavated earth, was
about fifty feet behind in the city. See Middleton’s Ancient Rome, etc.
[98] Paspates, _op. cit._, p. 17.
[99] _Ibid._, Grosvenor, _op. cit._, p. 584.
[100] Paspates, _op. cit._, p. 10. See also Texier and Pullan,
Architect. Byzant., Lond., 1864, pp. 24, 56, for diagrams illustrating
walls of the period. Some, unlike the wall of CP., had continuous
galleries in the interior. The towers were also used for quartering
soldiers when troops were massed in the vicinity of the city (Cod.
Theod., VII, viii, 13). There were about one hundred and two of the
great, and ninety of the small ones. Owners of land through which the
new wall passed had also reversionary rights to make use of the towers
(_Ibid._, XV, i, 51).
[101] The Roman plan of filling an outer shell with rubble and concrete
was adopted (Grosvenor, _loc. cit._). At present the walls appear as
a heterogeneous mass of stone and brick, showing that they have been
repaired hurriedly numbers of times. But little is left of the fifth
century structure. Some parts, better preserved, exhibit alternate
courses of stone and brick, a favourite style of building with the
Byzantines, but not dating further back than the seventh century
(Texier and Pullan, _op. cit._, p. 165).
[102] Paspates (_op. cit._, p. 14), to whom much more than to
historical indications we are indebted for our knowledge of these walls.
[103] Those who have a topographical acquaintance with Stamboul are
aware that at about three-quarters of a mile from the Golden Horn
the wall turns abruptly to the west and makes a circuit as if to
include a supplementary area of ground. It is well understood that
this part, which is single for the most part and without a moat, but
by compensation on a still more colossal scale, is the work of later
emperors—Heraclius, Leo Armenius, Manuel Comnenus, and Isaac Angelus
(600 to 1200). All traces of the wall of Theodosius, which ran inside,
have disappeared, according to Paspates, but Mordtmann thinks he can
recognize certain ruined portions (_op. cit._, p. 11 and Map).
[104] Or from Charisius, one of the masters of the works (Codin., p.
110).
[105] It appears that Anthemius in 413 (Cod. Theod., XV, i, 51) only
raised the great wall, and that in 447, when fifty-seven towers
collapsed (Marcellin. Com., A.D. 447; Chron. Pasch., 447, 450 A.D.),
Cyrus repaired the damage and added the lesser wall (Theophanes, an.
5937; Cedrenus, i, p. 598, and the words ἐδείματο τείχεϊ τεῖχος of the
inscription). Cedrenus states virtually that he demolished the wall and
replaced it by three others, alluding perhaps to the moat, but Cedrenus
is often wrong. All seven (or nine) chronographists relate more or less
exactly that Cyrus gained such popularity by his works that the public
acclamations offended the Emperor, who forced the tonsure on him and
sent him to Smyrna as bishop in the hope that the turbulent populace,
who had already killed four of their bishops, would speedily add him to
the number. By his ready wit, however, he diverted their evil designs
and won their respect. Zonaras, xiii, 22, and Nicephorus Cal., xiv, 1,
have an incorrect idea of the wall-building. According to the latter,
Anthemius was the man of speed. Malala mentions Cyrus, but not the wall.
[106] The Greek verses are given in the Anthology (Planudes, iv, 28).
The Latin I may reproduce here:
Theudosii jussis gemino nec mense peracto
Constantinus ovans haec moenia firma locavit.
Tam cito tam stabilem Pallas vix conderet arcem.
This epigram and its companion in Greek are still legible on the stone
of the Rhegium Gate (now of Melandesia). See Paspates, _op. cit._, pp.
47, 50. The Porta Xylocerci has practically disappeared.
[107] Mordtmann’s exposition of these gates is the most convincing
(_op. cit._, p. 16, etc.). I have omitted the Gate of the Seven Towers
as it has always been claimed as a Turkish innovation, a view, however,
which he rejects. In any case it was but a postern—there may have been
others such in the extinct section of the wall.
[108] That is an S, which at this period was formed roughly like our C.
[109] Cedrenus, ii, p. 173; or a personification of the city; Codin.,
p. 47.
[110] Zonaras, xv, 4.
[111] A fragment still exists on the northern tower. See Grosvenor,
_op. cit._, p. 591.
[112] Chrysoloras, _loc. cit._, Gyllius, De Top. CP., iv, 9.
[113] _Ibid._ Gyllius would seem to have been inside when making
these observations, but that would be within the fortress of Yedi
Koulé, rigorously guarded at that time. Doubtless the city side was
adorned, but no description of the gate as a whole is left to us. The
ornaments are only mentioned incidentally when recording damage done by
earthquakes (in their frequency often the best friends of the modern
archaeologist) and their arrangement can only be guessed at. Most
likely they were of gilded bronze, a common kind of statue among the
Byzantines. See Codinus, _passim_. The idea that the Golden Gate opened
into a fortress should be abandoned. The conception of the Seven Towers
seems to have originated with the Palaeologi in 1390, but Bajazet
ordered the demolition of the unfinished works (Ducas, 13), and it was
left to the Turkish conqueror to carry out the idea in 1458. See p. 26.
I may remark here that Mordtmann’s map has not been brought up to date
as regards his own text.
[114] Cedrenus, i, p. 675.
[115] _Ibid._, i, p. 567; Codin., pp. 26, 47; said to have been brought
from the temple of Mars at Athens.
[116] The first Golden Gate was erected, or rather transformed, by
Theodosius I, as the following epigram, inscribed on the gate, shows
(Corp. Inscript. Lat., Berlin, 1873, No. 735):
Haec loca Theudosius decorat post fata tyranni,
Aurea secla gerit, qui portam construit auro.
It was, of course, in the wall of Constantine (Codin., p. 122) and
seems to have remained to a late date—Map of Buondelmonte, Ducange, CP.
Christ., etc. For a probable representation see Banduri, Imp. Orient.,
ii, pl. xi. But Van Millingen (_op. cit._), having found traces of the
inscription on the remaining structure, considers there never was any
other. In that case it was at first a triumphal arch outside the walls.
[117] The remarkable structure known as the Marble Tower, rising from
the waters of the Marmora to the height of a hundred feet, near the
junction of the sea- and land-wall is of later date, but its founder is
unknown and it has no clear history in Byzantine times. See Mordtmann,
_op. cit._, p. 13.
[118] Glycas, iv; Codin., p. 128. A legend, perhaps, owing to _débris_
of walls ruined by earthquakes collecting there in the course of
centuries.
[119] See Mordtmann, _op. cit._, p. 60; Codin., p. 109.
[120] Codin., p. 101. Great hulks of timber were built to float
obelisks and marble columns over the Mediterranean; Ammianus, xvii, 4.
[121] _Ibid._, p. 102.
[122] Codin., pp. 49, 104.
[123] Notitia, Reg. 12.
[124] Codin., _loc. cit._
[125] Gyllius, De Top. CP., iv, 8.
[126] Mordtmann, _op. cit._, p. 59.
[127] Zosimus, iii, 11; Codin., p. 87.
[128] Notitia, Reg. 3. We hear of a trumpet-tower (βύκινον, Codin.,
p. 86; βύκανον, Nicetas Chon., p. 733) by this harbour fitted with
a “siren” formed of brass pipes, whose mouths protruding outside
resounded when they caught the wind blowing off the sea. Ducange,
i, p. 13, thinks a later fable has risen out of the vocal towers of
Byzantium. “Sic nugas nugantur Graeculi nugigeruli,” says Banduri (ii,
p. 487). There was certainly a watch-tower here, but of origin and date
unknown. Mordtmann, _op. cit._, p. 55.
[129] Codin., _loc. cit._
[130] Marcel. Com., an. 409.
[131] Suidas, _sb._, Anast. In a later age this port was enlarged and
defended by an iron grill. Anton. Novog. in Mordtmann, _op. cit._, p.
55.
[132] About fifty feet above it; for a photograph of the existing ruins
see Grosvenor, _op. cit._, p. 388. Also Van Millingen’s work and others.
[133] William of Tyre, xx, 25.
[134] Anna Comn., iii, 1.
[135] Zonaras, xv, 25, etc.; Const. Porph., i, 19, etc.
[136] Codin., p. 100, says the palace was founded by Theodosius II. The
group was probably ravished from some classic site at an early period
when the mania for decorating CP. was still rife. The existence of the
harbour at this date may be darkly inferred from Socrates, ii, 16;
Sozomen, iii, 9; Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 24; Theophanes, an. 6003.
Τὰς πύλας τοῦ βασιλείου πανταχόθεν ἀπέκλεισεν, καἱ πλοῖα εἰς τὸ φυγεῖν,
τῷ παλατίῳ παρέστησεν; Theodore Lect., ii, 26. All these passages prove
the existence of a harbour approachable only from the palace, which
probably was then, or afterwards became, the Boukoleon. Van Millingen
(_op. cit._) gives good reasons for placing the Boukoleon on this site,
the only likely one (see Appendix). The name Boukoleon is not found in
literature before 800; Theoph., Cont., i, 11. From _ibid._, vi, 15,
it may be inferred that the main group of statuary had long been in
position.
[137] For his story see Zosimus, ii, 27; Ammianus, xvi, 10. He was a
Christian who escaped from prison to the court of Constantine; see
Appendix.
[138] Nicephorus Cal., xiv, 2, etc.
[139] _Ibid._, Niceph. Greg., iv, 2, etc.; Codin., De Offic. CP., 12.
[140] Ἡ Ὁδηγός. The place was called Ὁδηγήτρια; Codin., p. 80.
[141] _Ibid._
[142] Or a monastery for blind monks, perhaps; Niceph. Greg., xi, 9,
etc.
[143] Probably the Master of the Infantry under Theodosius I; Zosimus,
iv, 45, etc.
[144] It is said that those going from Byzantium to Chalcedon, at the
mouth of the Bosphorus on the Asiatic side, were obliged to start
from here and make a peculiar circuit to avoid adverse currents. See
Gyllius, _op. cit._, iii, 1.
[145] That is, the fig-region, Codin. (Hesych.), p. 6. Now Galata and
Pera.
[146] The Constantinopolitans generally confounded this name with the
legendary Phosphoros (see p. 5), and the geographical Bosporos. The
Notitia (Reg. 5) proves its real form and significance; also Evagrius,
ii, 13.
[147] Codin., pp. 52, 60, 188. This ox was believed to bellow once a
year to warn the city of the advent of some calamity (_ibid._, p. 60).
[148] _Ibid._, p. 113. The wall here formed another Sigma to surround
the inner sweep of the port. These two harbours we may suppose to be
those of Byzantium as known to Dion Cassius (see p. 7).
[149] A patrician, who came from Rome with Constantine and took a share
in adorning the city (Glycas, iv, p. 463), or another, who lived under
Theodosius I (Codin., p. 77).
[150] Codin., p. 114; Cedrenus, ii, p. 80; Leo Diac., p. 78. This tower
was standing up to 1817; see Κωνσταντινιαδε, Venice, 1824, p. 14, by
Constantius, Archbishop of CP. This appears to be the first attempt by
a modern Greek to investigate the antiquities of CP. He had to disguise
himself as a dervish to explore Stamboul, for which he was banished to
the Prince’s Islands, and his book was publicly burnt.
[151] Leo Diac. (_loc. cit._) explains how the chain was supported at
intervals on piles. It seems to have been first used in 717 by Leo
Isaurus; Theophanes, i, p. 609; Manuel Comn. even drew a chain across
the Bosphorus from CP. to the tower called Arcula (Maiden’s T., etc.),
which he constructed for the purpose (Nicetas Chon., vii, 3).
[152] Theophanes, an. 6024; Codin., p. 93. The “junction,” that of the
mules to the vehicle containing the relics of St. Stephen newly arrived
from Alexandria!
[153] Xenophon notices the plenty of timber on these coasts (Anab., vi,
2).
[154] Strabo, vii, 6; Gyllius, _op. cit._, iii, 9.
[155] Zosimus, ii, 35. This circumstance, and the fact that almost
all the towers along here bear the name of Theophilus (Paspates,
_op. cit._, p. 4), suggest that this side was not walled till the
ninth century. Chron. Paschal. (an. 439) doubtless refers only to the
completion of the wall on the Propontis. Grosvenor (p. 570) adopts this
view, but as usual without giving reasons or references. He is wrong in
saying that the chain was first broken in 1203 by the Crusaders; it was
broken in 823 (Cedrenus, p. 80; Zonaras, xv, 23). I do not credit the
statement of Sidonius Ap. (Laus Anthemii) that houses were raised in
the Propontis on foundations formed of hydraulic cement from Puteoli.
In any case, such could have been obtained much nearer, viz., across
the water at Cyzicus (Pliny, Hist. Nat., xxxv, 47). The Bp. of Clermont
never visited CP.
[156] Notitia, Reg. 14. There was a populous suburb at Blachernae,
which had walls of its own before Theodosius included it within the
city proper.
[157] Codin., pp. 30, 120; Suidas, _sb._ Mamante (St. Mamas, however,
appears to have been outside the walls; Theophanes, an. 6304, etc.);
Glycas, iv. Versions of the same story, probably. Gyllius’ memory fails
him on this occasion.
[158] Ἀργυρολίμνη; see Paspates, _op. cit._, p. 68.
[159] Chrysoloras, _loc. cit._ The Notitia enumerates fifty-two, which
we may understand to be pairs, before the enlargement by Theodosius.
[160] Codin., p. 22. In this account the patricians, who accompanied
Constantine, are represented as undertaking many of the public
buildings at their own expense. See also Nonius Marc. (in Pancirolo ad
Notit.). In this case a testator wills that a portico with silver and
marble statues be erected in his native town.
[161] Cod. Theod., XV, i, 44; iv; vii, 12, etc., with Godfrey’s
commentary. The imperial portraits were painted in white on a blue
ground; Chrysostom, 1 Cor., x, 1 (in Migne, iii, 247). “The countenance
of the Emperor must be set up in courts, market-places, assemblies,
theatres, and wherever business is transacted, that he may safeguard
the proceedings”; Severianus, De Mund. Creat., vi, 5 (apud. Chrysost.,
Migne, vi, 489).
[162] Cod. Theod., _loc. cit._; Philostorgius, ii, 17.
[163] _Ibid._, IX, xliv; Institut., i, 8. On proof the master could
be compelled to sell the slave on the chance of his acquiring more
congenial service, but the privilege was often abused.
[164] _Ibid._, XV, vii, 12.
[165] _Ibid._, XV, i, 52.
[166] _Ibid._, 53; Vitruvius, v, 11, etc.
[167] Cod., VIII, x, 12. A Greek Constitution of Zeno of considerable
length, and uniquely instructive on some points. These οἰκήματα were
limited to six feet of length and seven of height.
[168] Novel cxxxvi; Plato, Apol., 17, etc.
[169] Whence called _emboliariae_ (ἰμβολος being Byzantine for portico).
So say Alemannus _ad_ Procop. (Hist. Arcan., p. 381) and his copyist
Byzantios (_op. cit._, i, p. 113), but Pliny seems to use the word for
an actress in interludes (H. N., vii, 49), an occupation not, however,
very different.
[170] Theophanes, Cont., p. 417. In the severe winter of 933, Romanus
Lecapenus blocked the interspaces and fitted them with windows and
doors.
[171] They are, in fact, called the “narrows” in the Greek στενωποί.
[172] Παρακύπτικος, Cod., _loc. cit._
[173] Texier and Pullan, _op. cit._, p. 4; Agincourt, Hist. of Art, i,
pl. 25. Mica or talc (_lapis specularis_) was commonly used at Rome
for windows (Pliny, H. N., xxxvi, 45). Gibbon rather carelessly says
that Firmus (_c._ 272) had glass windows; they were vitreous squares
for wall decoration (Hist. August., _sb._ Firmo). Half a century later
Lactantius is clear enough—“fenestras lucente vitro aut speculari
lapide obductas” (De Opif. Dei, 8). Pliny tells us that clear glass was
most expensive, and, six centuries later, Isidore of Seville makes the
same remark (Hist. Nat., xxxvi, 67; Etymologies, xvi, 16).
[174] The climate of the East requires that windows shall generally be
kept open; even shutters are often dispensed with.
[175] See Cod. Theod., XV, i, De Op. Pub., _passim_. This legislation
was initiated by Leo Thrax, probably after the great fire of 469 (Jn.
Malala; Chron. Pasch., etc.).
[176] Zosimus, ii, 35.
[177] Cod., _loc. cit._
[178] Agathias, v, 3.
[179] A century earlier there were 322 according to the Notitia.
[180] Zeno, Cod., _loc. cit._
[181] We know little of the _insulae_ or συνοικίαι of CP., but we can
conceive of no other kind of private house requiring such an elevation.
Besides, _insulae_ are the subject of an argument in Cod., VIII,
xxxviii, 15 (enacted at CP. about this time).
[182] Chrysostom, In Psal. xlviii, 8 (Migne, v, 510); Agathias, _loc.
cit._; Texier and Pullan, _loc. cit._
[183] Niceph. Greg., viii, 5. Merely a tradition in his time; it is
commonly called the column of Theodosius. Grosvenor absurdly places on
it an equestrian statue of Theodosius I, with an epigram which belongs
to another place; _op. cit._, p. 386; see _infra._ Founded on a rock,
it has withstood the commotions of seventeen centuries.
[184] Hist. August., _sb._ Gallieno. Much more likely than Claudius II;
everything points to its being a local civic memorial. “Pugnatum est
circa Pontum, et a Byzantiis ducibus victi sunt barbari. Veneriano item
duce, navali bello Gothi superati sunt, tum ipse militari periit morte”
(_c._ 266).
[185] “Fortunae reduci ob devictos Gothos.” The Goths had been in
possession of Byzantium and the adjacent country on both sides of the
water; G. Syncell., i, p. 717, etc.; Zosimus, i, 34, etc. There was a
temple to Gallienus at Byzantium; Codinus, p. 179. He was evidently
popular here.
[186] Jn. Lydus, De Mens., iii, 48.
[187] Codin., p. 74; Glycas, iv, p. 468.
[188] _Ibid._
[189] Codin., p. 31; Notitia, Reg. 2.
[190] Zosimus, ii, 31.
[191] Jn. Lydus, De Mens., iv, 86; Codinus, pp. 15, 28.
[192] See the plates in Banduri, _op. cit._, ii; repeated in Agincourt
on a small scale, _op. cit._, ii, 11; i, 27. Déthier (_op. cit._)
throws some doubt on the accuracy of these delineations, the foundation
of which the reader can see for himself in Agincourt without resorting
to the athleticism imposed on himself by Déthier. The Erechtheum shows
that the design could be varied, the Pantheon that the dome was in use
long before this date; see Texier and Pullan, etc.
[193] Leo Gram., p. 126, etc.
[194] Codin., p. 60; Theophanes, i, p. 439.
[195] His architect was named Aetherius; Cedrenus, i, p. 563. Probably
a short but wide colonnade flanked by double ranges of pillars; Anthol.
(Plan.), iv. 23.
[196] Several names are given to these palatines or palace guards,
but it is not always certain which are collective and which special.
Procopius mentions the above; the Scholars were originally Armenians
(Anecdot. 24, 26, etc.). Four distinct bodies can be collected from
Const. Porph. De Cer. Aul. Codinus (p. 18) attributes the founding of
their quarters to Constantine; see Cod. Theod., VI, and Cod., XII. All
the household troops were termed Domestics, horse and foot; Notit. Dig.
[197] See Const. Porph., De Cer. Aul., _passim_, with Reiske’s note on
the Candidati.
[198] Codin., p. 18; Chron. Pasch. (an. 532) calls them porticoes.
[199] See an illustration in Gori, Thesaur. Vet. Diptych.; reduced in
Agincourt, _op. cit._, ii, 12, also another in Montfaucon containing
a female figure supposed to be the Empress Placidia Galla; III, i, p.
46 (but Gori makes it a male figure!). The _kiborion_ (a cup), also
called _kamelaukion_ (literally a sort of head covering), was sometimes
fixed, in which case the columns might be of marble. Silver pillars are
mentioned in Const. Porph., _op. cit._, i, 1; cf. Texier and Pullan,
_op. cit._, p. 135, a cut of an elaborate silver _kiborion_. From Gori
it may be seen that the design of these state chairs is almost always
that of a seat supported at each of the front corners by a lion’s head
and claw, etc.
[200] Built by Constantine; Codin., p. 18.
[201] Another foundation of Constantine, clearly enough from Chron.
Pasch. (an. 328, p. 528), as Labarte remarks (_op. cit._, p. 137).
[202] Codin., p. 100; it had been brought from Rome. I prefer this
indigenous explanation to the surmise of Reiske (Const. Porph., _op.
cit._, ii, p. 49), that it was here that the victors in the games
received their crowns of laurel (Δάφνη):
Nay, lady, sit; if I but wave this wand,
Your nerves are all bound up in alabaster,
And you a statue, or, as Daphne was,
Root-bound that fled Apollo.
MILTON’S Comus.
[203] Codin., p. 101; the most likely position, as a surmise.
[204] Jn. Malala, xvi; Zonaras, xiv, 3, etc.
[205] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., ii, 21, etc. “Three decurions
marshalled the thirty brilliantly armed Silentiaries who paced
backwards and forwards before the purple veil guarding the slumber of
the sovereign”; Hodgkin, Cassiodorus, p. 88.
[206] Codin., p. 101; see the plans of Labarte and Paspates.
[207] Built by Constantine according to Codinus (p. 19) as emended by
Lambecius. The original palace extended eastward to the district called
Τόποι (_ibid._, p. 79), on the shore near the Bucoleon.
[208] The conception of the sanctity of the Emperor’s person, which
originated in the adulation of the proconsuls of the eastern provinces
by the Orientals and in the subservience of the Senate to Augustus,
attained its height under Diocletian (_c._ 300), who first introduced
at Court the Oriental forms of adoration and prostration (Eutropius,
ix, etc.). It was probably even increased under the Christian emperors,
and Theodosius I was enabled to promulgate a law that merely to doubt
the correctness of the Emperor’s opinion or judgement constituted a
sacrilege (Cod., IX, xxix, 3, etc.).
[209] Cod. Theod., VI, viii; Cod., XII, v.
[210] Theophanes, Cont., iv, 35; cf. Symeon, Mag., p. 681, where the
invention is ascribed to Bp. Leo of Thessalonica under Theophilus. The
stations by which an inroad of the Saracens was reported _c. 800_ are
here given. Its use for signalling at this date cannot be asserted
definitely, but it was a relic of old Byzantium erected as a nautical
light-house; Ammianus, xxii, 8.
[211] Codin., p. 81; the particular area to which this name was applied
seems to have been a polo ground; Theoph., Cont., v, 86, and Reiske’s
note to Const. Porph., ii, p. 362. It was encompassed by flower gardens.
[212] Marrast has given us his notion of these gardens at some length:
“Entre des haies de phyllyrea taillées de façon de figurer des lettres
grecques et orientales, des sentiers dallés de marbre aboutissaient à
un phialée entourée de douze dragons de bronze.... Une eau parfumée
en jaillissait et ruisselait par dessus les branches des palmiers
et des cedres dorés jusqu’à hauteur d’homme. Des paons de la Chine,
des faisans et des ibis, volaient en liberté dans les arbres ou
s’abattaient sur le sol, semé d’un sable d’or apporté d’Asie à grands
frais.” La vie byzantine au VI^e siècle, Paris, 1881, p. 67.
[213] Labarte gives these walls, towers, etc. Doubtless the palace was
well protected from the first, but did not assume the appearance of an
actual fortress till the tenth century under Nicephorus Phocas; Leo
Diac., iv, 6.
[214] Codin., p. 95 (?); Const. Porph., i, 21, etc. Probably a
structure like the elevated portico at Antioch mentioned by Theodoret,
iv, 26.
[215] Luitprand, Antapodosis, i, 6. A legend of a later age, no
doubt, which may be quietly interred with Constantine’s gift to
Pope Sylvester. We hear nothing of it in connection with Arcadius,
Theodosius II, etc., and it is only foreshadowed in 797 by a late
writer (Cedrenus, ii, p. 27), who would assume anything. The epithet
became fashionable in the tenth century. One writer thinks the name
arose from a ceremonial gift of purple robes to the wives of the court
dignitaries at the beginning of each winter by the empress; Theoph.,
Cont., iii, 44.
[216] Anna Comn., vii, 2.
[217] The archaeological student may refer to the elaborate
reconstructions by Labarte and Paspates of the palace as it existed in
the tenth century. Their conceptions differ considerably, the former
writer being generally in close accord with the literary indications.
Paspates is too Procrustean in his methods, and unduly desirous of
identifying every recoverable fragment of masonry. Their works are
based almost entirely on the Book of Ceremonies of Constantine VII,
but even if such a manual existed for the date under consideration the
historical reader would soon tire of an exposition setting forth the
order and decoration of a hundred chambers.
[218] Codin., pp. 16, 130.
[219] This name is understood to refer, not to a female saint, but to
the Holy Wisdom ( Ἅγια Σοφία), the Λόγος, the Word, _i.e._, Christ;
Procopius, De Bel. Vand., i, 6, etc.
[220] Lethaby and Swainson give good reasons for supposing that this
early church opened to the east; St. Sophia, etc., Lond., 1894, p. 17.
It was burnt in the time of Chrysostom, but apparently repaired without
alteration of design.
[221] Ambo, plainly from ἀναβαίνω, to ascend, not, as some imagine,
from the double approach; Reiske, Const. Porph., ii, p. 112; Letheby
and S., _op. cit._, p. 53.
[222] The gift of Pulcheria, presented as a token of the perpetual
virginity to which she devoted herself and her sisters; Sozomen, ix,
1; Glycas, iv, p. 495. The Emperor used to sit in the _Bema_, but St.
Ambrose vindicated its sanctity to the priestly caste by expelling
Theodosius I; Sozomen, vii, 25, etc.
[223] Socrates, vi, 5; Sozomen, viii, 5.
[224] Codin., pp. 16, 64. There is no systematic description of
this church, but the numerous references to it and an examination
of ecclesiastical remains of the period show clearly enough what it
was; see Texier and Fullan, _op. cit._, p. 134, etc.; Agincourt, _op.
cit._, i, pl. iv, xvi; Eusebius, Vit. Const., iv, 46, etc. It may have
been founded by Constantine, but was certainly dedicated by his son
Constantius in 360; Socrates, ii, 16.
[225] _Ibid._
[226] Procopius, De Aedific., i, 2, etc.
[227] Codin., p. 83; cf. Mordtmann, _op. cit._, p. 4.
[228] We know little of the Magnaura or Great Hall (_magna aula_) at
this date, but its existence is certain; Chron. Paschal., an. 532.
Codinus says it was built by Constantine (p. 19).
[229] Theophanes, Cont., v, 92, etc.
[230] Const. Porph., ii, 15. The author professes to draw his precepts
from the ancients, but his “antiquity” sometimes does not extend
backwards for more than half a century.
[231] Codin., pp. 14, 36; Zonaras, xiv, 6, etc. Zeuxippus is either a
cognomen of Zeus or of the sun, or the name of a king of Megara; Chron.
Paschal., an. 197, etc.; Jn. Lydus, De Magist., iii, 70.
[232] Sozomen, iii, 9.
[233] Anthology (Planudes), v.
[234] Cedrenus, i, p. 648; cf. Anthol. (Plan.), v, 61.
[235] The vast baths of the Empire, as is well known, were evolved into
a kind of polytechnic institutes for study and recreation.
[236] Chron. Pasch., an. 450. Artificial lighting was first introduced
by Alex. Severus; Hist. August.; Cod. Theod., XV, i, 52; Cod., XI, i,
1, etc.
[237] Cedrenus, i, p. 648.
[238] Codin., p. 83; cf. Mordtmann, _op. cit._, p. 66.
[239] Zosimus, iii, 11. It contained 120,000 volumes, the pride of the
library being a copy of Homer inscribed on the intestine of a serpent
120 feet long. The building, however, was gutted by fire in the reign
of Zeno; Zonaras, xiv, 2, etc.
[240] Suidas, _sb._ Menandro; Agathias, iii, 1; Procop., De Aedific.,
i, 11.
[241] Zonaras, xiv, 6; Marcellinus, Com., an. 390, etc.
[242] Socrates, vi, 18; Theophanes, an. 398; Sozomen (viii, 20)
says merely an inaugural festival. The pedestal, with a bilingual
inscription, was uncovered of late years, precisely where we should
expect it to have stood, and yet Paspates (Βυζαντινὰ Ανάκτορα, p.
95) in his map removes it a quarter of a mile southwards to meet his
reconstructive views, cf. Mordtmann, _op. cit._, p. 64.
[243] Codin., p. 35.
[244] _Ibid._, p. 19. There is now an Ottoman fountain on the same
site. In the case of doubtful identifications, I usually adopt the
conclusions of Mordtmann (_op. cit._, p. 64).
[245] _Milliarium Aureum_ (Notitia, Reg. 4). In imitation of that set
up by Augustus in the Roman Forum; Tacitus, Hist., i, 27, etc.
[246] Cedrenus, i, p. 564; Codin., pp. 28, 35, 168, etc. Byzantios and
Paspates speak of an upper storey supported by seven pillars, on the
strength of some remains unearthed in 1848, but the situation does
not seem to apply to this monument as at present located; see also
Grosvenor (_op. cit._, p. 298) for an illustration of the figures.
[247] Codin., p. 40. Removed to Hippodrome, perhaps, at this date.
In any case the scrappy and contradictory records only allow of a
tentative restoration of the Milion. Close by was the death-place
of Arius, in respect of whom, with Sabellius and other heretics,
Theodosius I set up a sculptured tablet devoting the spot to public
defilement with excrement, etc. (_ibid._). Such were the manners and
fanaticism of the age.
[248] Zosimus, iii, 11.
[249] Gyllius, De Topog. CP., ii, 13.
[250] The method of construction can be seen in the sketch of the
ruins (_c. 1350_) brought to light by Panvinius (De Ludis Circens.,
Verona, 1600) and reproduced by Banduri and Montfaucon. As to whether
the intercolumnar spaces were adorned with statues we have no
information. The wealth of such works of art at Constantinople would
render it extremely likely. Cassiodorus says the statues at Rome were
as numerous as the living inhabitants (Var. Ep., xv, 7). We know from
existing coins that the Coliseum was so ornamented (see Maffei, Degl’
Amfitheatri, Verona, 1728; Panvinius, _op. cit._, etc.). High up there
appears to have been a range of balconies all round (Cod. Theod., XV,
i, 45).
[251] They were of wood till 498, when they were burnt, but what time
restored in marble is unknown; Chron. Pasch., an. 498; Buondelmonte,
Descript. Urb. CP., 1423.
[252] Codin., p. 14, etc. These substructions still exist; Grosvenor,
_op. cit._, p. 303.
[253] Const. Porph., _op. cit._, ii, 20; Nicetas Chon., De Man. Com.,
iii, 5. Eight, or perhaps twelve, open-barred gates separated the
Manganon (more often in the plural, Mangana) from the arena; see the
remains in the engraving of Panvinius.
[254] Const. Porph., i, 68, 92, etc.; Agincourt, _op. cit._, ii, pl.
10. The latter gives copies of bas-reliefs in which the Emperor is
shown sitting in his place in the Circus (see below). Procopius calls
it simply the throne; De Bel. Pers., i, 24; cf. Jn. Malala, p. 320;
Chron. Pasch., an. 498. Originally, it appears, merely the seat or
throne, but afterwards the whole tribunal or edifice.
[255] Const. Porph., i, 9, 92. It was also called the Pi (Π) from its
shape; _ibid._, i, 69.
[256] Named the Cochlea or snail-shell; it seems to have been a
favourite gangway for assassinating obnoxious courtiers; Jn. Malala, p.
344; Chron. Pasch., an. 380; Theophanes, an. 5969; Codin., p. 112, etc.
[257] Const. Porph., i, 68; cf. Procop., De Bel. Pers., i, 24.
[258] Const. Porph., i, 63; Codin., p. 100. The Circus, begun by
Severus, was finished by Constantine; Codin., pp. 14, 19; see Ducange,
_sb. nom._
[259] Euripus (Εὔριπος). I. The narrow strait at Chalcis, said to ebb
and flow seven times a day; Strabo, x, 2; Suidas, _sb. v._ II. Tr. Any
artificial ornamental pool or channel, partic. if oblong; see refs.
in Latin Dicts., esp. Lewis and S. III. A canal round the area of the
Roman Circus, to shield the spectators from the attack of infuriated
beasts; devised apparently by Tarquinius Priscus; Dionysius Hal., iii,
68; rather by Julius Caesar, and abolished by Nero; Pliny, H. N.,
viii, 7, etc. IV. Restored by, or in existence under, Elagabalus as a
pool in the centre; Hist. Aug., 23; so Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., iii, 51;
Jn. Malala, vii, p. 175 (whence Chron. Pasch., Olymp., vii, p. 208;
Cedrenus, i, p. 258); Lyons and Barcelona mosaics (see Daremberg and S.
Dict. Antiq.). V. The name tr. to whole Spine by Byzantines; Jn. Lydus,
De Mens., i, 12, Εὔριπος ὠνομάσθη ἡ μέσον τοῦ ἱπποδρόμου κρηπίς; Const.
Porph., _op. cit._, pp. 338, 345; Cedrenus, ii, p. 343, etc. Labarte
seems strangely to have missed all but one of the numerous allusions to
the Euripus; _op. cit._, p. 53. This note is necessary, as no one seems
to have caught the later application of the name.
[260] This monument still exists; see Agincourt, _loc. cit._, for
reproduction of the sculptures, etc.
[261] Notitia, Col. Civ. This name was not bestowed on it by Gyllius,
as Labarte thinks (p. 50). It remains in position in a dilapidated
condition; see Grosvenor, _op. cit._, p. 320, etc.
[262] Also in evidence at the present day; see Grosvenor’s photographs
of the three, pp. 320, 380. It is mentioned by Herodotus (ix, 80); and
by Pausanias (x, 13), who says the golden tripod was made away with
before his time. Some of the Byzantines, however, seem to aver that
Constantine had regained possession of that memorial; Eusebius, Vit.
Const., iii, 54; Codin., p. 55; Zosimus, ii, 31, etc. It appears that
the defacement of this monument was carried out methodically during
a nocturnal incantation under Michael III, _c. 835_. At the dead of
night “three strong men,” each armed with a sledge-hammer, stood over
it (Ἐν τοῖς εἰς τὸν εὔριπον (see p. 62) τοῦ ἱπποδρομίου χαλκοῖς
ἀνδριᾶσιν ἐλέγετό τις εἶναι ἀνδριὰς τρισὶ διαμορφούμενος κεφαλαῖς)
prepared to knock off the respective heads on the signal being given
by an unfrocked abbot. The hammers fell, two of the heads rolled to
the ground, but the third was only partly severed, the lower jaw, of
course, remaining; Theoph., Cont., p. 650; Cedrenus, ii, p. 145. On the
capture of the city in 1453 the fragment left was demolished by Mahomet
II with a stroke of his battle-axe to prove the strength of his arm on
what was reputed to be a talisman of the Greeks; Thévenot, Voyage au
Levant, etc., 1664, i, 17, “la maschoire d’embas.” So history, as it
seems, has given itself the trouble to account for the mutilation of
this antique. I must note, however, that neither Buondelmonte, Gyllius,
Busbecq, Thévenot, nor Spon, has described the damages it had sustained
at the time they are supposed to have contemplated the relic. See also
Grosvenor, _op. cit._, p. 381, whose account is scarcely intelligible
and is not based on references to any authorities.
[263] Nicetas Chon., De Signis CP. This figure appears to be delineated
in the plate of Panvinius, which, however, is not very reliable, as
both the Colossus and the Serpent-pillar are absent from it.
[264] Codin., p. 124. Probably, and supplanted at a later date by one
of Irene Attica. This is the literal Euripus.
[265] Theophanes, an. 699. That the Empress sat in this lodge to
view the races (Buondelmonte) is beyond all credence, nor is there
any authority for placing it to one side among the public seats
(Grosvenor’s diagram), where her presence would be equally absurd. Her
bust may have appeared in it beside that of her husband. It is clearly
indicated in its true place on the engineering sculptures of the
Theodosian column (see above).
[266] Nicetas Chon., De Alexio, iii, 4; De Signis; Codin., p. 39. First
at Tarentum; Plutarch, in Fabius Max., etc. To the knee it measured the
height of an ordinary man.
[267] Nicetas Chon., De Signis; also celebrated by Christodorus,
Anthology, _loc. cit._
[268] The eggs in honour of Castor and Pollux; Tertullian, De
Spectaculis, 8:
Κάστορά θ’ ἱππόδαμον καὶ πὺξ ἀγαθὸν Πολυδεύκεα.
Iliad, iii.
The dolphins probably referred to Neptune, to whom the horse was sacred.
[269] See Lyons and Barcelona mosaics as referred to above.
[270] See the coins, etc., in Panvinius, which show that these cones
with their stands were about fifteen to twenty feet high. Sometimes
they rested on the ends of the Spina, at others on separate foundations
three or four feet off it.
[271] Nicetas Chon., De Man. Comn., iii, 5; Codin., pp. 53, 192. They
were brought to Venice by the Crusaders in 1204, and now stand before
the cathedral of St. Mark; Buondelmonte, _loc. cit._ A much longer
pedigree is given by some accounts (Byzantios, _op. cit._, i, p. 234),
from Corinth to Rome by Mummius, and thence to CP. by Constantine. They
even had a journey to Paris under Napoleon.
[272] Grosvenor, _op. cit._, p. 351. Some remains of it are still
visible.
[273] Codin., p. 54.
[274] Nicetas Chon., _loc. cit._
[275] _Ibid._, Codin., p. 54.
[276] _Ibid._, p. 31.
[277] Nicetas Chon., De Signis: Καλοῦμαι Νίκων καὶ ὁ ὅνος Νίκανδρος,
κ.τ.λ. Cf. Plutarch, Antony.
[278] _Ibid._
[279] _Ibid._
[280] Codin., p. 53.
[281] Jerome, Chronicon, an. 325. CP. “dedicatur pene omnium urbium
nuditate.” This Saint, however, is somewhat given to hyperbole.
[282] See the various illustrations in Panvinius.
[283] We hear nothing of _vomitoria_, approaches beneath the seats
to the various positions, nor do we know how the large space under
the incline of benches was occupied. At Rome, in the Circus Maximus,
there were “dark archways” in this situation, which were let out to
brothel-keepers; Hist. August. _sb._ Heliogabalo, 26, etc. In the time
of Valens, however, a record office was established here; Jn. Lydus, De
Magistr., iii, 19.
[284] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 24.
[285] Ducange, _op. cit._, i, p. 104; a collection of instances.
[286] Const. Porph., _loc. cit._ At Rome such awnings were decorated to
resemble the sky with stars, etc.
[287] Codin., pp. 20, 22; part previously by Severus; Zosimus, ii, 30.
[288] Codin., p. 39.
[289] _Ibid._, p. 37.
[290] Cedrenus, p. 564.
[291] _Ibid._, p. 616; Zonaras, xiv, 2.
[292] Resembling, if not the prototype of, the Venus dei Medici; see
Lucian, Amores.
[293] See Pausanias, v, 12.
[294] Cedrenus, _loc. cit._
[295] Theophanes, an. 6024.
[296] Zosimus, ii, 30; Codin., p. 41. Said to have been designed to the
size and shape of Constantine’s tent, which was pitched here when he
took Byzantium from Licinius.
[297] _Ibid._; Jn. Malala, p. 320; Zonaras, xiii, 3, etc. Really a
statue of Apollo taken from Heliopolis in Phrygia and refurbished.
[298] _Ibid._; Cedrenus, i, p. 565. The blending of Paganism and
Christianity is an interesting phase in the evolution of Constantine’s
theology. The crosses of the two thieves were also reputed to have been
stowed here till removed to a safer place by Theodosius I; also a part
of the true cross; Socrates, i, 17; Codin., p. 30. Curiously enough,
this Forum has been confounded with the Augusteum both by Labarte
and Paspates, a mistake almost incredible in the latter, a resident,
considering that the pillar of Constantine still exists in a scarred
and mutilated condition; hence known as the “Burnt Pillar,” and called
by the Turks “Djemberli Tash,” or Hooped Stone; see Grosvenor, _op.
cit._, p. 374, etc.
[299] Jn. Malala, _loc. cit._; Codin., pp. 44, 180.
[300] _Ibid._, pp. 28, 68; Cedrenus, ii, p. 564.
[301] Notitia, Reg. 6; Cedrenus, i, p. 565. It had been burnt down
previous to this date, but seems to have been restored.
[302] Codin., p. 48.
[303] Notitia, Reg. 5; Gyllius, De Top. CP., iii, 1.
[304] Socrates, i, 16.
[305] Codin., p. 48.
[306] Jn. Malala, p. 292.
[307] Codin., p. 76.
[308] Codin., pp. 41, 170. It fell into decay and was, perhaps, removed
before this date; cf. Mordtmann, p. 69; one of the Gorgons was dug up
in 1870.
[309] Codin., p. 40.
[310] See Mordtmann, _op. cit._, p. 69, and Map.
[311] Evidenced by the discovery of a swarm of leaden _bullae_, or
seals for official documents, about 1877; _ibid._, p. 70. But in the
sixth century the legal records from the time of Valens were kept in
the basement of the Hippodrome; Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., iii, 19.
[312] Cod. Theod., XIV, ix, 3, with Godfrey’s commentary. The Turkish
Seraskierat has taken the place of Taurus.
[313] Cedrenus, i, p. 566; Codin., p. 42, etc. The chronographists
think it particularly necessary to mention that this pillar was
pervious by means of a winding stair. In a later age, when the
inscriptions on the base became illegible, they were supposed to be
prophecies of the future conquest of Constantinople by the Russians.
[314] Marcell., Com., an. 480, 506; Zonaras, xiv, 4.
[315] Déthier, _op. cit._, p. 14; he discovered a few letters of
the epigram (Anthology, Plan., iv, 4) on a fragment of an arch; cf.
Cedrenus, i, p. 566.
[316] The favourite Byzantine appellation for Joshua the son of Nun.
[317] _Ibid._; Nicetas Chon., De Signis, 4.
[318] Codin., p. 42.
[319] _Ibid._, p. 124.
[320] _Ibid._, pp. 42, 74; see Anthology (Plan.), iv, 22, for two
epigrams which give some idea of the scope of these _Xenodochia_.
[321] Notitia, Reg. 10.
[322] Cedrenus, i, p. 610; Zonaras, xiv, 1; sufficiently corroborated
by Cod., VIII, xii, 21, and not a mere assumption arising out of
the similarity of νυμφαῖον to νύμφη, a bride, as argued by some
commentators. Fountains were sacred to the Nymphs; see Ducange, CP.
Christ, _sb. voc._
[323] See the title _De Aqueductu_ in both Codes and Godfrey’s
commentary.
[324] This aqueduct seems to have been built originally by Hadrian,
restored by Valens, who used for the purpose the walls of Chalcedon
as a punishment for that town having taken the part of the usurper
Procopius, and again restored by Theodosius I. Hence it is denoted by
the names of each of these emperors at different times; Socrates, iv,
8; Zonaras, xiii, 16; and the Codes, _loc. cit._
[325] Chrysoloras, _loc. cit._, etc.
[326] Codin., p. 14.
[327] _Ibid._, p. 21; Byzantios, _op. cit._, i, p. 262. Still existing
in a dry state, and occupied by silk weavers. Most probably the name
arises from its having been founded by a patrician Philoxenus; the
Turks call it _Bin ber derek_, meaning 1,001 columns; see Grosvenor,
_op. cit._, p. 366.
[328] Cod., XI, xlii, 7: “It would be execrable,” remarks Theodosius
II, “if the houses of this benign city had to pay for their water.” By
a constitution of Zeno every new patrician was to pay 100 lb. of gold
towards the maintenance of the aqueducts; Cod., XLI, iii, 3.
[329] Codin., p. 9.
[330] Forty of these at Rome; Notitia (Romae), Col. Civ.
[331] Codin., p. 50; cf. Cedrenus, ii, p. 107. “Hypnotic suggestion”
might account for some displays of this kind, and create a popular
belief in the test, which in most instances, however, would be more
likely to prove a convenient method of varnishing a sullied reputation.
Near the Neorium was a shelter called the Cornuted Porch, in which
St. Andrew, the apostle assigned by tradition to these regions, was
supposed to have taught. It took its name from a four-horned statue in
the vicinity, which had the credit of evincing its disapproval of an
incontinent wife by turning three times round on its pedestal if such a
one were brought into its presence; Codin., p. 119.
[332] Cedrenus (i, p. 565) attributes it to Theodosius I, Codinus (p.
108) to Leo Isaurus; Nicetas Chon. (De Signis) laments its destruction
without mentioning the founder.
[333] Legendary apparently. They really met in Pannonia; Julian, Orat.
[334] Codin., pp. 43, 44, 182, 188. The Philadelphium was considered to
be the μεσόμφαλος or middle of the city. The numerous crosses set up by
Constantine are supposed to refer to the cross which he is said to have
seen in the sky near Rome before his victory over Maxentius—a fiction,
or an afterthought, but whose?
[335] Codin., pp. 45, 65.
[336] Cedrenus, i, p. 566.
[337] _Ibid._; Anna Comn., xii, 6.
[338] Codin., p. 45. Unless the course of the brook has altered,
the Amastrianum should be more to the south or west than shown on
Mordtmann’s map.
[339] Codin., pp. 45, 172; forming some kind of boundary or inclosure
perhaps.
[340] Cedrenus, i, p. 566.
[341] _Ibid._; Codin., pp. 44, 173.
[342] Theophanes, an. 5895, etc.; cf. Chron. Paschal., an. 421.
[343] Cedrenus, i, p. 567.
[344] Zonaras, xiii, 20; the base still remains in _Avret Bazaar_; the
pillar was still intact in the time of Gyllius, who ascended it; _op.
cit._, iv, 7. The sketches supposed to have been taken of the figures
on the spiral and published by Banduri and Agincourt have already been
alluded to; see p. 49.
[345] Notitia, Reg. 12, etc.
[346] Buondelmonte’s map; a “very handsome gate”; Codin., p. 122. I
have noted Van Millingen’s opinion that this was not the original
“Golden Gate”; see p. 34. But its mention in Notitia, Reg. 12, seems
fatal to his view.
[347] Codin., p. 46.
[348] _Ibid._, pp. 102, 121; see Paspates for an illustration of the
structure still on this site; Βυζαντιναὶ Μελεταί, p. 343.
[349] Codin., p. 72; the Arians, chiefly Goths, were hence called
Exokionites; Jn. Malala, p. 325; Chron. Pasch., an. 485.
[350] Codinus, p. 47.
[351] _Ibid._
[352] Gregory Nazianz., De Somn. Anast., ix.
[353] Eusebius, Vit. Constant., iv, 58, _et seq._; a later hand has
evidently embellished this description.
[354] Const. Porph., De Cer. Aul. Byz., ii, 43; Codin., p. 203.
[355] Corp. Inscript. Lat., Berlin, 1873, no. 738; still existing and
called by the Turks the “Girls’ Pillar,” from two angels bearing up
a shield figured on the pedestal; see Grosvenor, _op. cit._, p. 385;
there is an engraving of it in Miss Pardoe’s “Bosphorus,” etc. The
“girls” are utilized by Texier and P. in their frontispiece.
[356] Notitia, Reg. 13; Procopius, De Bel. Pers., ii, 23, etc. Perhaps
not walled till later; Jn. Malala, xiii, p. 430.
[357] Suetonius, in Augusto, 30.
[358] Notitia, Reg. 1, with Pancirolus’s notes; Pand., I, xv; cf.
Gallus by Becker-Göll, Sc. i, note 1.
[359] Ammianus, xiv, 1, with note by Valesius.
[360] Cod. Theod., XIV, xvii; Suidas _sb._ Παλατῖνοι; we do not know
the exact form of these _Gradus_, but only that they were high,
the design being doubtless such as would prevent a crush. This
state-feeding of the people was begun at Rome by Julius Caesar, and
of course imitated by Constantine; Socrates, ii, 13, etc. The tickets
were checked by a brass plate for each person fixed at the Step; Cod.
Theod., XIV, xvii, 5.
[361] Cod. Theod., IV, v, 7; always with Godfrey’s commentary;
Eunapius, Vit. Aedesii.
[362] Notitia, Urb. CP., _passim_.
[363] See Cod., I, iii, 32, 35, 42, 46, etc. Cf. Schlumberger’s work on
the Byzantine _bullae_.
[364] Cod. Theod., XIII, iii, 8; Cod., X, lii, 9.
[365] Codin., p. 22; cf. Pandect., XLIII, xxiii, 1. It appears probable
that neither middens nor cesspools existed within the walls.
[366] See Minucius, Octavius, 10.
[367] Paspates, Βυζαντιναὶ Μελεταί, p. 381, etc. There were, perhaps,
over one hundred churches and monasteries in Constantinople at this
time, but the Notitia, a century earlier, reckons only fourteen
churches; see Ducange’s list.
[368] Western scholars since the Renaissance have fallen into the
habit of applying the diminutive _Graeculi_ to the Byzantines, thereby
distinguishing them from the _Graeci_, their pre-eminent ancestors,
who established the fame of the Dorians and Ionians. The Romans, after
their conquest of the country, began to apply it to all Greeks. Cicero,
De Orat., i, 22, etc.
[369] Suidas, _sb. nom._; Tertullian, Apologia, 39; Athenaeus, xiii,
25. There was, however, a minor school of philosophy at Megara.
[370] Aristotle, Politica, iv, 4. As late as the sixteenth century the
housewives residing next the water habitually took the fish by simple
devices, which are described by Gyllius; De Top. CP. Praef.
[371] See the statements by Theopompus, Phylarchus, etc., in Müller,
Fragm. Hist. Graec., i, pp. 287, 336; ii, p. 154; iv, p. 377. Having
obtained an ascendancy over the frugal and industrious Chalcedonians
they are said to have corrupted them by their vices; cf. Müller’s
Dorians, ii, pp. 177, 418, etc.
[372] Sextus Empir., Adversus Rhetor., 39. A demagogue, being asked
what laws were in force, replied, “Anything I like”—a frivolous or a
pregnant answer?
[373] Aristotle in the doubtful Economica (ii, 4) describes some of
their makeshifts to maintain the exchequer. According to Cicero (De
Prov. Consular.) the city was full of art treasures, an evidence,
perhaps, of wasteful extravagance.
[374] See p. 17. His daily grant of 80,000 measures of wheat, together
with the other allowances, to those who were served at the Steps,
would seem to indicate as many families, but there is no doubt that
the distribution was at first indiscriminate, and many were supplied
who could afford to keep up considerable establishments. Constantius
reduced the amount by one half; Socrates, ii, 13; Sozomen, iii, 7.
Heraclius abolished the free doles altogether; Chron. Paschal., an. 618.
[375] “Matronae nostrae, ne adulteris quidem plus sui in cubiculo, quam
in publico ostendant”; see Seneca, De Beneficiis, vii, 9; cf. Horace,
Sat., I, ii, 102:
Cois tibi paene videre est
Ut nudam, etc.
[376] By a law of Honorius the Romans were forbidden to wear long hair
(in 416), or garments of fur (in 397), such being characteristic of the
Goths who were then devastating Italy; Cod. Theod., XIV, x, 4, 3, 2.
[377] See the lowest bas-reliefs on the Theodosian obelisk (Banduri,
ii, p. 499; Agincourt, ii, pi. x); Cod. Theod., XIV, x, 1;
Hefner-Altenek, Trachten des Mittelalters, pl. 91, 92.
[378] Chrysostom, the pulpit declaimer against the abuses of his time,
was so enraged at seeing the young men delicately picking their steps
for fear of spoiling their fine shoes that he exclaims: “If you cannot
bear to use them for their proper purpose, why not hang them about your
neck or stick them on your head!”; In Matt. Hom. xlix, 4 (in Migne,
vii, 501).
[379] “You bore the lobes of your ears,” says Chrysostom, “and fasten
in them enough gold to feed ten thousand poor persons”; In Matt. Hom.
lxxxix, 4 (in Migne, vii, 786); cf. Sozomen, viii, 23.
[380] Chrysostom, In Ps. xlviii, 3 (in Migne, v, 515); Sozomen, _loc.
cit._, etc. Women’s girdles were worn under the breasts.
[381] See Bingham’s Christian Antiquities, vii, 1, and Racinet, Costume
historique, iii, pl. 21. Read Lucian’s Cynicus for a defence of a
somewhat similar life on a different plane.
[382] Chrysostom, In Epist. Tim. II, viii, 2 (in Migne, xi, 541). Even
these he rates for coquetry; cf. Bingham, _op. cit._, vii, 4, etc. See
also Viollet-le-Duc (Dict. du mobil. fr., i, pl. 1) for a coloured
figure which, though of the thirteenth century, corresponds very
closely with Chrysostom’s description. Formal costume, however, of the
present day, political, legal, ecclesiastical, is for the most part
merely a survival of the ordinary dress of past ages.
[383] Basil Presbyt. ad Gregor. Naz., Steliteut. Const. Porph., _op.
cit._, ii, 52, p. 753, with Reiske’s notes, p. 460.
[384] Cod. Theod., XV, vii, 11, 12; Cod., I, iv, 4(5); actresses
(_mimae_ = _meretrices_, no doubt) are forbidden to use this and other
styles of dress which might bring women of repute into ridicule.
[385] Cod. Theod., XIV, xii; Chrysostom, De Perf. Carit., 6 (in Migne,
vi, 286).
[386] Chrysostom, _loc. cit._ (in Migne, v, 515).
[387] A _quadriga_.
[388] Chrysostom, In Epist. ad Cor. Hom. xi, 5 (in Migne, x, 353). “Do
not be afraid,” says the Saint, “you are not among wild beasts; no one
will bite you. You do not mind the contact of your horse, but a man
must be driven a thousand miles away from you.”
[389] Cod. Theod., XV, xiii, and Godefroy _ad loc._
[390] Chrysostom, In Epist. I ad Thess., v, Hom. xi, 2 (in Migne, xi,
465).
[391] The laws and restrictions relating to the use of purple and the
collection of the _murex_, which was allowed only to certain families
or guilds, are contained in Cod. Theod., X, xx, xxi; Cod., XI, viii,
ix. Julius Caesar first assumed a full purple toga (Cicero, Philip,
ii, 34, probably from); Nero first made a sweeping enactment against
the use of the colour (Suetonius, in Nero, 32; cf. Julius, 43). Women,
however, were generally permitted some latitude and not obliged to
banish it altogether from their dress.
[392] The globe as a symbol of the universal sway of Rome came into use
at or about the end of the Republic. It was not merely ideographic, but
was sometimes exhibited in bulk, and hollow globes have been found with
three chambers in which are contained samples of earth from the three
continents; see Sabatier, Mon. Byzant., Paris, 1862, p. 33. The cross
came in under the Christian emperors, and is said to be first seen on a
small coin of Jovian (363); _ibid._
[393] Cod., XII, iii, 5; Inst. i, 12. “Imperatoris autem celsitudinem
non valere eum quem sibi patrem elegerit,” etc. This new order of
patricians seems to have been instituted by Constantine, their title
being coined directly from _pater_; Zosimus, ii, 40; cf. Cedrenus, i,
p. 573. They were not lineally connected with the patrician caste of
ancient Rome (see Reiske, _ad_ Const. Porph., _sb. voc._), but were
turned out of the Imperial workshop as peers are created by an English
premier; see Leo Gram., p. 301.
[394] These crowns have given rise to much discussion, for a clue to
which see Ludewig, _op. cit._, p. 658. Probably most emperors designed
a new crown.
[395] Some of the large coloured stones worn by the ancients were not
very valuable according to modern ideas, _i.e._, cairngorms, topazes,
agates, etc.; see Pliny, H. N., xxxvii.
[396] Ἡ πατρικία ζωστὴ: Codin., pp. 108, 125; cf. Reiske, _op. cit._,
_sb. voc._
[397] It would be tedious, if not impossible, to put into words the
details of these costumes. They are represented in the great mosaics
of S. Vitale at Ravenna, dating from the sixth century. They have been
beautifully restored in colour by Heffner-Altenek, _op. cit._—too well
perhaps. There are also full-sized paper casts at South Kensington.
There are many engravings of the same, but in all of them the details
have been partly omitted, partly misrepresented. The device on the
tables of the Emperor’s robe consists of green ducks (!) in red
circles; that on the Empress’s skirt of _magi_ in short tunics and
Phrygian caps, bearing presents. The men’s shoes, or rather slippers,
are fitted with toe and heel pieces only, and are held on by latchets.
The ladies’ shoes are red, and have nearly the modern shape, but are
not laced at the division. Their gowns and shawls are of all colours,
and much resemble diagonal printed calico, but in such cases it is the
richness of the fabric which tells. The materials for illustrating the
costume of this period are very scanty; we have neither the countless
sculptures, wall-paintings, fictile vases, etc., of earlier times,
nor the wealth of illuminated MSS., which teach so much objectively
respecting the later Middle Ages.
[398] The _Curopalates_ at this date probably, a place not beneath the
first prince of the blood.
[399] The Byzantine logothetes are first mentioned by Procopius,
De Bel. Goth., iii, 1, etc. At this date they were the Imperial
accountants.
[400] Procopius, Anecd. 30. Hence it appears that the abject
prostration introduced by Diocletian was abandoned by his successors;
see p. 52.
[401] Magister Scriniorum; Notitia, Or., xvii.
[402] Cod., I, xxiii, 6; a law of Leo Macella in 470.
[403] Cryptograms to modern readers if we are to follow the
perplexities of Pancirolus and Böcking, who, misled by the nonsense
of Cedrenus as to CONOB (i, p. 563), cannot realize the obvious as it
lies before their eyes. Godefroy expanded the legends to their full
complement with no difficulty; that of the Spectabiles is FeLiciter
INTer ALLectos COMites ORDinis PRimi; Cod. Theod., VI, xiii; cf.
Böcking’s Notitia, F. ii, pp. 283, 515, 528.
[404] As the illustrations of the Notitia are not accompanied by any
explanation, considerable uncertainty prevails in respect of their
point and intention; it appears almost incontestable, however, that the
coloured figures were depicted in the codicils as they are seen in the
MSS. of the work; otherwise only verbal descriptions of the insignia
would be given; cf. Novel xxv, _et seq._; Const. Porph., ii, 52.
[405] Cod. Theod., VI, xxii; a title omitted from the Code.
[406] _Principes Officii_ and _Cornicularii_; Notitia, _passim_; Cod.,
XII, liii, etc.
[407] Const. Porph., ii, 1, 2; cf. Valesius ad Ammianum, xxii, 7.
These early visitations were habitual in the Roman republic, as when
the whole Senate waited on the newly-elected consuls on the Calends
of January; Dion Cass., lviii, 5, etc.; and especially in the regular
matutinal calls of clients on their patrons _re_ the _sportula_; cf.
Sidonius Ap. Epist., i, 2. His description of the routine of a court
_c. 450_ corresponds closely with the above. It must have been copied
from Rome.
[408] Chrysostom, De Perf. Carit., 6 (in Migne, vi, 286); Theophanes,
an. 6094, 6291, etc.; cf. Suetonius, in Nero, 25, etc.; Ducange, _sb.
eq. alb._
[409] These state carriages, open and closed, painted in gaudy colours,
with gilded pilasters, mouldings, and various figures in relief,
resembled certain vehicles used in the last century and some circus
cars of the present day; see Banduri, ii, pl. 4, _sup. cit._; the work
of Panvinius on Triumphs, etc.
[410] Const. Porph., i, 1, and Append., p. 498, with Reiske’s Notes;
Dion Cass., lxiii, 4; lxxiv, 1, etc.
[411] Theophanes, an. 6019, 6050, etc.; Menologium Graec., i, p. 67;
Cedrenus, i, p. 599; ii, p. 536.
[412] Theophanes, an. 6030, 6042, etc.
[413] See Reiske _ad_ Const. Porph., p. 434, _et seq._
[414] See Zosimus, ii, 39; Alemannus ad Procop., iii, p. 390; Ducange,
_sb. voc._
[415] See Godfrey’s Notitia Dignitatum, _ad calc._ Cod. Theod.;
Selden’s Titles of Honour, p. 886; the epilogues to the Novels,
etc. Minor dignities, entitled _Perfectissimi_, _Egregii_, are also
mentioned, but are obsolete at this date; _Superillustres_ were not
unknown; see Ducange, _sb. voc._
[416] Const. Porph., i, 68; see Labarte, _op. cit._, pp. 16, 140, etc.
[417] Const. Porph., i, 92, with Reiske’s Notes.
[418] Const. Porph., i, 68, _et seq._ This open-air hymn-singing was
an early feature in Byzantine life; Socrates, vii, 23; Jn. Lydus, De
Magistr., iii, 76. Later, at least, each Deme used an organ as well;
Const. Porph., _loc. cit._
[419] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 25.
[420] _Ibid._, 24.
[421] Doubtless according to Cod. Theod., XIV, ii; Cod., XI, xiv-xvii.
These Corporations had certain privileges and immunities, such as
exemption from military conscription, but they were bound to defend the
walls on occasion; Novel, Theod. (Valent. I), xl. Naturally, therefore,
after the earthquake of 447 they were sent by Theod. II to rebuild the
walls (see p. 22), and also in other emergencies they were sent to
guard the Long Walls; Theophanes, an. 6051, 6076. Of course, in view of
such appointed work, they had some military training. Building of forts
was a regular part of a soldier’s duties; Cod. Theod., XV, i, 13, and
Godfrey, _ad loc._ The Demes were probably a later expression of the
parties in the old Greek democracies, who associated themselves with
the colours of the Roman Circus, when imported into the East, as the
most effective outlet for their political feelings.
[422] These four colours, which date from the first century of the
Empire, are supposed to represent the seasons of the year (Tertullian,
De Spectaculis, 9); or the different hues of the sea and land (blue
and green); see Chron. Pasch., Olymp., vii, p. 205; Alemannus, _ad_
Procop., p. 372; Banduri, _op. cit._, ii, p. 376, etc. Originally there
were but two divisions. The leading and subsidiary colours are said to
distinguish urban from suburban members of the factions; cf. Jn. Lydus,
De Mens., iv, 25.
[423] Const. Porph., i, 6, with Reiske’s Notes.
[424] Procopius, _loc. cit._, ii, 11.
[425] Jn. Malala, xiv, p. 351.
[426] _Ibid._, xvii, p. 416; cf. Procopius, De Bel. Pers., ii, 11.
[427] Chrysostom, De Anna, iv, 1 (in Migne, iv, 660); an almost
identical passage; Gregory Naz., Laus Basil., 15.
[428] The Decennalia represented the ten years for which Augustus
originally “accepted” the supreme power; the Quinquennalia are said
to have been instituted by Nero, but may have become obsolete at this
date; see the Classical Dicts. There were also Tricennalia.
[429] Novel cv; Const. Porph., _loc. cit._, Codin., p. 17; Procop., De
Bel. Vand., ii, 9, etc.
[430] Cod. Theod., VI, iv, 5, 26, etc. By a law of 384, eight praetors
were appointed to spend between them 3,150 lb. of silver, equal to
about £10,000 at that date, a credible sum; but the common belief
that three annual praetors used to be enjoined to disburse more than
a quarter of a million sterling in games is, I make no doubt, rank
nonsense. Large amounts were, no doubt, expended by some praetors
(Maximus, _c. 400-420_, _for his sons’_ 4,000 lb. of gold, over
£150,000, yet, only half the sum; Olympiodorus, p. 470), but these
were intended to be great historic occasions, and are recorded as
such, bearing doubtless the same relation to routine celebrations as
the late Queen’s Jubilees did to the Lord Mayor’s shows, on which a
few thousands are annually squandered. Maximus was then bidding for
the purple, in which he was afterwards buried. The question turns on
the enigma of the word _follis_, which in some positions has never
been solved. But Cod. Theod., XII, i, 159, makes it as clear as
daylight that 25,000 _folles_ in _ibid._, VI, iv, 5, means just about
fifty guineas of our money (he had also to scatter £125 in silver as
largess), a sum exactly suited to _ibid._, VII, xx, 3, by which the
same amount is granted to a superannuated soldier to stock a little
farm. The first law publishes the munificence of the Emperor in
presenting the sum of 600 _solidi_ (£335) to the people of Antioch that
they may not run short of cash for, and so be depressed at the time of,
the public games. And so the colossal sum doubted by Gibbon, accepted
by Milman, advocated by Smith, and asserted by Bury may be dissipated
like a puff of smoke in the wind. The office of _praetor ludorum_ seems
to have been falling into abeyance at this time.
[431] Jn. Lydus, De Mens., i, 12. Twenty-four races were the full
number, but they were gradually reduced to eight; Const. Porph., i, 68,
p. 307.
[432] Anastasius put a stop to this part of the performance—for the
time; Procop. Gaz. Panegyr., 15, etc.
[433] H. A. Charisius, 19, etc. A favourite exhibition was that of
a man balancing on his forehead a pole up which two urchins ran and
postured at the top; Chrysostom, Ad Pop. Ant., xix, 4 (De Stat.; in
Migne, ii, 195). Luitprand (Legatio, etc.) six centuries later was
entertained with the same spectacle, an instance of the changeless
nature of these times over long periods.
[434] Novel cv; Socrates, vii, 22; Cod. Theod., XV, xi, etc.
[435] Aulus Gell., iii, 10, etc.
[436] Sueton., Nero, 22; Novel cv, 1, etc.
[437] Chrysostom, In Illud, Vidi Dominum, etc. (in Migne, vi, 113); Ad
Pop. Ant., xv, 4 (in Migne, ii, 158); In Illud, Pater Meus, etc., Hom.
ix, 1 (in Migne, xii, 512); a particular instance of a youth killed in
the chariot race the day before his intended wedding.
[438] Chrysostom, In Illud, Vidi Dominum, etc., Hom. iii, 2 (in Migne,
vi, 113); In Genes. Hom. v, 6 (in Migne, iv, 54).
[439] Const. Porph., _op. cit._, i, 69; Theophanes, an. 5969, etc. The
winners usually received about two or three pounds in money, also a
laurel crown and a cloak of a peculiar pattern (Pellenian, perhaps;
Strabo, VIII, vii, 5); Chrysostom, In Matth. Hom. liv, 6 (in Migne,
vii, 539); but under some of the insensate emperors immense prizes,
small fortunes in fact, were often given; see Reiske’s Notes, _ad op.
cit._, p. 325. I have not met in Byzantine history with any allusion to
the seven circuits of the races (except Jn. Lydus, De Mens., i, 12),
the eggs or the dolphins; these are assumed from the Latin writers of
old Rome and from the sculptured marbles. It appears from Cod. Theod.
(XV, ix, etc.), that the successful horses, when past their prime, were
carefully nurtured through their old age by the state. The choicest
breeds of these animals came from Spain and Cappadocia; Claudian, De
Equis Hon., etc. All the technical details of the Roman Circus will
be found in the Dicts. of Clas. Antiqs., especially Daremberg and
Saglio’s; see also Rambaud, De Byzant. Hip., Paris, 1870.
[440] Of epilepsy (Evagrius, etc.). This is not a fatal disease, and
hence a fiction arose that he had been buried alive in a fit. A sentry
on guard at the sepulchre heard moanings for two days, and at length
a voice, “Have pity, and let me out!” “But there is another emperor.”
“Never mind; take me to a monastery.” His wife, however, would not
disturb the _status quo_; but ultimately an inspection was made, when
he was found to have eaten his arms and boots; Cedrenus, Zonaras,
Glycas, etc.
[441] Theoph., an. 5983; Cedrenus, i, p. 626, etc. He was a Manichaean
according to Evagrius, iii, 32; cf. Theoph., an. 5999.
[442] Julian seems to have been the first Roman emperor who was hoisted
on a buckler and crowned with a necklet; Ammianus, xx, 4. By Jn. Lydus,
however, the use of the collar instead of a diadem would appear to be a
vestige of some archaic custom traceable back to Augustus or, perhaps,
even to the times of Manlius Torquatus; De Magistr., ii, 3. The Germans
originated the custom of elevating a new ruler on a shield; Tacitus,
Hist., iv, 15.
[443] See the full details of this election and coronation in Const.
Porph., _op. cit._, i, 92. It is to be noted that twelve chapters of
this work (i, 84-95) are extracted bodily from Petrus Magister, a
writer of the sixth century.
[444] Jn. Malala, xvi, p. 394; Chron. Pasch., an. 498.
[445] Sc., “Holy God, Holy Mighty, Holy Immortal, pity us!” said to
have been the song of the angels as heard by a boy who was drawn up
to heaven and let down again in the reign of the younger Theodosius;
Menologion Graec., i, p. 67, etc.
[446] Evagrius, iii, 32; Jn. Malala, xvi, p. 407; Theoph., an. 6005,
etc. The date is uncertain; as recounted by some of the chronographists
only 518 would suit the incident. As soon as the government felt again
on a stable footing numerous executions were decreed.
[447] In 425 theatres and other amusements were forbidden on Sundays;
Cod. Theod., XV, v, 5. In the time of Chrysostom people coming out of
church were liable to encounter bands of roisterers leaving the theatre.
[448] Procopius, Anecdot., ix; Chrysostom, In Coloss., iii, Hom. ix
(in Migne, xi, 362), “Satanical Songs” is his favourite expression;
also “diabolical display”; In Act. Apost. Hom. xlii, 4 (in Migne, ix,
301); “naked limbs” of actresses; In Epist. I Thess., iv, Hom. v, 4 (in
Migne, xi, 428); cf. Ammianus, xiv, 6; Lucian, De Saltatione.
[449] By a sumptuary law, however, the most precious gems and the
richest fabrics were forbidden to the stage (Cod. Theod., XV, vii,
11); but the restriction seems to have been relaxed, as this law has
been omitted from the Code. The intention was to prevent mummers from
bringing into disrepute the adornments of the higher social sphere.
[450] Chrysostom, In Matth. Hom. vii, 5 (in Migne, vii, 79); cf.
Cod., V, xxii, 9. A trick, doubtless, to evade the law, which forbade
absolute nakedness on the stage; Procop., Anecdot., ix.
[451] Cod. Theod., XV, vii, 12, etc.
[452] _Ibid._, 5.
[453] _Ibid._, 6; Cod., XI, xl, 3.
[454] Cod. Theod., XV, vi, 8, etc.
[455] The immorality of the stage is the constant theme of Chrysostom.
The fact that he draws no ethical illustrations from the drama seems
to prove that no plays were exhibited in which virtue and vice were
represented as receiving their due award. Fornication and adultery
were the staple allurements of the stage; Act. Apost. Hom. xlii, 3
(in Migne, ix, 301). From the culminating scene of “The Ass” in the
versions both of Apuleius and of Lucian it would seem that practical
acts of fornication were possible incidents in public performances.
It must be remembered, however, that women did not frequent the Greek
or, at least, the Byzantine theatre. Sathas labours vainly to prove
the existence of a legitimate Byzantine drama; Ἱστορ. δοκ. περὶ τ.
θεάτρ. καὶ τ. μουσικ. τ. Βυζαντίων, Ven., 1878; cf. Krumbacher, Byzant.
Literaturgesch., Munich, 1897, p. 644, _et seq._
[456] Haenel, Cod. Theod., IV, vi, 3; Cod., V, xxvii, 1. By the first
draft, due to Constantine, the prohibition might apply to any poor
but virtuous girl. This defect was remedied by Pulcheria; Nov. Mart.
iv. Here we may discern a result of Athenais, the dowerless but well
educated Athenian girl being chosen (by Pulcheria) for her brother’s
consort; or, perhaps, of her own union with Martian, at first a private
soldier.
[457] Called _trabea_ or _toga palmata_; Claudian, Cons. Olyb. et
Prob., 178; Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., vi, 1.
[458] _Ibid._
[459] Ammianus, xxii, 7. Julian, when at CP., in his enthusiasm for
democratic institutions, followed the consul on foot, but, forgetting
himself, he performed the act of emancipation, an inadvertence for
which he at once fined himself 10 lb. of gold (£400).
[460] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 25; Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., ii, 8,
etc.
[461] Even under the barbarian kings in Italy, Odovacar the Herule
and Theodoric the Goth, a consul was appointed annually at Rome in
accordance with the arrangement made when Constantine decreed that the
metropolitan honours should be divided between the old and the new
capital.
[462] Nov. cv, 1, where they are enumerated. The regular cost of the
display was 2,000 lb. of gold (£80,000), which, with the exception of
a small amount by the consul himself, came from the Imperial treasury;
Procopius, Anecdot., 26; cf. Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._ Hence it appears
that even the consulship need not be held by a millionaire; see p. 100.
[463] Cod. Theod., XV, v, 2. No lower dignitary was allowed to
distribute anything more precious than silver.
[464] Cod. Theod., VIII, xi; Cod., XII, lxiv.
[465] Cod. Theod., XV, ix. Numbers of these diptychs are still
preserved. There is a specimen at South Kensington of those of
Anastasius Sabinianus, Com. Domest., who was consul in 518. Each
plate was usually about twelve by six inches, and they were hinged so
as to close up together. The designs on each face were practically
duplicates. Generally as to the position of consuls at this time see
Godefroy ad Cod. Theod., VI, vi, and the numerous cross references he
has supplied.
[466] Constantine instituted a regular observance of Sunday as the
Dominica or Lord’s Day in 321; Cod. Theod., III, viii, with Godfrey’s
Com.; Cod., III, xii, 3. Towards the end of the ninth century, however,
Leo Sapiens prohibited even farmers from working on Sundays; Novel.
Leo. VI, liv. Daily service was only instituted about 1050 by Constant.
Monom.; Cedrenus, ii, p. 609.
[467] See Ducange, _sb._ Σήμαντρον; Reiske’s Notes, _op. cit._, p.
235. The instrument is still in use in the Greek Church, but literary
notices of it seem to be unknown before the seventh century.
[468] Chrysostom, Habentes eundem, etc., 11 (in Migne, iii, 299).
[469] _Ibid._ The well-known palindrome, ΝΙΨΟΝΑΝΟΜΗΜΑΤΑΜΗΜΟΝΑΝΟΨΙΝ
(Wash away your sins not only your face), was at one time inscribed on
the basin in front of St. Sophia; Texier and Pullan, _op. cit._, p. 10.
This composition is, however, attributed to Leo Sap.
[470] Sozomen, vii, 16; Gieseler, Eccles. Hist., i, 71, etc.
[471] Procopius, De Aedific., i, 1, p. 178; Paul Silent., 389, 541. At
this time, however, men and women seem to have been in view of each
other in the nave as well, though separated by a wooden partition;
Chrysostom, In Matth. Hom. lxxiii, 3 (in Migne, vii, 677), but in
earlier times they were allowed to mix indiscriminately; _ibid._
[472] Socrates, vi, 8, etc.
[473] Sozomen, viii, 5; not invariably perhaps. Part of the present
description applies, of course, to St. Sophia.
[474] Cantacuzenus, i, 41; this could easily be done, as the clerical
staff of each church was very numerous—over five hundred in St. Sophia;
Novel iii, 1.
[475] Chrysostom, In Epist. I Tim., ii, Hom. viii, 1 (in Migne, xi,
541); In Psal. xlviii, 5 (in Migne, vi, 507).
[476] Chrysostom, De Virgin., 61 (in Migne, i, 581).
[477] Chrysostom, In Matth. Hom. lxxiii, 3 (in Migne, vii, 677). “In
the temple of God,” says he, “you commit fornication and adultery at
the very time you are admonished against such sins.”
[478] Chrysostom, In Epist. I Tim., ii, Hom. viii, 9 (in Migne, xi,
543).
[479] Chrysostom, Epist. ad Innocent., Bishop of Rome, 3 (in Migne,
iii, 533). He here describes how the women had to fly naked from the
Baptistery during the riots connected with his deposition from the see
of Constantinople. It must be noted, however, that the severe modesty
of modern times had scarcely been developed amid the simplicity of the
ancient world, as it has not among some fairly civilized peoples even
at the present day.
[480] I had almost said _piety_, one of the words destined, with the
extinction of the thing, to become obsolete in the future, or to be
applied to some other mental conception.
[481] Chrysostom, In Matth. Hom. xvii, 2 (in Migne, vii, 256). He
inveighs against the farce of ascetics taking virgins to live with
them, who are supposed to remain intact; cf. De Virginitate (in Migne,
i, 533); also Cod. Theod., XVI, ii, 20, to which Godefroy supplies
practical illustrations.
[482] Chrysostom, In Epist. ad Coloss., iii, Hom. vii, 5 (in Migne,
xi, 350); in Matth. Hom. lxxxiii, 4 (in Migne, vii, 750). Or even
of more costly materials, gold, crystal; Plutarch, Adv. Stoic., 22;
Clement Alex. Paedag., ii, 3. The notion of unparalleled luxury has
been associated with the Theodosian age, but without sufficient reason.
It was rather the age of a man of genius who denounced it persistently
and strenuously, and whose diatribes have come down to us in great
bulk, viz., Chrysostom. The period of greatest extravagance was, in
fact, during the last century of the Republic and the first of the
Empire, and the names of Crassus, Lucullus, Nero, Vitellius, etc., are
specially connected with it.
[483] Chrysostom, In Epist. ad Coloss., i, Hom. 4 (in Migne, xi, 304).
[484] As late as the tenth century, according to Luitprand,
Antapodosis, vi, 8. In the Vienna Genesis (_c. 400_) a miniature shows
banqueters reclining at a table of this sort. I will not attempt to
enlarge on the courses at table and the multifarious viands that were
consumed, as there are but few hints on this subject. We may opine,
however, that gastronomics indulged themselves very similarly to what
is represented in the pages of Petronius and Athenaeus, etc., cf.
Ammianus, xvi, 5; xxviii, 4.
[485] Chrysostom, In Psalm xlviii, 8 (in Migne, v, 510). Most of the
eunuchs were of the nation of the Abasgi, who dwelt between the Caspian
and Euxine; Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iv, 3.
[486] Chrysostom, In Epist. ad Corinth. Hom. xl, 5 (in Migne, x, 353);
In Matth. Hom. lxiii, 4 (in Migne, vii, 608).
[487] See below.
[488] Constantine enacted that families—husbands and wives, parents
and children, brothers and sisters—should not be separated; Cod.
Theod., II, xxv, 1; cf. XVI, v, 40, etc. But there was little practical
philanthropy in the world until the Middle Ages had long been left
behind. Thus by the Assize of Jerusalem, promulgated by Crusaders in
the twelfth century, a war-horse was valued at three slaves! Tolerance,
the toning-down of fanaticism, doubt as to whether religious beliefs
are really of any validity, appears to be the foster-mother of humane
sentiment. A slave could be trained to any trade, art, or profession,
and their price varied accordingly. Thus common slaves were worth about
£12, eunuchs £30; before ten years of age, half-price. Physicians sold
for £35, and skilled artificers for £40; Cod., VII, vii. The modern
reader will smile at the naïveté of Aristotle when he states that some
nations are intended by Nature for slavery, but, as they do not see it,
war must be made to reduce them to their proper level; Politics, i, 8.
[489] The following directions of a mother to her daughter how to shine
as a society _hetaira_ emanate from a Greek of the second century:
“Dress yourself with taste, carry yourself stylishly, and be courteous
to every one. Never break into a guffaw, as you often do, but smile
sweetly and seductively. Do not throw yourself at a man’s head, but
behave with tact, cultivate sincerity, and maintain an amiable reserve.
If you are asked to dinner be careful not to drink too much; do not
grab the viands that are offered to you, but help yourself gracefully
with the tips of your fingers. Masticate your food noiselessly,
and avoid grinding your jaws loudly whilst eating. Sip your wine
delicately, and do not gulp down anything you drink. Above all things
do not talk too much, addressing the whole company, but pay attention
chiefly to your own friends. By acting in this way you will be most
likely to excite love and admiration”; adapted from Lucian, Dial.
Meretr., vi.
[490] Chrysostom, In Matth. Hom. xxx, 5 (in Migne, vii, 368); In I:
Tim., i, 3 (in Migne, xi, 524); In Epist. ad Hebr., xxix, 3 (in Migne,
xii, 206). “A country wench,” says he, “is stronger than our city men.”
[491] Chrysostom, De non Iterat. Conj., 4 (in Migne, i, 618). At all
times there were ladies of such lubricity as to court the opportunity
of bathing before men in the public baths; prohibited by Marcus (Hist.
Aug., 23), this commerce of the sexes was encouraged by Elagabalus, and
again forbidden by Alexander (Hist. Aug., 24, 34). Hadrian, however,
seems to have been the first to declare against this promiscuous
bathing (Hist. Aug., 18): “Olim viri foeminaeque mixtim lavabant, nullo
pudore nuditatis,” says Casaubon, commenting on the passage; cf. Aulus
Gell., x, 3; Cod. Theod., IX, iii, 3; Cod., V, xvii, 11; Novel, xxii,
16, etc. Clement Alex. (_c. 200_) complains that ladies were to be seen
in the baths at Alexandria like slaves exposed for sale; Paedag., iii,
5. Far different was the conduct of the Byzantine matrons a thousand
years later; they then fell into the ways of Oriental exclusiveness as
seen amongst the dominant Turks; see Filelfo, Epistolae, ix, Sphortiae
Sec., 1451. A native of Ancona, who lived at CP. for several years in
the half century preceding the capture of the city.
[492] Chrysostom, In Epist. ad Ephes., iv, Hom. xv, 3 (in Migne, xi,
109). The cries of the girl, often tied to a bedpost, might even be
heard in the street, and if she stripped herself in a public bath the
weals on her back were sometimes the subject of public remark. Whilst
counselling mercy he considers that the whipping is generally deserved.
[493] Chrysostom, Quales duc. sint Uxores, 7 (in Migne, iii, 236); In
Epist. I ad Corinth., Hom. xii, 5 (in Migne, x, 103).
[494] Fifteen for males and thirteen for females were the marriageable
ages as legally recognized; Leo, Novel., lxxiv.
[495] Chrysostom, Quales duc. sint Uxores, 5 (in Migne, iii, 233);
γραΐδια μυθεύοντα, κ. τ. λ.
[496] Even Arcadius had to be content with a portrait and a verbal
description of the charms of Eudoxia, the daughter of a subject and a
townsman; Zosimus, v, 3.
[497] The early Christians gradually inclined to the custom of asking
a formal benediction from the clergy as an essential part of the
marriage ceremony, but about the time of Chrysostom the practice began
to be disregarded. With the disuse also of pagan rites it began to be
doubted whether nuptials could be legal unless accompanied at least by
an orgiastic festival. To dispel this misgiving Theodosius II in 428
decreed that no sort of formal contract was required, but merely fair
evidence that the parties had agreed to enter the connubial state; Cod.
Theod., III, vii, 3. The Christian rite was not made compulsory till
the end of the ninth century; Leo Sap. Novel., lxxxix.
[498] Chrysostom, In Matth. Hom. xxxvii, 5 (in Migne, vii, 425); In
Act. Apost., xlii, 3 (in Migne, ix, 300); In Epist. I ad Corinth, Hom.
xii, 5 (in Migne, x, 102), etc. His favourite theme for objurgation.
He complains especially: “And worse, virgins are present at these
orgies, having laid aside all shame; to do honour to the bride?
rather disgrace,” etc. These must be _ancillae_, or girls of a lower
class, as it is evident from the above account that young ladies of
any family could not be seen even at church by intending suitors;
possibly they were kept closely veiled. On this point see further
Puech’s Chrysostom, Paris, 1891, p. 133. An introduction of this kind
had always been considered necessary, as is shown by the equitation of
the phallus (Mutinus) imposed on Roman brides the first night. These
old customs were a constant mark for gibe among the early Christian
Fathers; Lactantius, Div. Inst., l, 20; Augustine, De Civ. Dei, iv, 11;
Arnobius, iv, _et passim_, etc.
[499] Chrysostom, In Joann. Hom. xxxii, 3 (in Migne, vii, 186).
[500] _Ibid._, In Epist. ad Corinth. Hom. xii, 7 (in Migne, x, 105).
[501] Chrysostom, In Epist. ad Corinth. Hom. xii, 7 (in Migne, x, 105).
[502] _Ibid._, In Matth. Hom. lxxii, 2 (in Migne, vii, 669); Ad Pop.
Antioch., xix, 4 (in Migne, ii, 196).
[503] _Ibid._, Ad Illum. Catech., ii, 5 (in Migne, ii, 240).
[504] _Ibid._, In Epist. I ad Corinth., xii, 7 (in Migne, x, 105).
[505] _Ibid._, De Consol. Mort. 6 (in Migne, vi, 303).
[506] _Ibid._, Expos. in Psalm cxi, 4 (in Migne, v, 297), etc. He often
protests against this form of luxury. At Rome especially, when the
ownership of these costly piles had passed into oblivion, it was the
habit of builders to pillage them in order to use their architectural
adornments and materials for new erections; Cod. Theod., IX, xvii.
Apparently the sepulchres were sometimes violated for the supply of
false relics.
[507] Chrysostom. Habentes autem eumdem, etc. Hom. ii, 9 (in Migne,
iii, 284).
[508] See Plato’s Phaedrus, Symposium, etc.; Plutarch, Pelopidas, 19. A
modern Democritus might smile at the conclusion of Lucian that, whilst
the commerce of the sexes is necessary for the propagation of the race,
paederasty is the ideal sphere for the love of philosophers; Amores.
According to Aristotle, Minos introduced the practice into Crete as
an antidote against over-population; Politics, ii, 10; vii, 16. In
this respect the Greeks, perhaps, corrupted on the one hand and on the
other Romans and Persians alike; Herodotus, i, 135. It was indigenous,
however, among the Etruscans; Athenaeus, xii, 14, etc.
[509] The shadowy Scantinian law was enacted against it, but remained
a dead letter; Cicero, Ad Famil., viii, 12, 14, etc.; cf. Plutarch,
Marcellus, 2.
[510] I have not, however, fallen in with any account of the dedication
of a temple to _Amor Virilis_. Such a shrine would have been quite
worthy of Nero or Elagabalus, indeed of Hadrian.
[511] Suetonius, Nero, 28; Hist. Aug. Hadrian, 14; Heliogabalus, 6, 15,
etc.; Statius, Silvae, iii, 4, etc. The adulation of this vice pervaded
even the golden age of Latin poetry:
But Virgil’s songs are pure except that horrid one
Beginning with “Formosum pastor Corydon.”
Byron, Don Juan, i, 42.
For the estimation in which paederasty was held in Crete see Strabo,
X, iv, 21; Athenaeus, xi, 20. Old men even wore a robe of “honour”
to indicate that in youth they had been chosen to act the part of a
pathic. The epigram on Julius Caesar is well known—“omnium mulierum
vir, omnium virorum mulier”; Suetonius, in Vit. 52. Anastasius, who
seems to have been somewhat of a purist for his time, abolished a
theatrical spectacle addressed particularly to the paederasts, against
which Chrysostom had vainly launched his declamations; In Psalm xli,
2 (in Migne, v, 157). “Boys, assuming the dress and manners of women,
with a mincing gait and erotic gestures, ravished the senses of the
observers so that men raged against each other in their impassioned
fury. This stain on our manners you obliterated,” etc.; Procopius,
Gaz. Panegyr., 16. The saint is much warmer and more analytical in his
invective.
[512] Hist. Aug. Alexander, 24.
[513] Tertullian, De Monogam., 12; Lactantius, Divin. Instit., v, 9;
Salvian, De Gubern. Dei, vii, 17, etc.
[514] Cod. Theod., IX, vii, with Godefroy’s duplex commentary. The
peculiar wording of the law of Constantius almost suggests that it was
enacted in a spirit of mocking complacency; _ibid._, Cod., IX, ix, 31.
[515] Chrysostom, Adv. Op. Vit. Mon., 8 (in Migne, i, 361). There was
probably a stronger tincture of Greek manners at Antioch, of Roman at
Constantinople, but the difference does not seem to have been material.
We here take leave of Chrysostom. The saint fumes so much that we must
generally suspect him of exaggeration, but doubtless this was the style
which drew large crowds of auditors and won him popularity.
[516] Procopius, Anecdot., 9, 11; Novel., lxxvii, etc. The first
glimpse of Byzantine sociology is due to Montfaucon, who, at the end
of his edition of Chrysostom brought together a selection of the most
striking passages he had met with. These excerpts were the germ and
foundation of a larger and more systematized work by P. Mueller, Bishop
of Zealand; De Luxu, Moribus, etc., Aevi Theod., 1794. An article
in the Quarterly Review, vol. lxxviii, deals briefly with the same
materials. I have derived assistance from all three, but, as a rule, my
instances are taken directly from the text of Chrysostom.
[517] Twelve ounces, rather less than the English ounce. The difficulty
in obtaining a just equivalent for ancient money in modern values is
almost insuperable. After various researches I have decided, as the
safest approximation, to reckon the _solidus_ at 11_s._ 2_d._ and the
lb. Byz. of gold at £40.
[518] This appears to have been merely a “coin of account,” but
there were at one time large silver coins, value, perhaps, about six
shillings, also pieces of alloyed silver. For some reason all these
were called in and made obsolete at the beginning of the fifth century;
Cod. Theod., IX, xxi, xxii, xxiii. No silver coins larger than a
shilling seem to have been preserved to our time.
[519] As the price of copper was fixed at 25 lb. for a _solidus_,
these coins might have been very bulky; “dumps,” as such are called by
English sailors abroad, above an ounce in weight, but nothing near so
heavy has come down to us; Cod. Theod., XI, xxi.
[520] Other emperors, however, struck single _nummia_, and these may
have remained in use. They are known to collectors and weigh 5 grs. and
upwards.
[521] See the specimens figured by Ducange, CP. Christ., or in other
works on numismatics.
[522] The Macedonian kings in the fifth century B.C. were the first
princes to put their names and portraits on their coinage, but the
practice did not become common till after Alexander the Great; cf.
Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 33. Very large gold medals were minted
by most of the Roman emperors, weighing even one or two lb. Hist. Aug.,
Alexander, 39. This imposing coinage appears to have been used for
paying subsidies or tribute to barbarian nations. They were carried
slung over the backs of horses in those leathern bags, which we see in
the Notitia among the insignia of the Counts of the Treasury; Cod.,
XII, li, 12; Paulus Diac., De Gest. Langob., iii, 13.
[523] The value of money in relation to the necessaries of life, always
a shifting quantity, was not very different in these ages to what it
is at present. To give a few examples: bread was about the same price,
common shoes cost 1_s._ 6_d._ to 5_s._ a pair; a workman, according
to skill, earned 1_s._ 6_d._ to 4_s._ a day; see Dureau de la Malle,
Econ. polit. des Romains, Paris, 1840; also Waddington’s Edict of
Diocletian; an ordinary horse fetched £10 or £12; Cod. Theod., XI,
i, 29, etc. On the Byzantine coinage see Sabatier, Monnaies Byzant.,
etc., Paris, 1862, i, p. 25, _et seq._ An imperfect, but so far the
only comprehensive work; cf. Finlay, Hist. Greece, i, p. 432, _et seq._
Mommsen’s work also gives some space to the subject. False coining and
money-clipping were of course prevalent in this age and punishable
capitally, but there was also a class of magnates who arrogated to
themselves the right of coining, a privilege conceded in earlier
times, and who maintained private mints for the purpose. In spite of
legal enactments some of them persisted in the practice, and their
penalty was to be aggregated with all their apparatus and operatives
to the Imperial mints, there to exert their skill indefinitely for the
government; Cod. Theod., IX, xxi, xxii. Their lot suggests the Miltonic
fate of Mulciber:
Nor aught availed him now
To have built in heaven high towers; nor did he ’scape
By all his engines, but was headlong sent
With his industrious crew to build in hell.
Paradise Lost, I.
[524] In 1885, a “guess” census taken by the Turkish authorities put
it at 873,565, but the modern city is much shrunk within the ancient
walls; Grosvenor, _op. cit._, p. 8.
[525] The Avars, during an incursion made in 616, carried off 270,000
captives of both sexes from the vicinity of the city; Nicephorus CP.,
p. 16.
[526] The largest reservoir, now called the “Bendt of Belgrade,” about
ten miles N.W. of CP. is more than a mile long. The water is conveyed,
as a rule, through subterranean pipes, and there is no visible aqueduct
within six miles of the city. The so-called “Long Aqueduct” is about
three-quarters of a mile in length.
[527] Evagrius, iii, 38; Procopius, De Aedific., iv, 9; Chron.
Paschal., an. 512, etc.
[528] In modern Hindostan somewhat of a parallel might be traced, but
very imperfectly. After the third century Gothic must also have become
a familiar language at CP.
[529] The partial survival of the Latin language in the East during
these centuries is proved, not merely by the body of law, inscriptions,
numismatics, etc., but by the fact that some authors who must have
expected to be read generally at Constantinople, chose to write in
that tongue, especially Ammianus (“Graecus et miles,” his own words),
Marcellinus Comes, and Corippus.
[530] This vulgar dialect has probably never been committed to writing.
Specimens crop up occasionally, particularly in Jn. Malala, also in
Theophanes, i, p. 283 (De Boor). See Krumbacher, _op. cit._, p. 770,
_et seq._ The cultured Greeks, however, even to the end of the Empire,
always held fast to the language of literary Hellas in her prime; see
Filelfo, _loc. cit._
[531] It is worthy of remark that assumption of the aspirate was in the
period of best Latinity a vulgar fault decried by Romans of refined
speech:
Chommoda dicebat, si quando commoda vellet
Dicere, et hinsidias Arrius insidias....
Ionios fluctus, post quam illuc Arrius isset,
Jam non Ionios esse, sed Hionios.
Catullus, lxxxii.
[532] Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., iii, 27, 68.
[533] In the absence of full contemporary evidence for a complete
picture of Byzantine life at the point of time dealt with, it has
often been necessary to have recourse to writers both of earlier and
later date; an exigency, however, almost confined to Chrysostom and
Constantine Porphyrogennetos. In taking this liberty I have exercised
great caution so as to avoid anachronisms; and if such exist I may
fairly hope them to be of a kind which will not easily be detected.
I have always tried to obtain some presumptive proof in previous
or subsequent periods that the scene as represented may be shifted
backwards and forwards through the centuries without marring its truth
as a picture of the times. In these unprogressive ages, wherever
civilization was maintained, it often had practically the same aspect
even for thousands of years.
[534] It is generally conceded that iconoclastic zeal in respect of
primitive Roman history, under the impulse given by Lewis and Niebuhr,
has been carried too far. Even now archaeological researches with the
spade on the site of the Forum, etc., are producing confirmation of
some traditional beliefs already proclaimed as mythical by too astute
critics; see Lanciani, _The Athenaeum_, 1899. In any case the legends
and hearsay as to their origin, current among various races, have a
psychological interest, and may afford valuable indications as to
national proclivities, which must rescue them from the neglect of every
judicious historian.
[535] Livy, iv, 52, etc.
[536] The favourite title of Augustus was _Princeps_ or “First
citizen,” but the more martial emperors, such as Galba and Trajan,
preferred the military _Imperator_, which after their time became
distinctive of the monarch. By the end of the third century, under
the administration of Aurelian and Diocletian, the emperor became an
undisguised despot, and henceforward was regarded as the _Dominus_,
a term which originally expressed the relation between a master and
his slaves; see Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., i, 5; the series of coins in
Cohen’s Numismatics of the Empire, etc.
[537] Strabo says it was full of Tarsians and Alexandrians; xiv, 5.
Athenaeus calls it “an epitome of the world”; i, 17; cf. Tacitus, Ann.,
xv, 44; “The city which attracts and applauds all things villainous and
shameful.”
[538] Tiberius made an end of the _comitia_ or popular elections, and
after his time the offices of state were conferred in the Senate, a
body which in its elements was constituted at the fiat of the emperor;
Tacitus, Ann., i, 15, etc.
[539] Under Diocletian (_c._ 300) the legislative individualism of the
emperor attained maturity; see Muirhead, Private Law of Rome, Edin.,
1899, P. 353.
[540] The choice of Galba by the soldiers in Spain (68 A.D.) first
“revealed the political secret that emperors could be created elsewhere
than at Rome”; Tacitus, Hist., i, 4. Trajan, if actually a Spaniard,
was the first emperor of foreign extraction.
[541] In the quadripartite allotment by Diocletian, he himself fixed
his residence at Nicomedia, his associate Augustus chose Milan,
whilst the scarcely subordinated Caesars, Galerius and Constantius,
made Sirmium and Treves their respective stations; Aurelius Vict.,
Diocletian.
[542] Arcadius, as the elder, reigned in the East, a proof that it
was esteemed to be the most brilliant position. The Notitia also, a
contemporary work, places the East first as the superior dominion. No
doubt the new tyrants found themselves in an uncongenial atmosphere at
Rome, and the sterner stuff of the Western nations would not tolerate
their sublime affectations. They could stand the follies of Nero,
but not the vain-glory of Constantine, who soon fled from the covert
sneers of the capital and merely paid it a couple of perfunctory visits
afterwards. It is significant that the forms of adoration are omitted
from the Notitia of the West; cf., however, Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., xii,
18, 20.
[543] About a year, but sometimes prolonged; he could be indicted
afterwards for misconduct, unless like Sulla, Caesar, etc., and the
aspirants to the purple later, he found himself strong enough to seize
on the supremacy.
[544] See Mommsen, Das röm. Militärwesen, etc. Hermes, xxiv, 1889.
[545] Aurelius Vict., Diocletian, etc. After Elagabalus Aurelian was
the pioneer in this departure, but in their case it seems to have been
not a policy so much as a love of pompous display. It is worth noting
that these emperors were men of low origin; Aurelian was a peasant,
Diocletian the son of a slave. Yet Aurelian would not let his wife wear
silk; Hist. Aug. Aurelian, 45.
[546] The brood of eunuchs (bed-keepers) flows to us from prehistoric
times. Ammianus (xiv, 6) attributes the invention to Semiramis, whose
date, if any, is about 2000 B.C. They appear to be engendered naturally
by polygamy. Isidore of Seville characterizes them as follows: “Horum
quidam coeunt, sed tamen virtus in semine nulla est. Liquorem enim
habent, et emittunt, sed ad gignendum inanem et invalidum”; Etymolog.,
x, _sb. voc._ Hence the demand for such an enactment as that of Leo,
Novel., xcviii, against their marrying, which, however, would be
unnecessary in the case of the καρξιμάδες.