CHAPTER XIV.

1660-1662.—George Fox writes an epistle of consolation to Friends

unjustly imprisoned in consequence of the insurrection of the

Fifth-Monarchy Men—Friends’ declaration against war and

plots—John Perrot and Charles Bailey create a schism—some

Friends in New England are put to death, a sense whereof is

given to George Fox at the time—the King’s mandamus to the

Governor of New England and others, to restrain them from

executing Friends—the _Battledore_ is published, showing, by

examples from thirty languages, that “Thou” and “Thee” are

proper to one person—on true worship—George Fox disputes with

some Jesuits, and with _all_ other sects—John Perrot’s heresy

condemned—on judicial swearing—George Fox and Richard

Hubberthorn write to the King, showing the number of Friends

imprisoned prior to, and during the first year of, the

Restoration, and the number who died in prison during the

Commonwealth—Thomas Sharman, jailer at Derby, convinced, and

writes to George Fox—George Fox applies to Lord D’Aubigny on

behalf of two Friends imprisoned in the Inquisition at Malta,

who procures their liberation—the ground and rise of persecution

set forth—great service at _Bristol_, where also he has a

vision—visits Captain Brown and his wife; the former had lied

from persecution, and was judged in himself, but afterwards

convinced—George Fox and several others are arrested by Lord

Beaumont, and sent to Leicester jail—they are suddenly

liberated—to Friends on the death of Edward Burrough—escapes

from persecutors—Friends established on Christ, the Rock of

Ages.

When it was known I was discharged from Lancaster Castle, a company

of envious, wicked spirits were troubled, and terror took hold of

Justice Porter; for he was afraid I would take advantage of the law

against him for my wrong imprisonment, and thereby undo him, his

wife, and children. Indeed I was pressed by some in authority to

make him and the rest examples; but I said, “I should leave them to

the Lord; if the Lord forgave them, I should not trouble myself with

them.”

Now did I see the end of the travail which I had had in my sore

exercise at Reading; for the everlasting power of the Lord was over

all, and his blessed truth, life, and light shone over the nation,

and great and glorious meetings we had, and very quiet; and many

flocked in unto the truth. Richard Hubberthorn had been with the

king, who said, “None should molest us, so long as we lived

peaceably,” and promised this to us upon the word of a king, telling

him we might make use of his promise.[65] Some Friends also were

admitted into the House of Lords, and had liberty to declare their

reasons, why they could not pay tithes, swear, or go to the

steeple-house worship, or join with others in worship, and they

heard them moderately. And there being about seven hundred Friends

in prison in the nation, who had been committed under Oliver’s and

Richard’s government, upon contempts (as they call them), when the

king came in, he set them all at liberty. There seemed at that time

an inclination and intention in the government to grant Friends’

liberty, because they were sensible that we had suffered as well as

they under the former powers. But still, when anything was going

forward in order thereto, some dirty spirits or other, that would

seem to be for us, threw something in the way to stop it.

Footnote 65:

Some interesting particulars of what passed during Richard

Hubberthorn’s interview with the king are related in Sewell’s

_History_, for which see the index of that work.

It was said, there was an instrument drawn up for confirming our

liberty, and that it only wanted signing; when, suddenly, that

wicked attempt of the Fifth-monarchy-people broke out, and put the

city and nation in an uproar. This was on a First-day night, and

very glorious meetings we had had that day, wherein the Lord’s truth

shone over all, and his power was exalted above all; but about

midnight, or soon after, the drums beat, and the cry was, “Arm,

Arm!” I got up out of bed, and in the morning took boat, and landing

at Whitehall-stairs, walked through Whitehall. They looked strangely

at me there, but I passed through them, and went to Pall-Mall, where

divers Friends came to me, though it had now become dangerous

passing the streets; for by this time, the city and suburbs were up

in arms, and exceedingly rude the people and soldiers were; insomuch

that Henry Fell,[66] going to a Friend’s house, the soldiers knocked

him down, and he would have been killed, had not the Duke of York

come by. Great mischief was done in the city this week; and when the

next First-day came, as Friends went to their meetings, many were

taken prisoners.

Footnote 66:

Henry Fell was an eminent minister in the Society. In 1656 and

1658 he visited the West India isles. During the first visit, he

was absent from home about a year. From 1659 to 1662, he was

mostly engaged in gospel labours in England, and from this period

we lose all trace of him. He is mentioned in Whiting’s Catalogue

as having died in America. His home was in Lancashire, and there

is reason to believe he was a near relative of Judge Fell. He

appears to have received an education considerably above most of

his day. Some of his letters are given in Bowden’s _History of

Friends in America_, and in Barclay’s _Letters of Early Friends_.

I stayed at Pall-Mall, intending to be at the meeting there; but on

the Seventh-day night, a company of troopers came and knocked at the

door. The servant letting them in, they rushed into the house, and

laid hold of me; and there being amongst them one that had served

under the parliament, he put his hand to my pocket, and asked,

“whether I had any pistols?” I told him he knew I did not carry

pistols, why therefore ask such a question of me, whom he knew to be

a peaceable man? Others of the soldiers ran into the chambers, and

there found in bed Esquire Marsh, who, though he was one of the

king’s bedchamber, out of his love to me, came and lodged where I

did. When they came down again, they said, “Why should we take this

man away with us? We will let him alone.” “O,” said the parliament

soldier, “he is one of the heads, and a chief ringleader.” Upon this

the soldiers were taking me away, but Esquire Marsh hearing of it,

sent for him that commanded the party, and desired him to let me

alone, for he would see me forthcoming in the morning.

In the morning before they could fetch me, and before the meeting

was gathered, there came a company of foot soldiers to the house and

one of them drawing his sword, held it over my head. I asked him,

“why he drew his sword at an unarmed man?” at which his fellows

being ashamed, bid him put up his sword. These foot soldiers took me

away to Whitehall, before the troopers came for me. As I was going

out, several friends were coming in to the meeting, whose boldness

and cheerfulness I commended, and encouraged them to persevere

therein. When I was brought to Whitehall, the soldiers and people

were exceedingly rude, yet I declared truth to them; but some great

persons coming by, who were very full of envy, “What,” said they,

“do ye let him preach? Put him into such a place, where he may not

stir.” So into that place they put me, and the soldiers watched over

me. I told them, though they could confine my body and shut that up,

yet they could not stop the Word of Life. Some came and asked me,

“What I was?” I told them, “A preacher of righteousness.” After I

had been kept there two or three hours, Esquire Marsh spoke to Lord

Gerrard, and he came and bid them set me at liberty. The marshal,

when I was discharged, demanded fees. I told him I could not give

him any, neither was it our practice; and asked him how he could

demand fees of me, who was innocent.

Then I went through the guards, the Lord’s power being over them;

and after I had declared truth to the soldiers, I went up the

streets with two Irish colonels that came from Whitehall, to an inn,

where many Friends were at that time prisoners under a guard. I

desired these colonels to speak to the guard to let me go in to

visit my friends, that were prisoners there; but they would not.

Then I stepped to the sentry, and desired him to let me go up; and

he did so. While I was there, the soldiers went to Pall-Mall again

to search for me there; but not finding me, they turned towards the

inn, and bid all come out that were not prisoners; so they went out.

But I asked the soldiers that were within, “Whether I might not stay

there a while with my friends?” They said, “Yes.” I stayed, and so

escaped their hands again. Towards night I went to Pall-Mall, to see

how it was with the Friends there; and after I had stayed a while, I

went up into the city. Great rifling of houses there was at this

time to search for people. I went to a private friend’s house, and

Richard Hubberthorn was with me. There we drew up a declaration

against plots and fightings, to be presented to the king and

council; but when finished, and sent to print, it was taken in the

press.

On this insurrection of the Fifth-monarchy men, great havoc was made

both in city and country, so that it was dangerous for sober people

to stir abroad for several weeks after; men or women could hardly go

up and down the streets to buy provisions for their families without

being abused. In the country they dragged men and women out of their

houses, and some sick men out of their beds by the legs. Nay, one

man in a fever, the soldiers dragged out of bed to prison, and when

he was brought there he died. His name was Thomas Pachyn.

Margaret Fell went to the king, and told him what sad work there was

in the city and nation, and showed him we were an innocent,

peaceable people, and that we must keep our meetings as heretofore,

whatever we suffered; but that it concerned him to see that peace

was kept, that no innocent blood might be shed. The prisons were now

everywhere filled with Friends, and others, in the city and country,

and the posts were so laid for the searching of letters, that none

could pass unsearched. We heard of several thousands of our Friends

being cast into prison in several parts of the nation, and Margaret

Fell carried an account of them to the king and council. Next week

we had an account of several thousands more being cast into prison;

and she went and laid them also before the king and council. They

wondered how we could have such intelligence, having given strict

charge for the intercepting of all letters: but the Lord so ordered

it, that we had an account, notwithstanding all their stoppings.

In the deep sense I had of the grievous suffering Friends underwent,

and of their innocency towards God and man, I was moved to send the

following epistle to them, as a word of consolation, and advised

them to send up an account of their sufferings:—

“MY DEAR FRIENDS,

“In the immortal seed of God, which will plead its own

innocency, who are inheritors of an everlasting kingdom that is

incorruptible, and of a world and riches that fade not away,

peace and mercy be multiplied amongst you in all your

sufferings; whose backs were not unready, but your hair and

cheeks prepared; who never feared suffering, knowing it is your

portion in the world, from the foundation of which the Lamb was

slain, who reigns in his glory, which he had with his Father

before the world began. He is your rock in all floods and waves,

upon which ye can stand safe, with a cheerful countenance,

beholding the Lord God of the whole earth on your side. So in

the Seed of God, which was before the unrighteous world, in

which sufferings are, live and feed; wherein the Bread of Life

is felt, and no cause to complain of hunger or cold. Friends, I

would have you all, that are or have been lately in prison, to

send up an account of your sufferings, and how things are

amongst you, that it may be delivered to the king and his

council; for things are pretty well here after the storm.”

G. F.

London, the 28th of the 11th Month, 1660.

Having lost our former declaration in the press, we hastily drew up

another against plots and fighting, got it printed, and sent some

copies to the king and council; others were sold in the streets, and

at the Exchange. Which declaration was some years after reprinted,

and is as follows:—

_A Declaration from the harmless and innocent people of God,

called Quakers, against all sedition, plotters, and fighters in

the world: for removing the ground of jealousy and suspicion from

magistrates and people concerning wars and fightings._

Presented to the King upon the 21st day of the 11th Month, 1660.

“Our principle is, and our practices have always been, to seek

peace and ensue it; to follow after righteousness and the

knowledge of God; seeking the good and welfare, and doing that

which tends to the peace of all. We know that wars and fightings

proceed from the lusts of men, as James iv. 1-3, out of which the

Lord hath redeemed us, and so out of the occasion of war. The

occasion of war, and war itself (wherein envious men, who are

lovers of themselves more than lovers of God, lust, kill, and

desire to have men’s lives or estates) ariseth from lust. All

bloody principles and practices, as to our own particulars, we

utterly deny; with all outward wars and strife, and fightings with

outward weapons, for any end, or under any pretence whatsoever;

this is our testimony to the whole world.

“And whereas it is objected:

“But although you now say ‘that you cannot fight, nor take up arms

at all, yet if the Spirit move you, then you will change your

principle, and you will sell your coat, and buy a sword, and fight

for the kingdom of Christ.’

“To this we answer, Christ said to Peter, ‘Put up thy sword in his

place;’ though he had said before, he that had no sword might sell

his coat and buy one (to the fulfilling of the law and the

Scripture), yet after, when he had bid him put it up, he said, ‘he

that taketh the sword, shall perish with the sword.’ And further,

Christ said to Pilate, ‘Thinkest thou, that I cannot now pray to

my Father, and he shall presently give me more than twelve legions

of angels?’ And this might satisfy Peter, Luke xxii. 36, after he

had put up his sword, when he said to him, ‘He that took it,

should perish with it;’ which satisfieth us, Matt. xxvi. 51-53.

And in the Revelation, it is said, ‘He that kills with the sword,

shall perish with the sword; and here is the faith and the

patience of the saints.’ And so Christ’s kingdom is not of this

world, therefore do not his servants fight, as he told Pilate, the

magistrate, who crucified him. And did they not look upon Christ

as a raiser of sedition? and did not he pray, ‘Forgive them?’ But

thus it is that we are numbered amongst transgressors, and

fighters, that the Scriptures might be fulfilled.

“That the Spirit of Christ, by which we are guided, is not

changeable, so as once to command us from a thing as evil, and

again to move unto it; and we certainly know, and testify to the

world, that the Spirit of Christ, which leads us into all truth,

will never move us to fight and war against any man with outward

weapons, neither for the kingdom of Christ, nor for the kingdoms

of this world.

“First, Because the kingdom of Christ God will exalt, according to

his promise, and cause it to grow and flourish in righteousness;

‘not by might, nor by power (of outward sword), but by my Spirit,

saith the Lord,’ Zech. iv. 6. So those that use any weapon to

fight for Christ, or for the establishing of his kingdom or

government,—their spirit, principle, and practice we deny.

“Secondly, We do earnestly desire and wait, that, by the Word of

God’s power, and its effectual operation in the hearts of men, the

kingdoms of this world may become the kingdoms of the Lord, and of

his Christ; that he may rule and reign in men by his Spirit and

truth; that thereby all people, out of every profession, may be

brought into love and unity with God, and one with another; and

that they may all come to witness the prophet’s words, who said,

‘Nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they

learn war any more,’ Isa. ii. 4., Mic. iv. 3.

“So we, whom the Lord hath called into the obedience of his truth,

have denied wars and fightings, and cannot more learn them. This

is a certain testimony unto all the world, of the truth of our

hearts in this particular, that as God persuadeth every man’s

heart to believe, so they may receive it. For we have not, as some

others, gone about with cunningly-devised fables, nor have we ever

denied in practice what we have professed in principle; but in

sincerity and truth, and by the word of God, have we laboured to

manifest unto all men, that both we and our ways might be

witnessed in the hearts of all.

“And whereas all manner of evil hath been falsely spoken of us, we

hereby speak the plain truth of our hearts, to take away the

occasion of that offence; that so being innocent, we may not

suffer for other men’s offences, nor be made a prey of by the

wills of men for that of which we were never guilty; but in the

uprightness of our hearts we may, under the power ordained of God

for the punishment of evil-doers, and for the praise of them that

do well, live a peaceable and godly life, in all godliness and

honesty. For although we have always suffered, and do now more

abundantly suffer, yet we know that it is for righteousness’ sake;

‘for our rejoicing is this, the testimony of our consciences, that

in simplicity and godly sincerity, not with fleshly wisdom, but by

the grace of God, we have had our conversation in the world,’ 2

Cor. i. 12, which for us is a witness for the convincing of our

enemies. For this we can say to all the world, we have wronged no

man, we have used no force nor violence against any man: we have

been found in no plots, nor guilty of sedition. When we have been

wronged, we have not sought to revenge ourselves; we have not made

resistance against authority; but wherein we could not obey for

conscience’ sake, we have suffered the most of any people in the

nation. We have been counted as sheep for the slaughter,

persecuted and despised, beaten, stoned, wounded, stocked,

whipped, imprisoned, haled out of synagogues, cast into dungeons

and noisome vaults, where many have died in bonds, shut up from

our friends, denied needful sustenance for many days together,

with other the like cruelties.

“And the cause of all these sufferings is not for any evil, but

for things relating to the worship of our God, and in obedience to

his requirings. For which cause we shall freely give up our bodies

a sacrifice, rather than disobey the Lord: for we know, as the

Lord hath kept us innocent, so he will plead our cause, when there

is none in the earth to plead it. So we, in obedience unto his

truth, do not love our lives unto death, that we may do his will,

and wrong no man in our generation, but seek the good and peace of

all men. He who hath commanded us that we shall not swear at all,

Matt. v. 34, hath also commanded us that we shall not kill, Matt.

v.; so that we can neither kill men, nor swear for or against

them. This is both our principle and practice, and has been from

the beginning; so that if we suffer, as suspected to take up arms,

or make war against any, it is without any ground from us; for it

neither is, nor ever was in our hearts, since we owned the truth

of God; neither shall we ever do it, because it is contrary to the

Spirit of Christ, his doctrine, and the practices of his apostles;

even contrary to him, for whom we suffer all things, and endure

all things.

“And whereas men come against us with clubs, staves, drawn swords,

pistols cocked, and beat, cut, and abuse us, yet we never resisted

them; but to them our hair, backs, and cheeks, have been ready. It

is not an honour to manhood or nobility to run upon harmless

people, who lift not up a hand against them, with arms and

weapons.

“Therefore consider these things, ye men of understanding; for

plotters, raisers of insurrections, tumultuous ones, and fighters,

running with swords, clubs, staves, and pistols, one against

another; these, we say, are of the world, and have their

foundation from this unrighteous world, from the foundation of

which the Lamb hath been slain; which Lamb hath redeemed us from

this unrighteous world, and we are not of it, but are heirs of a

world of which there is no end, and of a kingdom where no

corruptible thing enters. Our weapons are spiritual, and not

carnal, yet mighty through God, to the pulling down of the

strongholds of sin and Satan, who is the author of wars, fighting,

murder, and plots. Our swords are broken into ploughshares, and

spears into pruning-hooks, as prophesied of in Micah iv. Therefore

we cannot learn war any more, neither rise up against nation or

kingdom with outward weapons, though you have numbered us amongst

the transgressors and plotters. The Lord knows our innocency

herein, and will plead our cause with all people upon earth, at

the day of their judgment, when all men shall have a reward

according to their works.

“Therefore in love we warn you for your soul’s good, not to wrong

the innocent, nor the babes of Christ, which he hath in his hand,

which he cares for as the apple of his eye; neither seek to

destroy the heritage of God, nor turn your swords backward upon

such as the law was not made for, i.e., the righteous: but for

sinners and transgressors, to keep them down. For those are not

peacemakers, nor lovers of enemies, neither can they overcome evil

with good, who wrong them that are friends to you and all men, and

wish your good, and the good of all people on the earth. If you

oppress us, as they did the children of Israel in Egypt, and if

you oppress us as they did when Christ was born, and as they did

the Christians in the primitive times; we can say, ‘The Lord

forgive you;’ and leave the Lord to deal with you, and not revenge

ourselves. If you say, as the council said to Peter and John,

‘speak no more in that name;’ and if you serve us, as they served

the three children spoken of in Daniel, God is the same that ever

he was, that lives for ever and ever, who hath the innocent in his

arms.

“O, Friends! offend not the Lord and his little ones, neither

afflict his people; but consider and be moderate. Do not run on

hastily, but consider mercy, justice, and judgment; that is the

way for you to prosper, and obtain favour of the Lord. Our

meetings were stopped and broken up in the days of Oliver, under

pretence of plotting against him; in the days of the Committee of

Safety we were looked upon as plotters to bring in King Charles;

and now our peaceable meetings are termed seditious. O! that men

should lose their reason, and go contrary to their own conscience;

knowing that we have suffered all things, and have been accounted

plotters from the beginning, though we have declared against them

both by word of mouth and printing, and are clear from any such

thing! We have suffered all along, because we would not take up

carnal weapons to fight, and are thus made a prey, because we are

the innocent lambs of Christ, and cannot avenge ourselves! These

things are left on your hearts to consider; but we are out of all

those things, in the patience of the saints; and we know, as

Christ said, ‘He that takes the sword, shall perish with the

sword;’ Matt. xxvi. 52; Rev. xiii. 10.

“This is given forth from the people called Quakers, to

satisfy the king and his council, and all those that have any

jealousy concerning us, that all occasion of suspicion may be

taken away, and our innocency cleared.”

“_Postscript._—Though we are numbered amongst transgressors,

and have been given up to rude, merciless men, by whom our

meetings are broken up, in which we edified one another in our

holy faith, and prayed together to the Lord that lives for ever,

yet he is our pleader in this day. The Lord saith, ‘They that

feared his name spoke often together’ (as in Malachi); which were

as his jewels. For this cause, and no evil-doing, are we cast into

holes, dungeons, houses of correction, prisons (neither old nor

young being spared, men nor women), and made a prey of in the

sight of all nations, under the pretence of being seditious, &c.,

so that all rude people run upon us to take possession. For which

we say, ‘The Lord forgive them that have thus done to us;’ who

doth, and will enable us to suffer; and never shall we lift up

hand against any that thus use us; but desire the Lord may have

mercy upon them, that they may consider what they have done. For

how is it possible for them to requite us for the wrong they have

done to us? Who to all nations have sounded us abroad as

seditious, who were never found plotters against any, since we

knew the life and power of Jesus Christ manifested in us, who hath

redeemed us from the world, all works of darkness, and plotters

therein, by which we know the election, before the world began. So

we say, the Lord have mercy upon our enemies and forgive them, for

what they have done unto us!

“O! do as ye would be done by; do unto all men as you would have

them do unto you; for this is the law and the prophets.

“All plots, insurrections, and riotous meetings we deny, knowing

them to be of the devil, the murderer; which we in Christ, who was

before they were, triumph over. And all wars and fightings with

carnal weapons we deny, who have the sword of the Spirit; and all

that wrong us, we leave to the Lord. This is to clear our

innocency from the aspersion cast upon us, that we are seditious

or plotters.”

_Added in the reprinting._

“COURTEOUS READER,

“This was our testimony above twenty years ago; since then we have

not been found acting contrary to it, nor ever shall; for the

truth, that is our guide, is unchangeable. This is now reprinted

to the men of this age, many of whom were then children, and doth

stand as our certain testimony against all plotting and fighting

with carnal weapons. And if any by departing from the truth should

do so, this is our testimony in the truth against them, and will

stand over them, and the truth will be clear of them.”

This declaration somewhat cleared the dark air that was over the

city and country. And soon after the king gave forth a proclamation,

“That no soldiers should search any house without a constable.” But

the jails were still full, many thousands of Friends being in

prison; which mischief was occasioned by the wicked rising of the

Fifth-monarchy-men. But when those that were taken came to be

executed, they did us the justice to clear us openly from having any

hand in or knowledge of their plot. After that, the king being

continually importuned thereunto, issued a declaration, “That

Friends should be set at liberty without paying fees.” But great

labour, travail, and pains were taken, before this was obtained; for

Thomas Moor and Margaret Fell went often to the king about it.[67]

Footnote 67:

Among the Swarthmore collection of MSS. has been found a narrative

of an interview Thomas Moore had with the king, which has been

printed in _Letters of Early Friends_, p. 92, to which the reader

is referred. It is endorsed by George Fox thus:—“What the king

said to T. Moor, 1600, 14th of 10th month.” It will be remembered

Thomas Moor was formerly a justice of the peace, and was convinced

by George Fox, as related at page 260 in this volume.

Much blood was shed this year, many of the late king’s judges being

hung, drawn, and quartered. Amongst them that so suffered, Colonel

Hacker was one, who sent me prisoner from Leicester to London in

Oliver’s time, of which an account is given before. A sad day it

was, and a repaying of blood with blood. For in the time of Oliver

Cromwell, when several men were put to death by him, being hung,

drawn, and quartered, for pretended treasons, I felt from the Lord

God, that their blood would be required; and I said as much then to

several. And now upon the king’s return, when several that had been

against him were put to death, as the others that were for him had

been before by Oliver, this was sad work, destroying people contrary

to the nature of Christians, who have the nature of lambs and sheep.

But there was a secret hand in bringing this day upon that

hypocritical generation of professors, who, being got into power,

grew proud, haughty, and cruel beyond others, and persecuted the

people of God without pity.

Therefore when Friends were under cruel persecutions and sufferings

in the Commonwealth’s time, I was moved of the Lord to write to

Friends to draw up accounts of their sufferings, and lay them before

the justices at their sessions; and if they would not do justice,

then to lay them before the judges at the assize; and if they would

not do justice, then to lay them before the parliament, the

protector and his council, that they might all see what was done

under their government; and if they would not do justice, then to

lay it before the Lord, who would hear the cries of the oppressed,

and of the widows and fatherless whom they had made so. For that

which we suffered for, and for which our goods were spoiled, was our

obedience to the Lord in his Power and in his Spirit, who was able

to help and to succour, and we had no helper in the earth but him.

And he heard the cries of his people, and brought an overflowing

scourge over the heads of all our persecutors, which brought a

dread, and a fear amongst and on them all: so that those who had

nicknamed us (who are the children of light) and in scorn called us

Quakers, the Lord made to quake; and many of them would have been

glad to have hid themselves amongst us; and some of them, through

the distress that came upon them, did at length come to confess to

the truth. O! the daily reproaches, revilings, and beatings we

underwent amongst them, even in the highways, because we could not

put off our hats to them, and for saying Thou and Thee to them! O!

the havoc and spoil the priests made of our goods, because we could

not put into their mouths and give them tithes; besides casting into

prisons, and laying great fines upon us, because we could not swear!

But for all these things did the Lord God plead with them. Yet some

were so hardened in their wickedness, that when they were turned out

of their places and offices, they said, “If they had power, they

would do the same again.” And when this day of overturning was come

upon them, they said, “It was all on account of us.” Wherefore I was

moved to write to them, and ask them, “Did we ever resist them when

they took away our ploughs and plough-gears, our carts and horses,

our corn and cattle, our kettles and platters from us, whipped us,

set us in the stocks, and cast us into prison, and all this only for

serving and worshipping God in spirit and truth, and because we

could not conform to their religions, manners, customs, and

fashions? Did we ever resist them? Did we not give them our backs to

beat, and our cheeks to pull off the hair, and our faces to spit on?

Had not their priests, that prompted them on to such work, pulled

them with themselves into the ditch? Why then would they say, ‘It

was all on account of us,’ when it was owing to themselves and their

priests, their blind prophets, that followed their own spirits, and

could foresee nothing of these times and things that were come upon

them, which we had long forewarned them of, as Jeremiah and Christ

had forewarned Jerusalem. They had thought to weary us out, and undo

us, but they undid themselves. Whereas we could praise God,

notwithstanding all their plundering of us, that we had a platter, a

horse, and plough still.”

Many ways were these professors warned, by word, by writing, and by

signs; but they would believe none, till it was too late. William

Sympson[68] was moved of the Lord to go, several times for three

years, naked and barefoot before them, as a sign unto them, in

markets, courts, towns, cities, to priests’ and great men’s houses,

telling them, “So should they be stripped naked, as he was

stripped!” And sometimes he was moved to put on sackcloth, and

besmear his face, and tell them, “So would the Lord God besmear all

their religion, as he was besmeared.” Great sufferings did that poor

man undergo, sore whippings with horse-whips and coach-whips on his

bare body, grievous stonings and imprisonments, in three years’

time, before the king came in, that they might have taken warning;

but they would not: they rewarded his love with cruel usage. Only

the Mayor of Cambridge did nobly to him, for he put his gown about

him, and took him into his house.

Footnote 68:

This is probably the Friend of whom there is some account in

_Piety Promoted_, vol. ii., p. 71. He was born in Lancashire, and

receiving the Truth, became a faithful minister of it, for which

he was often imprisoned, and underwent cruel and hard sufferings.

In 1670, he went to Barbadoes with John Burnyeat, to preach the

gospel in that island, but after having some service there, he was

taken ill of a fever, during which he felt great peace and

consolation of spirit, and signified “he should die.” He was often

praising and glorifying God after this manner: “O! all that is

within me praise and magnify the Lord God, who is worthy for ever

of all glory; everlasting praises to the God of my life, who only

is worthy, and lives over all, and is above all, God blessed for

ever. Amen.” He died in much peace and quietness.

Another Friend, Robert Huntingdon, was moved of the Lord to go into

Carlisle steeple-house, with a white sheet about him, amongst the

great Presbyterians and Independents there, to show them that the

surplice was coming up again: and he put a halter about his neck, to

show them that a halter was coming upon them; which was fulfilled

upon some of our persecutors not long after.

Another, Richard Sale, living near Chester, being constable of the

place where he lived, had a Friend sent to him with a pass, whom

those wicked professors had taken up for a vagabond, because he

travelled in the work of the ministry; and this constable being

convinced by the Friend that was thus brought to him, gave him his

pass and liberty, and was afterwards himself cast into prison. After

this, on a lecture-day, Richard Sale was moved to go to the

steeple-house, in the time of their worship, and carry to those

persecuting priests and people, a lantern and candle, as a figure of

their darkness; but they cruelly abused him, and like dark

professors as they were, put him into their prison called

Little-Ease; and so squeezed his body therein, that not long after

he died.[69]

Footnote 69:

Richard Sale, the constable who became convinced, was an undaunted

reprover of vice. The place in which he lost his life, called

“Little Ease,” is described to have been “a hole hewed out in a

rock; the breadth across, seventeen inches; from the back to the

inside of the great door, at the top, seven inches; at the

shoulders, eight inches; at the breast, nine inches and a half;

from the top to the bottom, one yard and a half, with a device to

lessen the height, as they are minded to torment the persons put

in, by drawboards which shoot over the two sides to a yard height,

or thereabout.”

Into this place was Richard Sale put several times, in 1656-1657,

for three, four, five and eight hours together. Being corpulent,

it required the strength of four men to thrust him in. In doing

which they crushed him till the blood gushed out of his mouth and

nose. He survived the last torture but two months, and died

imputing his death to the cruelty of his persecutors.

In this place they tormented many of those who were induced, with,

Christian courage, to reprove the vices, either of ministers,

magistrates, or people. Richard Costrop, for preaching repentance

in the streets, was put in Little Ease till next day, and then, by

the Mayor, sent to Bridewell. Thomas Yarwood, who, as the Mayor

and Aldermen were going to a customary feast, with music playing

before them, dared to remind them wherein real Christianity stood,

viz., _in true holiness and the fear of the Lord_, was sent to

Little Ease, and kept there five hours; by which he, being but a

weak sickly man was much bruised and hurt. William Sympson,

attempting, in Christian love, to exhort the people, after their

public preacher had ended his sermon, was first put in the stocks,

and afterwards kept in Little Ease nine hours. When, next morning,

he complained to the Mayor of his cruel usage, he was sent again

to the same place, after the Sheriff, in the Mayor’s presence, had

struck him in the face, so that he bled very much. Edward Morgan,

complaining to the Mayor against a drunken fellow who had grossly

abused him, was sent to Little Ease for not putting off his hat

when he made that complaint, and the drunkard went unpunished; as

did also a servant who had robbed his master, a Friend, the master

being, by this same magistrate, imprisoned eleven weeks, because

he would not swear to the fact of the robbery.

Many warnings of many sorts were Friends moved, in the power of the

Lord, to give to that generation; which they not only rejected, but

abused Friends, calling us giddy-headed Quakers; but God brought his

judgments upon those persecuting priests and magistrates. For when

the king came in, most of them were turned out of their places and

benefices, and the spoilers were spoiled: and then we could ask

them, “Who were the giddy heads now?” Then many confessed we had

been true prophets to the nation, and said, “Had we cried against

some priests only, they should have liked us then; but crying

against all made them dislike us.” But now they saw those priests,

which were then looked upon to be the best, were as bad as the rest.

For indeed, some of those that were counted the most eminent, were

the bitterest and greatest stirrers up of the magistrates to

persecution; and it was a judgment upon them to be denied the free

liberty of their consciences when the king came in, because when

they were uppermost, they would not have liberty of conscience

granted to others. One Hewes, of Plymouth, a priest of great note in

Oliver’s days, when some liberty was granted, prayed “that God would

put it into the hearts of the chief magistrates of the nation, to

remove this cursed toleration.” Others prayed against it under the

name of Intolerable Toleration. But a while after when the king was

come in and priest Hewes turned out of his great benefice for not

conforming to the Common Prayer, a Friend of Plymouth meeting with

him, asked, “Whether he would account toleration accursed now?” and

“whether he would not now be glad of a toleration?” To which the

priest returned no answer save by the shaking of his head. But as

stiff as these men were then against toleration, it is well known

many of them petitioned the king for toleration, and for

meeting-places, and paid for licenses too. But to return to the

present time, the latter end of the year 1660 and beginning of 1661.

Although those Friends that had been imprisoned on the rising of the

Monarchy-men were set at liberty, meetings were much disturbed, and

great sufferings Friends underwent. For besides what was done by

officers and soldiers, many wild fellows and rude people often came

in. There came one time, when I was at Pall Mall, an ambassador with

a company of Irishmen and rude fellows; the meeting was over before

they came, and I was gone up into a chamber, where I heard one of

them say, “He would kill all the Quakers.” I went down to him, and

was moved in the power of the Lord to speak to him. I told him, “The

law said, ‘an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth;’ but thou

threatenest to kill all the Quakers, though they have done thee no

hurt. But,” said I, “Here is gospel for thee: here is my hair, here

is my cheek, and here is my shoulder,” turning it to him. This came

so over him, that he and his companions stood as men amazed, and

said, if that was our principle, and if we were as we said, they

never saw the like in their lives. I told them, what I was in words,

I was the same in life. Then the ambassador, who had stood without,

came in: for he said that Irish colonel was such a desperate man,

that he durst not come in with him, for fear he should do us some

mischief; but truth came over him, and he carried himself lovingly

towards us; as also did the ambassador; for the Lord’s power was

over them all.

At Mile-End, Friends were kept out of their meeting-place by

soldiers, but they stood nobly in the truth, valiant for the Lord’s

name; and at last the truth gave them dominion.

About this time we had an account that John Love, a Friend, that was

moved to go and bear testimony against the idolatry of the Papists,

was dead in prison at Rome: it was suspected he was privately put to

death in prison. John Perrot was also a prisoner there, and being

released came over again; but after his arrival here, he with

Charles Baily and others, turned aside from the unity of Friends and

truth. Whereupon I was moved to issue a paper, declaring how the

Lord would blast him and his followers, if they did not repent and

return; and that they should wither like the grass on the housetop,

which many of them did; but others returned and repented.

Also before this time we received account from New England, “that

the government there had made a law to banish the Quakers out of

their colonies, upon pain of death, in case they returned; and that

several Friends, having been so banished, and returning, were taken,

and actually hung; and that many more were in prison, in danger of

the like sentence being executed upon them.”[70] When those were put

to death, I was in prison at Lancaster, and had a perfect sense of

their sufferings, as though it had been myself, and as though the

halter had been put about my own neck; though we had not at that

time heard of it.

Footnote 70:

The persecution of the Quakers in New England, by the Puritans and

Independents, who had themselves fled from home to enjoy religious

liberty, forms a dreadful story, the very recital of which is

revolting to humanity. Some they caused to have their ears cut

off; and, amongst many other cruelties, which would fill a volume,

they ordered three Quaker women to be stripped to the waist, and

flogged through eleven towns, a distance of eighty miles, in all

the severity of frost and snow. But, as if this was not enough,

they actually hanged three men and one woman for Christ’s sake,

who all acquitted themselves, at their awful exit, with that

firmness and submission which a Christian martyr is enabled to

sustain at such an hour of nature’s extremity, giving full proof

of their sincerity and trust in the goodness and support of Him,

who had called them to make a public profession of his name before

a wicked and perverse generation. Their names were—William

Robinson, Marmaduke Stevenson, William Leddra, and Mary Dyer.

On the day appointed for the execution of these innocent victims,

they were led to the gallows by military officers, accompanied by

a band of about 200 armed men, besides many horsemen—a measure

which plainly indicated that some fear of popular indignation was

apprehended; and, that no appeal might be made to the feelings of

the multitude, a drummer was appointed to march before the

condemned persons, to beat the drum, especially when any of them

attempted to speak.

Glorious signs of heavenly joy and gladness were visible in the

countenances of these holy martyrs, who walked hand in hand to the

place where they were to suffer. “This is to me an hour of the

greatest joy,” exclaimed Mary Dyer; adding, that no eye could see,

no ear could hear, no tongue could utter, no heart could

understand, the sweet refreshings of the Spirit of the Lord which

she then felt.

Being come to the ladder, and having taken leave of each other

with tender affection, they yielded up their lives into the hands

of their enemies, Robinson’s last words being, “I suffer for

Christ, in whom I live, and for whom I die;” and those of

Stevenson, “This day shall we be at rest with the Lord.” William

Leddra, patiently submitting himself whilst the executioner put

the halter round his neck, said, “I commit my righteous cause unto

thee, O God;” and, as he was turned off, died with these words,

“Lord Jesus, receive my spirit!” When Mary Dyer ascended the

ladder, she was told by some of the standers-by that even now, if

she would obey them, she might come down and save her life. But

this magnanimous sufferer shrank not from her doom, well knowing

in whom, and for whom she was about to die; she contentedly laid

down her life, saying, “In obedience to the will of the Lord, I

abide faithful unto death.”

“We too, have had our martyrs. Such wert thou,

Illustrious woman! though the starry crown

Of martyrdom has sat on many a brow,

In the world’s eye, of far more wide renown.

Yet the same spirit graced thy fameless end,

Which shone in Latimer and his compeers;

Upon whose hallowed memories still attend

Manhood’s warm reverence, childhood’s guileless tears.

Well did they win them; may they keep them long!

Their names require not praise obscure as mine,

Nor does my muse their cherish’d memories wrong,

By this imperfect aim to honour thine.

Heroic martyr of a sect despised!

Thy name and memory to my heart are dear:

Thy fearless zeal (in artless childhood prized)

The lapse of years has taught me to revere.

Thy Christian worth demands no poet’s lay,

Historian’s pen, nor sculptor’s boasted art;

What could the proudest tribute these can pay

To thy immortal spirit, now impart?

Yet seems it like a sacred debt to give

The brief memorial thou mayst well supply;

Whose life display’d how Christians ought to live,

Whose death—how Christian martyrs calmly die.”

For further particulars of the New England persecution, the reader

is referred to Sewell’s _History_; Bowden’s _History of Friends in

America_; Kelty’s _Early Days in the Society of Friends_;

Hodgson’s _Historical Memoirs, &c._

But as soon as we heard of it, Edward Burrough went to the king, and

told him, “There was a vein of innocent blood opened in his

dominions, which, if it were not stopped, would overrun all.” To

which the king replied, “But I will stop that vein.” Edward Burrough

said, “Then do it speedily, for we do not know how many may soon be

put to death.” The king answered, “As speedily as ye will. Call,”

said he to some present, “the secretary, and I will do it

presently.” The secretary being called, a mandamus was forthwith

granted. A day or two after, Edward Burrough going again to the

king, to desire the matter might be expedited, the king said, “He

had no occasion at present to send a ship thither, but if we would

send one, we might do it as soon as we chose.” Edward Burrough then

asked the king, “if it would please him to grant his deputation to

one called a Quaker, to carry the mandamus to New England?” He said,

“Yes, to whom ye will.” Whereupon E. B. named Samuel Shattock, who

being an inhabitant of New England, was banished by their law, to be

hung if he came again; and to him the deputation was granted. Then

he sent for Ralph Goldsmith, an honest Friend, who was master of a

good ship, and agreed with him for £300, goods or no goods, to sail

in ten days. He forthwith prepared to set sail, and, with a

prosperous gale, in about six weeks arrived before the town of

Boston, in New England, upon a First-day morning. Many passengers

went with him, both of New and Old England, Friends, whom the Lord

moved to go to bear testimony against those bloody persecutors, who

had exceeded all the world in that age in their persecutions.

The townsmen at Boston seeing a ship come into the bay with English

colours, soon came on board, and asked for the captain. Ralph

Goldsmith told them, he was the commander. They asked him, if he had

any letters? He said, “Yes.” They asked, if he would deliver them?

He said, “No, not to-day.” So they went on shore, and reported there

was a ship full of Quakers, and that Samuel Shattock was among them,

who, they knew, was, by their law, to be put to death, for coming

again after banishment; but they knew not his errand, nor his

authority.

So all being kept close that day, and none of the ship’s company

suffered to land, next morning, Samuel Shattock, the king’s deputy,

and Ralph Goldsmith, the commander of the vessel, went on shore; and

sending back to the ship the men that landed them, they two went

through the town to the governor’s (John Endicott’s) door, and

knocked. He sent out a man to know their business. They sent him

word, their business was from the king of England, and they would

deliver their message to none but the governor himself. They were

then admitted, and the governor came to them; and having received

the deputation and the mandamus, he put off his hat, and looked upon

them. Then going out, he bid the Friends follow him. He went to the

deputy-governor, and after a short consultation, came out to the

Friends, and said, “We shall obey his Majesty’s commands.” After

this the master gave liberty to the passengers to land; and

presently the noise of the business flew about the town, and the

Friends of the town and the passengers of the ship met together, to

offer up their praises and thanksgivings to God, who had so

wonderfully delivered them from the teeth of the devourer. While

they were thus met, a poor Friend came in, who, being sentenced by

their bloody law to die, had lain some time in irons, expecting

execution. This added to their joy, and caused them to lift up their

hearts in high praises to God, who is worthy for ever to have the

praise, the glory, and the honour; for he only is able to deliver,

to save, and to support all that sincerely put their trust in him.

Here follows a copy of the mandamus:—

“CHARLES R.

“Trusty and well beloved, we greet you well. Having been informed

that several of our subjects amongst you, called Quakers, have

been and are imprisoned by you, whereof some have been executed,

and others, as hath been represented unto us, are in danger to

undergo the like, we have thought fit to signify our pleasure in

that behalf for the future; and do hereby require, that if there

be any of those people called Quakers amongst you, now already

condemned to suffer death or other corporal punishment, or that

are imprisoned, and obnoxious to the like condemnation, you are to

forbear to proceed any further therein; but that you forthwith

send the said persons, whether condemned or imprisoned, over into

this our kingdom of England, together with the respective crimes

or offences laid to their charge: to the end such course may be

taken with them here, as shall be agreeable to our laws and their

demerits. And for so doing, these our letters shall be your

sufficient warrant and discharge. Given at our Court at Whitehall,

the 9th day of September, 1661, in the thirteenth year of our

reign.”

Subscribed: “To our trusty and well beloved John Endicott, Esq.,

and to all and every other the governor or governors of our

plantations of New England, and of all the colonies thereunto

belonging, that now are, or hereafter shall be: and to all and

every the ministers and officers of our plantations and colonies

whatsoever, within the continent of New England.

“By his Majesty’s command.

“WILLIAM MORRIS.”

Some time after this several New England magistrates came over, with

one of their priests. We had several discourses with them concerning

their murdering our Friends, the servants of the Lord; but they were

ashamed to stand to their bloody actions. On one of these occasions

I asked Simon Broadstreet, one of the New England magistrates,

“Whether he had not a hand in putting to death those four servants

of God, whom they hung for being Quakers only, as they had nicknamed

them?” He confessed he had. I then asked him and the rest of his

associates that were present, “Whether they would acknowledge

themselves to be subject to the laws of England; and if they did, by

what laws they had put our Friends to death?” They said, “They were

subject to the laws of England; and had put our Friends to death by

the same law that the Jesuits were put to death in England.” I asked

them then, “Whether they believed those Friends of ours, whom they

had put to death, were Jesuits or jesuitically affected?” They said,

nay. “Then,” said I, “ye have murdered them, if ye have put them to

death by the law that Jesuits are put to death here in England, and

yet confess they were no Jesuits. By this it plainly appears ye have

put them to death in your own wills, without any law.” Then Simon

Broadstreet, finding himself and his company ensnared by their own

words, asked, “Did we come to catch them?” I told them, they had

caught themselves, and they might justly be questioned for their

lives; and if the father of William Robinson, one of them that were

put to death, were in town, it was probable he would question them,

and bring their lives into jeopardy. Here they began to excuse

themselves, saying, “There was no persecution now amongst them:” but

next morning we had letters from New England, giving us account that

our Friends were persecuted there afresh. We went again, and showed

them our letters, which put them both to silence and to shame; and

in great fear they seemed to be, lest someone should call them to

account, and prosecute them for their lives, especially Simon

Broadstreet; for he had at first, before so many witnesses,

confessed he had a hand in putting our Friends to death, that he

could not get off from it; though he afterwards through fear

shuffled, and would have unsaid it again. After this, he and the

rest soon returned to New England again.

I went also to Governor Winthrop, and discoursed with him on these

matters; he assured me, “He had no hand in putting our Friends to

death, or in any way persecuting them; but was one of them that

protested against it.” These stingy persecutors of New England were

a people that fled thither out of Old England, from the persecution

of the bishops here; but when they had got power into their own

hands, they so far exceeded the bishops in severity and cruelty,

that whereas the bishops had made them pay twelve pence a Sunday (so

called) for not coming to their worship here, they imposed a fine of

five shillings a-day upon such as should not conform to their

will-worship there; and spoiled the goods of Friends that could not

(for conscience’ sake) pay it. Besides, many they imprisoned, divers

they whipped, and that most cruelly; of some they cut off the ears,

and some they hanged; as the books of Friends’ sufferings in New

England largely show, particularly that written by George Bishop, of

Bristol, entitled, _New England Judged_. Some of the old royalists

were earnest with Friends to prosecute them, but we told them, we

left them to the Lord, to whom vengeance belongeth, and he would

repay it. And the judgments of God have since fallen heavy on them;

for the Indians have been raised up against them, and have cut off

many of them.

About this time I lost a very good book, being taken in the

printer’s hands; it was a useful teaching work, containing the

signification and explanation of names, parables, types, and figures

in the Scriptures. They who took it were so affected with it, that

they were loth to destroy it; but thinking to make a great advantage

of it, they would have let us have it again, if we would have given

them a great sum of money for it; which we were not free to do.

Before this, while I was a prisoner in Lancaster castle, the book

called _The Battledore_ was published, which was written to show,

that in all languages Thou and Thee is the proper and usual form of

speech to a single person; and You to more than one. This was set

forth in examples or instances taken from the Scriptures, and books

of teaching, in about thirty languages. J. Stubbs and Benjamin Furly

took great pains in compiling it, which I set them upon; and some

things I added to it. When it was finished, copies were presented to

the king and his council, to the bishops of Canterbury and London,

and to the two universities one each; and many purchased them. The

king said, it was the proper language of all nations; and the bishop

of Canterbury, being asked what he thought of it, was at a stand,

and could not tell what to say to it. For it did so inform and

convince people, that few afterwards were so rugged toward us, for

saying Thou and Thee to a single person, for which before they were

exceedingly fierce against us. Thou and Thee was a sore cut to proud

flesh, and them that sought self-honour, who, though they would say

it to God and Christ, could not endure to have it said to

themselves. So that we were often beaten and abused, and sometimes

in danger of our lives, for using those words to some proud men, who

would say, “What! you ill-bred clown, do you Thou me?” as though

Christian breeding consisted in saying You to one; which is contrary

to all their grammars and teaching books, by which they instruct

their youth.

Now the bishops and priests being busy and eager to set up their

form of worship, and compel all to come to it, I was moved to give

forth the following paper, to open _the nature of the true worship_,

which Christ set up, and which God accepts:—

“Christ’s worship is free in the Spirit to all men; and such as

worship in Spirit and in truth, are they whom God seeks to worship

him; for he is the God of truth, and is a Spirit, and the God of

the spirits of all flesh. He hath given to all nations of men and

women breath and life, to live, and move, and have their being in

him: and hath put into them an immortal soul. So all are to be

temples for him to dwell in; and they that defile his temple will

he destroy. Now as the outward Jews, while they had their outward

temple at Jerusalem, were to go up thither to worship (which

temple God hath long since thrown down, and destroyed that

Jerusalem, the vision of peace; and cast off the Jews and their

worship; and instead thereof hath set up his gospel-worship in the

Spirit and in the truth), so now all are to worship in Spirit and

in truth. This is a free worship; for where the Spirit of the Lord

is, and ruleth, there is liberty; the fruits of the Spirit are

seen, and will manifest themselves; and the Spirit is not to be

limited, but lived and walked in, that its fruits may appear. The

tares are such as hang upon the wheat, and thereby draw it down to

the earth; yet the tares and the wheat must grow together, till

the harvest, lest they that take upon them to pluck up the tares,

should pluck up the wheat with the tares. The tares are such as

worship not God in Spirit and in truth; but grieve the Spirit, vex

and quench it in themselves, and walk not in the truth; yet will

hang about the wheat, the true worshippers in the Spirit and in

the truth.

“Christ’s church was never established by blood, nor held up by

prisons: neither was the foundation of it laid by carnal-weaponed

men, nor is it preserved by such. But when men departed from the

Spirit and truth, they took up carnal weapons to maintain their

outward forms, and yet they cannot preserve them with their carnal

weapons; for one plucketh down another’s form with his outward

weapons. And this work hath been among nominal Christians, since

they lost the Spirit, and spiritual weapons, and the true worship

which Christ set up, that is in Spirit and in truth, which they

that worship in, are over all the tares. All that would be

plucking up the tares are forbidden by Christ, who hath all power

in heaven and earth given to him; for the tares and the wheat must

grow together till the harvest, as Christ hath commanded. The

stone that smote the image became a great mountain, and filled the

whole earth; now, if the stone fill the whole earth, all nations

must be temples for the stone. All that say they travail for the

seed, and yet bring forth nothing but a birth of strife,

contention, and confusion, their fruit shows their travail to be

wrong; for by the fruit, the end of every one’s work is seen, of

what sort it is.”

G. F.

About this time many Papists and Jesuits began to fawn upon Friends,

and talked where they came, that of all sects the Quakers were the

best and most self-denying people; and said, “It was a great pity

they did not return to the holy mother church.” Thus they made a

buzz among the people, and said, “They would willingly discourse

with Friends.” But Friends were loth to meddle with them, because

they were Jesuits, looking upon it to be both dangerous and

scandalous. But when I understood it, I said to Friends, “Let us

discourse with them, be they what they will.” So a time being

appointed at Gerrard Roberts’s house, there came two of them like

courtiers. When we were met together, they asked our names, which we

told them; but we did not ask their names, for we understood they

were called Papists, and they knew we were called Quakers. I asked

them the same question that I had formerly asked a Jesuit, namely,

“Whether the church of Rome was not degenerated from the primitive

church, from the Spirit, power, and practice, of the apostles’

times?” He to whom I put this question being subtle, said, “He would

not answer it.” I asked him, “Why?” But he would show no reason. His

companion said, he would answer me; and said, “They were not

degenerated from the primitive church times.” I asked the other,

whether he was of the same mind? He said, “Yes.” Then I told them

that for better understanding one another, and that there might be

no mistake, I would repeat my question over again after this manner,

“Whether the church of Rome now was in the same purity, practice,

power, and Spirit, that the church in the apostles’ time was in?”

When they saw we would be exact with them, they flew off, and denied

that, saying, “It was presumption in any to say, they had the same

power and spirit that the apostles had.” “But I told them, it was

presumption in them to meddle with the words of Christ and his

apostles, and make people believe they succeeded the apostles, and

yet be forced to confess they were not in the same power and Spirit

the apostles were in. This,” said I, “is a spirit of presumption,

and rebuked by the apostles’ Spirit.” I showed them how different

their fruits and practices were from those of the apostles.

Then one of them said, “Ye are a company of dreamers.” “Nay,” said I,

“ye are the filthy dreamers, who dream ye are the apostles successors;

and yet confess ye have not the same power and Spirit they were in. And

are not they defilers of the flesh, who say, ‘It is presumption in any

to say, they have the same power and Spirit the apostles had?’ Now,”

said I, “if ye have not the same power and Spirit the apostles had,

then it is manifest that ye are led by another power and spirit than

the apostles and primitive church were led by.” Then I began to tell

them how that evil spirit, which they were led by, had led them to pray

by beads and to images; to set up nunneries, friaries, and monasteries,

and to put people to death for religion; and this practice of theirs, I

showed them, was below the law, and far short of the gospel, in which

is liberty. They were soon weary of this discourse, went away, and gave

a charge, as we heard, to the Papists, “That they should not dispute

with us, or read any of our books;” so we were rid of them. But we had

reasonings with all the other sects as Presbyterians, Independents,

Seekers, Baptists, Episcopalians, Socinians, Brownists, Lutherans,

Calvinists, Arminians, Fifth-monarchy-men, Familists, Muggletonians and

Ranters; none of which would affirm they had the same power and Spirit

the apostles had, and were in; so in that power and Spirit the Lord

gave us dominion over them all.

As for the Fifth-monarchy men, I was moved to give forth a paper, to

manifest their error to them; for they looked for Christ’s personal

coming in an outward form and manner, and fixed the time to the year

1666; at which time some of them prepared themselves when it

thundered and rained, thinking Christ was then come to set up his

kingdom; and they imagined they were to kill the whore without them.

But I told them the whore was alive in them, and was not burned with

God’s fire, nor judged in them with the same power and Spirit the

apostles were in. And their looking for Christ’s coming outwardly to

set up his kingdom, was like the Pharisees’ “Lo here” and “Lo

there.” But Christ was come, and had set up his kingdom above

sixteen hundred years ago (according to Nebuchadnezzar’s dream and

Daniel’s prophecy), and he had dashed to pieces the four monarchies,

the great image, with its head of gold, breast and arms of silver,

belly and thighs of brass, legs of iron, and feet part of iron and

part of clay; and they were all blown away with God’s wind, as the

chaff in the summer thrashing-floor. And when Christ was on earth,

he said, “His kingdom was not of this world:” if it had been, his

servants would have fought, but it was not; therefore his servants

did not fight. Therefore all the Fifth-monarchy-men, that are

fighters with carnal weapons, are none of Christ’s servants, but the

beast’s and the whore’s. Christ said, “All power in heaven and in

earth is given to me:” so then his kingdom was set up above sixteen

hundred years ago, and he reigns. “And we see Jesus Christ reign,”

said the apostle; and he shall reign till all things be put under

his feet; though all things are not yet put under his feet, nor

subdued.

This year several Friends were moved to go beyond the seas, to

publish Truth in foreign countries. John Stubbs, and Henry Fell, and

Richard Costrop were moved to go towards China and Prester John’s

country; but no masters of ships would carry them. With much ado

they got a warrant from the king; but the East India Company found

ways to avoid it, and masters of their ships would not carry them.

Then they went into Holland, hoping to get passage there, but none

could they get there either. Then John Stubbs and Henry Fell took

shipping for Alexandria in Egypt, intending to go by the caravans

from thence. Meanwhile Daniel Baker being to go to Smyrna, drew

Richard Costrop,[71] contrary to his own freedom, to go along with

him, and in the passage Richard falling sick, Daniel Baker left him

so in the ship, where he died: but that hard-hearted man afterwards

lost his own condition.

Footnote 71:

This Richard Costrop (or Scostrop) was born in 1628. He was

originally a sore persecutor of Friends, but becoming convinced of

the soundness of their principles, he at length joined the

Society, and preached the faith which once he destroyed,

travelling for this object into various parts of Europe. he seems

to have been chiefly instrumental in establishing the meeting at

Scalehouse. He appears to have been a man of some estate, but left

all, and spent his days in the service of the gospel. In a

document issued by Friends of Settle Monthly Meeting in 1704, it

is said of him, “his memory is sweet this day among the brethren.”

See _Life, &c., of William and Alice Ellis_, by James Backhouse,

pp. 278, 279, &c.

John Stubbs and Henry Fell reached Alexandria; but they had not been

there long before the English consul banished them: yet before they

came away, they dispersed many books and papers, for opening the

principles and way of truth to the Turks and Grecians. They gave the

book called, _The Pope’s Strength Broken_, to an old friar, for him

to give or send to the Pope; which when the friar had perused, he

placed his hand on his breast, and confessed, “What was written

therein was truth; but” said he, “if I should confess it openly,

they would burn me.” John Stubbs and Henry Fell, not being suffered

to go further, returned to England, and came to London again. John

had a vision that the English and Dutch, who had joined together not

to carry them, would fall out one with the other; and so it came to

pass.

Having now stayed in London some time, I felt drawings to visit

Friends in Essex. So I went down to COLCHESTER, where I had very

large meetings; and thence to COGGESHALL; not far from which a

priest was convinced, and I had a meeting at his house. Travelling a

little up and down in those parts, and visiting Friends in their

meetings, I returned pretty quickly to LONDON, where I found great

service for the Lord; for a large door was opened, many flocked in

to our meetings, and the Lord’s truth spread mightily this year.

Yet Friends had great travail and sore labour, the rude people

having been so heightened by the Monarchy-men’s rising a little

before. But the Lord’s power was over all, and in it Friends had

dominion; though we had not only those sufferings without, but

sufferings within also, by John Perrot and his company; who, giving

heed to a spirit of delusion, sought to introduce among Friends that

evil and uncomely practice of “keeping on the hat in time of public

prayers.” Friends had spoken to him and many of his followers about

it, and I had written to them concerning it; but he and some others

rather strengthened themselves against us.[72] Wherefore feeling the

judgment of truth rise against it, I gave forth the following as a

warning to all that were concerned therein:—

“Whosoever is tainted with this spirit of John Perrot, it will

perish. Mark his and their end, who are turned into those outward

things and janglings about them, and that which is not savoury;

all which is for perpetual judgment—is to be swept and cleansed

out of the camp of God’s elect. This is to that spirit, that is

gone into jangling about that which is below (the rotten principle

of the old Ranters)—gone from the invisible power of God, in which

is the everlasting fellowship; and thus many who now clamour and

speak against them that are in the power of God, are become like

the untimely figs, and like the corn on the house-top. O!

consider! the light and power of God goes over you all, and leaves

you in the fretting nature, out of the unity which is in the

everlasting light, life, and power of God. Consider this, before

the day be gone from you; and take heed, that your memorial be not

rooted out from among the righteous.”

G. F.

Footnote 72:

John Perrot was one who at this time caused great distress and

trouble to the faithful members of the Society, from giving way to

self-importance and extravagant notions. For particulars, the

reader is referred to Sewell’s _History_; and to Hodgson’s

_Historical Memoirs_.

Whilst the Society kept steadily pursuing its path, and increasing

in numbers, notwithstanding the persecutions to which its members

were everywhere subjected, it was not to be expected that every

individual who was found within its precincts should have been

rightly prepared for the station which he might have assumed. It

would have been indeed remarkable, if, in the multitude of those

who went forth in that day of zeal, in the service of the

ministry, there had not been instances of men who had taken upon

them (perhaps mistakenly) the office of a gospel minister, without

waiting for the preparation and the call. And it would have been

still more surprising if such forward spirits had proved firm in

the day of outward trial, or of inward fascinations and snares of

the enemy.

Among the exercises and troubles Friends had from without, one was

regarding Friends’ marriages, which sometimes were called in

question. This year there was a cause tried at the assize at

Nottingham concerning one. The case was thus. Some years before, two

Friends were joined together in marriage amongst Friends, and lived

together as man and wife about two years. Then the man died, leaving

his wife with child, and an estate in lands of copyhold. When the

woman was delivered, the jury presented the child heir to its

father’s lands, and accordingly the child was admitted; afterwards

another Friend married the widow. After that, a man that was near of

kin to her former husband, brought his action against the Friend

that had last married her, endeavouring to dispossess them, and

deprive the child of the inheritance, and to possess himself thereof

as next heir to the woman’s first husband. To effect this, he

endeavoured to prove the child illegitimate, alleging, “the marriage

was not according to law.” In opening the cause, the plaintiff’s

counsel used unseemly words concerning Friends, saying, “That they

went together like brute beasts,” with other ill expressions. After

the counsels on both sides had pleaded, the judge (viz., Judge

Archer) took the matter in hand, and opened it to the jury, telling

them, that “There was a marriage in Paradise when Adam took Eve, and

Eve took Adam; and that it was the consent of the parties that made

a marriage. As for the Quakers,” he said, “he did not know their

opinions, but he did not believe they went together as brute beasts,

as had been said of them, but as Christians and therefore he

believed the marriage was lawful, and the child lawful heir.” And

the better to satisfy the jury, he brought them a case to this

purpose:—“A man that was weak of body, and kept his bed, had a

desire in that condition to marry, and declared before witnesses

that he took such a woman to be his wife, and the woman declared

that she took that man to be her husband. This marriage was

afterwards called in question; and (as the judge said) all the

bishops at that time concluded it to be a lawful marriage.” Hereupon

the jury gave in their verdict for the Friend’s child, against the

man that would have deprived it of its inheritance.

About this time the oaths of allegiance and supremacy were tendered

to Friends, as a snare, because it was known we could not swear, and

thereupon many were imprisoned, and divers premunired. Upon that

occasion Friends published in print “_The grounds and reasons why

they refused to swear_;” besides which I was moved to issue these

few lines, to be given to the magistrates:—

“The world saith, ‘Kiss the book;’ but the book saith, ‘Kiss the

Son, lest he be angry.’ And the Son saith, ‘Swear not at all,’ but

keep to Yea and Nay in all your communications; for whatsoever is

more than this cometh of evil. Again, the world saith, ‘Lay your

hand on the book,’ but the book saith, ‘Handle the word;’ and the

word saith, ‘Handle not the traditions,’ nor the inventions, nor

the rudiments of the world. And God saith, ‘This is my beloved

Son, hear Him,’ who is the life, the truth, the light, and the way

to God.”

G. F.

Now their being very many Friends in prison in the nation, Richard

Hubberthorn and I drew up paper concerning them,[73] and got it

delivered to the king, that he might understand how we were dealt

with by his officers. It was directed thus:—

“_For the King._

“FRIEND,

“Who art the chief ruler of these dominions, here is a list of

some of the sufferings of the people of God, in scorn called

Quakers, that have suffered under the changeable powers before

thee, by whom there have been imprisoned, and under whom there

have suffered for good conscience’ sake, and for bearing testimony

to the truth as it is in Jesus, ‘three thousand one hundred and

seventy-three persons,’ and there lie yet in prison in the name of

the Commonwealth ‘seventy-three persons,’ that we know of. And

there died in prison in the time of the Commonwealth, and of

Oliver and Richard, the protectors, through cruel and hard

imprisonments, upon nasty straw, and in dungeons, ‘thirty-two

persons.’ There have been also imprisoned in thy name, since thy

arrival, by such as thought to ingratiate themselves thereby with

thee, ‘three thousand, sixty and eight persons.’ Besides this, our

meetings are daily broken up by men with clubs and arms, though we

meet peaceably, according to the practice of God’s people in the

primitive times, and our Friends are thrown into waters, and trod

upon, till the very blood gushes out of them; the number of which

abuses can hardly be uttered.

“Now this we would have of thee, to set them at liberty that lie

in prison in the names of the Commonwealth, and of the two

Protectors, and them that lie in thy own name, for speaking the

truth, and for good conscience’ sake, who have not lifted up a

hand against thee or any man; and that the meetings of our

Friends, who meet peaceably together in the fear of God, to

worship him, may not be broken up by rude people, with their

clubs, swords, and staves. One of the greatest things that we have

suffered for formerly, was, because we could not swear to the

Protectors and all the changeable governments; and now we are

imprisoned because we cannot take the oath of allegiance. Now, if

our yea be not yea, and nay, nay, to thee, and to all men upon the

earth, let us suffer as much for breaking that, as others do for

breaking an oath. We have suffered these many years, both in lives

and estates, under these changeable governments, because we cannot

swear, but obey Christ’s doctrine, who commands, ‘we should not

swear at all’ (Matt. v. James v.), and this we seal with our lives

and estates, with our yea and nay, according to the doctrine of

Christ. Hearken to these things, and so consider them in the

wisdom of God, that by it such actions may be stopped; thou that

hast the government and mayest do it. We desire that all that are

in prison may be set at liberty, and that for the time to come

they may not be imprisoned for conscience and for truth’s sake;

and if thou question the innocency of their sufferings, let them

and their accusers be brought up before thee, and we shall produce

a more particular and full account of their sufferings if

required.”

G.F. and R.H.

Footnote 73:

About this time persecution was very hot, and from estimates

deduced from documents of the period, it is probable that, in 1661

or 1662, there were no less than 4,500 Friends in prison, in

England and Wales, at one time, for meeting to worship God,

refusing to swear, &c. And in such prisons too! They who would

know what the miseries of prisoners have been in England, let them

read Sewell’s _History_, which exhibits such a scene of savage

persecution on the one hand, and firmness and patience in

suffering on the other, as is not easily paralleled. Little known

as these things are, it will hardly be credited now, that to such

a length was hatred carried against the Quakers, that few of them,

except those below the cognizance of the magistrates, were not in

prison, at one time or other, for their religious faith.

The interruption of family ties, the breaking up of households,

the loss to many of all means of support, were hard and cruel

sufferings for conscience’ sake, but they were grievously

aggravated at this period by the damp and filthy condition of the

prisons, holes, and dungeons in which the sufferers were confined,

as well as by their very crowded condition. And to all these

circumstances of trial, must be added those of personal abuse,

fines, distraints, and, it may strictly be said, of wholesale

robberies they endured. Some died of the beatings which they

received in the breaking up of their meetings, and many from the

filthy and close state of the prisons, in some of which they were

so closely packed that they had to take it by turns to stand up,

whilst others sat or lay down. They were also often overrun with

lice and other vermin.

I mentioned before, that in the year 1650, I was kept prisoner six

months in the house of correction at Derby, and that the keeper of

the prison, a cruel man, and one that had dealt very wickedly

towards me, was smitten in himself, the plagues and terrors of the

Lord falling upon him because thereof (p. 57.). This man, being

afterwards convinced of truth, wrote me the following letter:—

“DEAR FRIEND,

“Having such a convenient messenger, I could do no less than give

thee an account of my present condition, remembering, that in the

first awakening of me to a sense of life, and of the inward

principle, God was pleased to make use of thee as an instrument.

So that sometimes I am taken with admiration that it should come

by such a means as it did; that is to say, that providence should

order thee to be my prisoner, to give me my first real sight of

the truth. It makes me many times think of the jailer’s conversion

by the apostles. O happy George Fox! that first breathed that

breath of life within the walls of my habitation! Notwithstanding

my outward losses are since that time such, that I am become

nothing in the world, yet I hope I shall find that all these light

afflictions, which are but for a moment, will work for me a far

more exceeding and eternal weight of glory. They have taken all

from me, and now, instead of keeping a prison, I am rather waiting

the time when I shall become a prisoner myself. Pray for me, that

my faith fail not, but that I may hold out unto death, that I may

receive a crown of life. I earnestly desire to hear from thee, and

of thy condition, which would very much rejoice me. Not having

else at present but my kind love unto thee, and all Christian

Friends with thee, in haste, I rest, thine, in Christ Jesus,

THOMAS SHARMAN.”

Derby, 22nd of 4th Month, 1662.

There were two of our friends in prison in the Inquisition at Malta,

both women; Katherine Evans and Sarah Chevers.[74] I was told that

one called the Lord D’Aubigny [a Roman Catholic priest], could

procure their liberty, so I went to him; and having informed him

concerning their imprisonment, desired him to write to the

magistrates there for their release. He readily promised he would;

and, “if I would come again within a month, he would tell me of

their discharge.” I went again about that time, and he said, “he

thought his letters had miscarried, because he had received no

answer.” But he promised he would write again, and he did so; and

they were both set at liberty.

-----

Footnote 74:

Katherine Evans and Sarah Chevers suffered a dreadful confinement

for about four years in the Inquisition at Malta, of which a full

account has been published. A more condensed one may be seen in

_Select Miscellanies_, v. p. 50-68.

“——These ministers of Christ did leave

Their homes in England, faithfully to bear

The Saviour’s message into Eastern lands;

And here, at Malta, they were seized upon

By bigoted intolerance, and shut

Within this fearful engine of the Pope.

Priests and inquisitors assail them there,

And urge the claims of Popery. The rack

And cruel deaths are threatened; and again

Sweet liberty is offered, as the price

Of their apostacy. All, all in vain!

For years these tender women have been thus

Victims of cruelty. At times apart,

Confined in gloomy, solitary cells.

But all these efforts to convert them failed;

The inquisition had not power enough

To shake their faith and confidence in Him,

Whose holy presence anciently was seen

To save his children from devouring flames;

He from this furnace of affliction brought

These persecuted women, who came forth

Out of the burning, with no smell of fire

Upon their garments, and again they trod

Their native land, rejoicing.”

Some idea of the sufferings of these poor creatures may be formed

from the fact of their _often lying down before the crevice of

their prison-door, to inhale what air could be obtained from it_.

In this state their skin was parched, the hair fell off their

heads, and, they frequently fainted; and, in moments when the

strength and glory of the Divine presence was not so feelingly

experienced as at others, it cannot occasion surprise that,

through human weakness, they wished for death; their distress

sometimes being such, that when it was day they longed for night,

and yet when night came it was only to prompt the constant sigh

for returning light. Yet the heavenly content which, on the whole,

was the portion of these sufferers for Christ’s sake, in this dark

and cloudy day, was remarkable. One of them, in writing to her

relatives in England, says, “We are witnesses that the Lord can

provide a table in the wilderness, both spiritual and temporal. In

all our afflictions and miseries, the Lord remembered mercy, and

did not leave nor forsake us, nor suffer his faithfulness to fail;

but caused the sweet drops of his mercy to distil upon us, and the

brightness of his glorious countenance to shine into our hearts.”

The other of these suffering captives writes that she could not,

by pen and paper, set forth the extent of the love of God to her

soul, in fulfilling his gracious promises to her in the

wilderness. They were indeed enabled to “sing the Lord’s song in a

strange land;” and in the midst of heaviness, “their mouths were

often filled with laughter, and their tongues with joy,” being

strong in the faith, giving praises and glory to God.

The following, composed by them in the Inquisition, affords a view

of the motives and abilities of these devoted women:—

“In prisons strong, and dungeons deep,

To God alone we cry and weep;

Our sorrows none can learn nor read,

But those that in our path do tread.

But he whose beauty shineth bright,

Who turneth darkness into light,

Makes cedars bow, and oaks to bend,

To him that’s sent to the same end;

He is a fountain pure and clear,

His crystal streams run far and near

To cleanse all those that come to him

For to be healed of their sin:

All them that patiently abide,

And never swerve nor go aside,

The Lord will free them out of all

Bondage, captivity, and thrall.”

It was not in the Inquisition only that these women suffered, but

much also in England. In 1657, Katherine Evans was stripped, and

tied to a whipping-post in the market-place at Salisbury, and

there whipped, for exhorting the people to repentance. Her

husband, a man of property, also suffered several imprisonments,

and at last died in prison for obeying our Saviour’s command,

“Swear not at all.”

-----

With this great man I had much reasoning about religion, and he

confessed that “Christ hath enlightened every man that cometh into

the world, with his spiritual light; that he tasted death for every

man; that the grace of God, which brings salvation, hath appeared to

all men, and that it would teach them and bring their salvation, if

they obeyed it.” Then I asked him, “what would they (the Papists) do

with all their relics and images, if they should own and believe in

this light, and receive the grace to teach and bring their

salvation?” He said, “those things were but policies, to keep people

in subjection.” He was very free in discourse; I never heard a

Papist confess so much as he did.

Though several about the court began to grow loving to Friends, yet

persecution was very hot, and several Friends died in prison.

Whereupon I gave forth a little paper _concerning the grounds and

rise of persecution_; which was thus:—

“All the sufferings of the people of God in all ages were, because

they could not join in the national religions and worships, which

men had made and set up; and because they would not forsake God’s

religion and his worship, which he had set up. You may see through

all chronicles and histories, that the priests joined with the

powers of the nation; the magistrates, soothsayers, and

fortune-tellers, all united against the people of God, and

imagined vain things against them in their councils. When the Jews

did wickedly, they turned against Moses; and when the Jewish kings

transgressed the law of God, they persecuted the prophets, as may

be seen in the prophets’ writings. When Christ, the substance,

came, the Jews persecuted Christ, his apostles, and disciples. And

when the Jews had not power enough of themselves to persecute

answerably to their wills, they got the heathen Gentiles to help

them against Christ, and against his apostles and disciples, who

were in the Spirit and power of Christ.”

G. F.

After I had made some stay in London, and had cleared myself of

those services that at that time lay upon me there, I went into the

country, having with me Alexander Parker and John Stubbs. We

travelled through the country, visiting Friends’ meetings, till we

came to BRISTOL. There we understood the officers were likely to

come and break up the meeting. Yet on First-day we went to the

meeting at Broadmead, and Alexander Parker standing up first, while

he was speaking the officers came and took him away. After he was

gone, I stood up, and declared the everlasting truth of the Lord God

in his eternal power, which came over all; the meeting was quiet the

rest of the time, and broke up peaceably. I tarried till the

First-day following, visiting Friends, and being visited by them.

On First-day morning several Friends came to Edward Pyot’s house

(where I lay the night before,) and used great endeavours to

persuade me not to go to the meeting that day, for the magistrates,

they said, had threatened to take me, and had raised the trained

bands. I wished them to go to the meeting, not telling them what I

intended to do; but I told Edward Pyot I intended to go, and he sent

his son to show me the way from his house by the fields. As I went I

met divers Friends who were coming to me to prevent my going, and

did what they could to stop me. “What!” said one, “wilt thou go into

the mouth of the beast?” “Wilt thou go into the mouth of the

dragon?” said another. I put them by and went on. When I came to the

meeting, Margaret Thomas was speaking; and when she had done, I

stood up. I saw a concern and fear upon Friends for me; but the

power of the Lord, in which I declared, soon struck the fear out of

them; life sprang, and a glorious heavenly meeting we had. After I

had cleared myself of what was upon me from the Lord to the meeting,

I was moved to pray; and after that to stand up again, and tell

Friends, “Now they might see there was a God in Israel that could

deliver.” A very large meeting this was, and very hot; but truth was

over all, the life was exalted, which carried through all, and the

meeting broke up in peace. The officers and soldiers had been

breaking up another meeting, which had taken up their time, so that

our meeting was ended before they came. But I understood afterwards

they were in a great rage, because they had missed me; for they were

heard to say one to another before, “I’ll warrant we shall have

him;” but the Lord prevented them.

I went from the meeting to Joan Hily’s, where many Friends came to

see me, rejoicing and blessing God for our deliverance. In the

evening I had a fine fresh meeting among Friends at a Friend’s house

over the water, where we were much refreshed in the Lord. After this

I stayed most part of that week in Bristol, and at Edward Pyot’s.

Edward was brought so low and weak with an ague, that when I first

came, he was looked upon as a dying man; but it pleased the Lord to

raise him up again, so that before I went away, his ague left him,

and he was finely well.

Having been two First-days together at the meeting at Broadmead, and

feeling my spirit clear of Bristol, I went next First-day to a

meeting in the country not far distant. And after the meeting, some

Friends from Bristol told me, that the soldiers that day had beset

the meeting house round at Bristol, and then went up, saying, “they

would be sure to have me now;” but when they came, and found me not

there, they were in a great rage, and kept the Friends in the

meeting-house most part of the day, before they would let them go

home; and queried of them, which way I was gone, and how they might

send after me; “for the mayor,” they said, “would fain have spoken

with me.” I had a vision of a great mastiff dog, that would have

bitten me, but I put one hand above his jaws, and the other hand

below, and tore his jaws in pieces. So the Lord by his power tore

their power to pieces, and made way for me to escape them.

Then I passed through the country, visiting Friends in WILTSHIRE and

BERKSHIRE, till I came to LONDON, having great meetings amongst

Friends as I went. The Lord’s power was over all, and a blessed time

it was for the spreading of his glorious truth. It was indeed his

immediate hand and power that preserved me out of their hands at

Bristol, and over the heads of all our persecutors; and the Lord

alone is worthy of all the glory, who did uphold and preserve for

his name and truth’s sake.

At London I did not stay long, being drawn in spirit to visit

Friends northward, as far as LEICESTERSHIRE, John Stubbs being with

me. So we travelled, having meetings amongst Friends as we went; at

SKEGBY we had a great one. Thence passing on, we came to a place

called BARNET-HILLS, where lived Captain Brown, a Baptist, whose

wife was convinced of truth. This Captain Brown, after the act for

breaking up meetings came forth, being afraid lest his wife should

go to meetings, and be cast into prison, left his house at Barrow,

and took one on these hills, saying, “his wife should not go to

prison.” And this being a free place, many, both priests and others,

got thither as well as he, But he who would neither stand to truth

himself, nor suffer his wife, was, in this place where he thought to

be safe, found out by the Lord, whose hand fell heavy upon him for

his unfaithfulness; so that he was sorely plagued, and grievously

judged in himself for flying, and drawing his wife into that private

place. We went to see his wife, and being come into the house, I

asked him, “how he did?” “How do I?” said he, “the plagues and

vengeance of God are upon me, a runagate, a Cain as I am. God may

look for a witness for me, and such as me; for if all were not more

faithful than I, God would have no witness left in the earth.” In

this condition he lived on bread and water, and thought it was too

good for him. At length he returned again with his wife to his own

house at Barrow, where he afterwards came to be convinced of God’s

eternal truth, and died in it. A little before his death he said,

“though he had not borne a testimony for truth in his life, he would

bear a testimony in his death, and would be buried in his orchard;”

and he was so. He was an example to all the flying Baptists in the

time of persecution, who could not bear persecution themselves, yet

persecuted us when they had power.

From Barnet-Hills we came to SWANNINGTON in LEICESTERSHIRE, where

William Smith and some other Friends came to me; but they went away

towards night, leaving me at a Friend’s house in Swannington. At

night, as I was sitting in the hall, speaking to a widow woman and

her daughter, there came one called Lord Beaumont with a company of

soldiers, who, slapping their swords on the door, rushed into the

house with swords and pistols in their hands, crying, “Put out the

candles, and make fast the doors.” Then they seized upon the friends

in the house, and asked, “if there were no more about the house?”

The Friends told them, there was one man more in the hall. There

were some Friends out of Derbyshire, one of whom was named Thomas

Fauks; and this Lord Beaumont, after he had asked all their names,

bid his man set down that man’s name Thomas Fox; but the Friend

said, his name was not Fox, but Fauks. In the meantime some of the

soldiers came, and brought me out of the hall to him. He asked me my

name; I told him, my name was George Fox, and that I was well known

by that name. “Ay,” said he, “you are known all the world over.” I

said, “I was known for no hurt, but for good.” Then he put his hand

into my pockets to search them, and pulled out my comb-case, and

afterwards commanded one of his officers to search further for

letters, as he pretended. I told him, I was no letter-carrier, and

asked him, Why he came amongst a peaceable people with swords and

pistols, without a constable, contrary to the king’s proclamation,

and to the late act? For he could not say there was a meeting, I

being only talking with a poor widow woman and her daughter. By

reasoning thus with them, he came somewhat down; yet sending for the

constables, he gave them charge of us, and to bring us before him

next morning. Accordingly the constables set a watch of the

town’s-people upon us that night, and had us next morning to his

house, about a mile from Swannington.

When we came before him, he told us “we met contrary to the act.” I

desired him to show us the act. “Why,” says he, “you have it in your

pocket.” I told him, he did not find us in a meeting. Then he asked

us, “whether we would take the oaths of allegiance and supremacy?” I

told him, I never took any oath in my life, nor engagement, nor

covenant. Yet still he would force the oath upon us. I desired him

to show us the oath, that we might see whether we were the persons

it was to be tendered to, and whether it was not for the discovery

of Popish recusants. At length he brought a little book; but we

called for the statute-book. He would not show us that, but caused a

mittimus to be made, which mentioned, “that we were to have had a

meeting.” With this he delivered us to the constables to convey us

to Leicester jail. But when they had brought us back to Swannington,

being harvest time, it was hard to get anybody to go with us; for

the people were loath to go with their neighbours to prison,

especially in such a busy time. They would have given us our

mittimus, to carry it ourselves to the jail; for it had been usual

for constables to give Friends their own mittimuses (for they durst

trust Friends,) and they have gone themselves with them to the

jailer. But we told them, though our Friends had sometimes done so,

yet we would not take this mittimus, but some of them should go with

us to the jail. At last they hired a poor labouring man to go with

us, who was loath to go, though hired. So we rode to LEICESTER,

being five in number; some carried their Bibles open in their hands,

declaring the truth to the people, as we rode, in the fields, and

through the towns, and telling them, “we were prisoners of the Lord

Jesus Christ, going to suffer bonds for his name and truth’s sake.”

One woman Friend carried her wheel on her lap to spin on in prison;

and the people were mightily affected.

At Leicester we went to an inn. The master of the house seemed

troubled that we should go to the prison; and being himself in

commission, he sent for lawyers in the town to advise with, and

would have taken up the mittimus, and kept us in his own house, and

not have let us go into the jail. But I told Friends, it would be a

great charge to lie at an inn; and many Friends and people would be

coming to visit us, and it might he hard for him to bear our having

meetings in his house besides, we had many Friends in the prison

already, and we had rather be with them. So we let the man know that

we were sensible of his kindness, and to prison we went: the poor

man that brought us thither, delivering both the mittimus and us to

the jailer. This jailer had been a very wicked, cruel man. Six or

seven Friends being in prison before we came, he had taken some

occasion to quarrel with them, and thrust them into the dungeon

amongst the felons, where there was hardly room for them to lie

down. We stayed all that day in the prison-yard, and desired the

jailer to let us have some straw. He surlily answered, “you do not

look like men that would lie on straw.” After a while, William

Smith, a Friend, came to me, and he being acquainted in the house, I

asked him, “what rooms there were in it, and what rooms Friends had

usually been put into, before they were put into the dungeon?” I

asked him also, Whether the jailer or his wife was master? He said,

The wife was master; and though she was lame, and sat mostly in her

chair, being only able to go on crutches, yet she would beat her

husband when he came within her reach, if he did not do as she would

have him. I considered, probably, many Friends might come to visit

us, and that if we had a room to ourselves, it would be better for

them to speak to me, and me to them, as there should be occasion.

Wherefore I desired William Smith to go speak with the woman, and

acquaint her, if she would let us have a room, suffer our Friends to

come out of the dungeon, and leave it to us to give her what we

would, it might be better for her. He went, and after some reasoning

with her, she consented; and we were had into a room. Then we were

told, that the jailer would not suffer us to have any drink out of

the town into the prison, but that what beer we drank, we must take

of him. I told them I would remedy that, for we would get a pail of

water and a little wormwood once a day, and that might serve us; so

we should have none of his beer, and the water he could not deny us.

Before we came, when the few Friends that were prisoners there, met

together on First-days, if any of them was moved to pray to the

Lord, the jailer would come up with his quarter-staff in his hand,

and his mastiff dog at his heels, and pluck them down by the hair of

the head, and strike them with his staff; but when he struck

Friends, the mastiff dog, instead of falling upon them, would take

the staff out of his hand. When the First-day came, I spoke to one

of my fellow prisoners, to carry a stool and set it in the yard, and

give notice to the debtors and felons, that there would be a meeting

in the yard, and they that would hear the word of the Lord declared

might come thither. So the debtors and prisoners gathered in the

yard, and we went down, and had a very precious meeting, the jailer

not meddling. Thus every First-day we had a meeting as long as we

stayed in prison; and several came in out of the town and country.

Many were convinced, and some received the Lord’s truth there, who

have stood faithful witnesses for it ever since.

When the sessions came, we were brought before the justices, with

many more Friends sent to prison whilst we were there, to the number

of about twenty. Being brought into the court, the jailer put us

into the place where the thieves were put, and then some of the

justices began to tender the oaths of allegiance and supremacy to

us. I told them, I never took any oath in my life, and they knew we

could not swear, because Christ and his apostle forbade it;

therefore they put it but as a snare to us. We told them, if they

could prove, that after Christ and the apostle had forbid swearing,

they did ever command Christians to swear, then we would take these

oaths; otherwise we were resolved to obey Christ’s command and the

apostle’s exhortation. They said, “we must take the oath, that we

might manifest our allegiance to the king.” I told them, I had been

formerly sent up a prisoner by Colonel Hacker, from that town to

London, under pretence that I held meetings to plot to bring in King

Charles. I also desired them to read our mittimus, which set forth

the cause of our commitment to be, that “we were to have had a

meeting;” and I said, Lord Beaumont could not by that act send us to

jail, unless we had been taken at a meeting, and found to be such

persons as the act speaks of; therefore we desired they would read

the mittimus, and see how wrongfully we were imprisoned. They would

not take notice of the mittimus, but called a jury, and indicted us

for refusing to take the oaths of allegiance and supremacy. When the

jury was sworn and instructed, as they were going out, one that had

been an alderman of the city, spoke to them, and bid them, “have a

good conscience;” and one of the jury, being a peevish man, told the

justices, there was one affronted the jury; whereupon they called

him up, and tendered him the oath also, and he took it.

While we were standing where the thieves used to stand, a cut-purse

had his hand in several Friends’ pockets. Friends declared it to the

justices, and showed them the man. They called him up before them,

and upon examination he could not deny it; yet they set him at

liberty.[75]

Footnote 75:

Cases similar to the above are not rare in the early history of

the Society; even thieves being allowed to escape, whilst the

party robbed, being unwilling to swear to the known fact, have

been made to suffer. In 1660, the following occurrence took place

at Reading assizes:—Henry Hodges, a poor smith, lost three cows,

which were found in the possession of the thief who stole them, he

was brought to trial, and Hodges appeared to claim his cows. The

judge told him they must be proved on oath before he could have

them again. He replied that he could not swear for conscience

sake. The judge said if any of his neighbours would swear they

were his, they should be returned to him; upon which one of his

neighbours took his oath, and the judge promised that they should

be returned. Thus far, the proceedings appeared just and equal,

but many thought the judge too rigorous, when, having observed the

sincerity and tenderness of the poor man’s conscience, who could

not swear in a case of his own property, he caused the oath of

allegiance to be tendered him in court; and, for his refusing to

take it, sent him to jail.—(Besse.)

It was not long before the jury returned, and brought us in guilty;

and then, after some words the justices whispered together, and bid

the jailer take us down to prison again; but the Lord’s power was

over them and his everlasting truth, which we declared boldly

amongst them. There being a great concourse of people, most of them

followed us; so that the cryer and bailiffs were fain to call the

people back again to the court. We declared the truth as we went

down the streets all along till we came to the jail, the streets

being full of people. When we were in our chamber again, after some

time the jailer came to us, and desired all to go forth that were

not prisoners. When they were gone, he said, “Gentlemen, it is the

court’s pleasure that ye all should be set at liberty, except those

that are in for tithes; and you know, there are fees due to me; but

I shall leave it to you to give to me what you will.”

Thus we were all set at liberty suddenly, and passed everyone into

his service. Leonard Fell stayed with me, and we two went again to

SWANNINGTON. I had a letter from Lord Hastings, who hearing of my

imprisonment, had written from London to the justices of the

sessions to set me at liberty. I had not delivered this letter to

the justices, but whether they had any knowledge of his mind from

any other hand, which made them discharge us so suddenly, I know

not. But this letter I carried to Lord Beaumont who had sent us to

prison; and when he had broken it open and read it, he seemed much

troubled; but at last came a little lower; yet threatened us, if we

had any more meetings at Swannington, he would break them up and

send us to prison again. But notwithstanding his threats we went to

Swannington, and had a meeting with Friends there, and he neither

came, nor sent to break it up.

From Swannington we went to TWY-CROSS, where that great man formerly

mentioned, whom the Lord God raised up from his sickness, in the

year 1649 (and whose serving-man came at me with a drawn sword to do

me a mischief,) and his wife came to see me. Thence we travelled

through WARWICKSHIRE, where we had brave meetings; and into

NORTHAMPTONSHIRE and BEDFORDSHIRE, visiting Friends till we came to

LONDON.

I stayed not long in London, but went into ESSEX, and so into

NORFOLK, having great meetings. At NORWICH, when I came to Captain

Lawrence’s,[76] there was a great threatening of disturbance; but

the meeting was quiet. Passing thence to SUTTON, and so into

CAMBRIDGESHIRE, I heard of Edward Burrough’s decease. And being

sensible how great a grief and exercise it would be to Friends to

part with him, I wrote the following lines for the staying and

settling of their minds;—

“FRIENDS,

“Be still and quiet in your own conditions, and settle in the Seed

of God that doth not change, that in that ye may feel dear E.B.

among you in the Seed, in which and by which he begat you to God,

with whom he is; and that in the Seed ye may all see and feel him,

in which is the unity with him in the life: and so enjoy him in

the life that doth not change, which is invisible.”

G.F.

Footnote 76:

This Captain Lawrence, who has been mentioned before, was a man of

some note in the days of the Commonwealth. After he joined

Friends, he became a faithful sufferer for Christ. In 1660, with

his brother, Joseph Lawrence, and George Whitehead, he was

imprisoned in Norwich castle, in a small narrow cell called the

Vice, where they endured much hardship. In speaking of this

imprisonment, George Whitehead says, “I remember one morning,

Joseph Lawrence, after his pleasant manner, said to his brother

John, ‘O, Captain Lawrence, I have seen the day thou wouldst not

have lain there!’”

Thence I passed to LITTLE PORT and the ISLE OF ELY; where the

ex-mayor with his wife, and the wife of the then mayor of

Cambridge, came to the meeting. Travelling into LINCOLNSHIRE and

HUNTINGDONSHIRE, I came to Thomas Parnell’s, where the mayor of

Huntingdon came to see me, and was very loving. Thence I came into

the FEN-COUNTY, where we had large and quiet meetings. While I was

in that country, there came so great a flood that it was dangerous

to go out, yet we did get out, and went to LYNN, where we had a

blessed meeting.

Next morning I went to visit some prisoners there; and then back to

the inn, and took horse. As I was riding out of the yard, the

officers came to search the inn for me. I knew nothing of it then,

only I felt a great burden come upon me as I rode out of the town,

till without the gates. When some Friends that came after, overtook

me, they told me, that the officers had been searching for me in the

inn, as soon as I was gone out of the yard. So by the good hand of

the Lord, I escaped their cruel hands. After this we passed through

the countries, visiting Friends in their meetings.

The Lord’s power carried us over persecuting spirits, and through

many dangers; his truth spread and grew, and Friends were

established therein; praises and glory to his name for ever.

END OF VOL. I.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

HEADLEY BROTHERS, PRINTERS, LONDON AND ASHFORD, KENT.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

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Transcriber’s Note

The handling of hyphenation of compound words across line breaks is

governed by the frequency with which they are hyphenated midline.

‘Steeple-house’ is nearly always hyphenated in midline, and the few

outliers that were not have been corrected. The exceptions are where

‘steeplehouse’ occurs in the editorial apparatus. See footnote 6,

and (arguably) in the parenthetical phrase at 25.28.

As one can see from the list below, the printer was not consistent

in the use of the opening quote mark in long, multi-paragraph

passages. There were also a number of occasions where a closing

quote mark either was missing or illogically added. On rarer

occasions, a single quote was employed matching a double quote (and

vice versa). These have been added where missing, emoved where they

were deemed spurious, and corrected where appropriate:

61.15 [“]The (added); 63.3 saved,[’] (added); 75.1 wise.[’] (added);

142.5 [“]There (added); 150.20 [‘/“]Consider (added); 198.33

him,[’](added); 208.9 order.[”](added); 210.14 [“]But (added); 217.8

me.[’] (added); 217.47 [“]The (added); 218.41 [“]Sing (added);

219.48 [“]Where (added); 220.36 [“]Now (added); 221.11 [“]But

(added); 224.13 [“]Christ (added); 224.35 [“]There (added); 232.29

inn;[”] (added); 281.8 [“]doth (added); 288.21 land.[”/’]

(replaced); 297.2 therein;[’] (added) 298.2 [“]O! abominable

(added); 305.13 [“]Noah, (added); 305.44 [“]You say (added); 307.21

[“]Beware,(added); 307.38 [“]Therefore (added); 309.19 [“]Now

(added); 379.24 God.[”] (added); 336.30 church;[’] (removed); 353.6

world,[’] (added); 367.28 peace.[”/’](replaced); 368.43 many.[”]

(added); 374.10 town.[’] (added); 405.5 [“]I will (added); 411.6

would.[”] (added); 416.14 could.[”] (added); 430.8 [“/‘]remembrance

(replaced); 486.21 myself?[”] (removed); 507.1 them.[”] (added);

522.11 [“/‘]three (replaced); 522.17 persons.[”/’] (replaced);

526.10 it.[”] (added).

The word ‘chace’ at 4.8, is likely an obsolete spelling of ‘chase’,

which refers to a large wooded estate.

A quotation beginning at line 114.1 (“amongst whom I declared...)

has no closing mark. The voice seems to shift on line 114.15 (..to

dwell in.”). and the closing mark was added there.

A quoted passage ending on p. 122 most likely should have been

opened at 121.32 (“was their first step to peace...), and an opening

quote was added.

A sentence beginning at 208.22 (“Whereupon I kneeled...)and ending

at 208.26, (...what I had said to him.”) seems an error. It does not

seem to be part of the dialogue and the surrounding quote marks have

been removed.

A lonely closing quote appears at 421.12 (...fellowships in the

world.”) A logical point for this quote to open is on the previous

page at 420.19 ([“]The promise of God...). Judging by the context,

the paragraph is a continuation of the previous quoted passage.

The word ‘throughly’ (xxv.2) is likely an obsolete spelling of

‘thoroughly’.

Other errors, deemed most likely to be the printer’s, have been

corrected, and are noted here. The references are to the page and

line in the original.

xviii.13 to Charles II.[./,] exhorting him Replaced.

xx.22 and instructed Noah to salvation[.] Added.

xxvii.3 their exceeding great co[m/n]firmation Replaced.

25.17 steeple[-]house Inserted.

56.37 Doth it [d/p]urify you Inverted.

93.5 to preach in the steeple-house[.] Added.

142.21 in all things may [h/b]e his praise. Replaced.

142.44 plotted tog[e]ther to draw Inserted.

147.30 who had raised pers[e]cution before Inserted.

151.28 Matt, xxiii.[,]; Removed.

164.28 with the Lord’s truth[,/.] Replaced.

176.13 ye would[ would] fear and tremble Removed.

178.25 who are contemned and dispised _Sic._

179.40 in great pea[e/c]e in 1686 Replaced.

210.25 could not but declare[t] agains[t] Deleted/Added.

222.43 and unrighteou[s]ness of men Inserted.

258.1 SWANINGTON an[d] HIGHAM Added.

261.28 On[e] one occasion Removed.

283.39 and the corr[r]uption Removed.

287.8 against me[,]; Removed.

352.16 given to every man to profit withal[,/.]’ Replaced.

407.34 pp. 62[–]68. Added.

490.8 steeple[-]house Inserted.

412.17 brings fo[r]th heavenly and spiritual fruit Inserted.

480.30 continued in prison[.] Added.

508.25 childhood’s guileless tears[.] Added.

535.28 yet threaten[en]ed us Removed.