JAMES R. COYNE.

In that part of the township of Southwold included in the peninsula

between Talbot Creek and the most westerly bend of Kettle Creek there

were until a relatively recent date several Indian earthworks, which

were well-known to the pioneers of the Talbot Settlement. What the tooth

of time had spared for more than two centuries yielded however to the

settler's plough and harrow, and but one or two of these interesting

reminders of an almost forgotten race remain to gratify the curiosity of

the archæologist or of the historian. Fortunately, the most important of

all is still almost in its original condition. It is that, which has

become known to readers of the Transactions of the Canadian Institute as

the Southwold Earthwork. It is situated on the farm of Mr. Chester

Henderson, Lot Number Four North on Talbot Road East. Mr. David Boyle in

the Archæological Reports printed in 1891 has given the results of his

examinations of the mounds. A carefully prepared plan made from actual

survey by Mr. A. W. Campbell, C.E., for the Elgin Historical and

Scientific Institute of St. Thomas, was presented by the latter to the

Canadian Institute.[1] These will together form a valuable, and, it is

hoped, a permanent record of this interesting memorial of the aboriginal

inhabitants of South-western Ontario.

[1] Mr. J. H. Scott, of St. Thomas, has made a number of

photographs of the mounds at the instance of an American lady,

who, it is understood, will reproduce them in a work about to be

published by her.

The writer of this paper has been acquainted with "the old fort," as it

was called, since the year 1867. At that time it was in the midst of the

forest. Since then the woods have been cleared away, except within the

fort and north of it. Indeed, a considerable number of trees have been

felled within the southern part of the enclosure. In the mounds

themselves trees are abundant, and there are many in the moat or ditch

between. The stumps of those which have been cut down are so many

chronological facts, from which the age of the fort may be conjectured

with some approach to accuracy. A maple within the enclosure exhibits

242 rings of annual growth. It was probably the oldest tree within the

walls. A maple in the outer embankment shows 197 rings; between the

inner and outer walls a beech stump shows 219 rings, and an elm 266.

Many of the trees were cut down a good many years ago. Judging from

these stumps, it would be safe to calculate the age of the forest at

about two hundred years, with here and there a tree a little older. The

area enclosed is level. In the field south there are numerous hummocks

formed by the decayed stumps of fallen trees. The walls were manifestly

thrown up from the outside. There is an exception on the south-east.

Here the ground outside was higher, and to get the requisite elevation

the earth was thrown up on both walls from the intervening space, as

well as on the exterior wall from the outside. Each of the walls runs

completely round the enclosure, except where the steep bank of the

little stream was utilized to eke out the inner wall for five or six

rods on the west side, as shewn on the plan. Opposite the south end of

this gap was the original entrance through the outer wall. The walls

have been cut through in one or two other places, doubtless by settlers

hauling timber across them.

The writer accompanied Mr. Campbell on his visits in the spring and fall

of 1891. The members of the Elgin Historical and Scientific Institute

made a pretty thorough examination of a large ash-heap south-east of the

fort. It had, however, been frequently dug into during the last score or

two of years, with ample results, it is said, in the way of stone

implements of various kinds. There still remained, however, arrow-heads

and chippings of flint, stones partially disintegrated from the action

of heat, fragments of pottery whose markings showed a very low stage of

artistic development, fish scales, charred maize and bones of small

animals, the remains of aboriginal banquets. Within the enclosure,

corn-cobs were found by digging down though the mould, and a good

specimen of a bone needle, well smoothed, but without any decoration,

was turned up in the bed of the stream where it passes through the fort.

The original occupants were manifestly hunters, fishermen and

agriculturists, as well as warriors. Nothing appears to have been found

in the neighborhood, pointing to any intercourse between them and any

European race.

It would seem that the earth-work was constructed in the midst of a

large clearing, and that the forest grew up after the disappearance of

the occupants. A few saplings, however, may have been permitted to

spring up during their occupancy for the sake of the shelter they might

afford. These are represented by the oldest stumps above mentioned.

The question, who were the builders, is an interesting one. To answer it

we need not go back to a remoter period than the middle of the

seventeenth century, when the Iroquois after destroying the Huron

Settlements turned their attention to the southwest, and the Neutral

Nation ceased to exist. The enclosure was, we may reasonably believe, a

fortified village of the Neutrals at the time of their evacuation of

this province, nearly a quarter of a millennium ago.

Substantially all that is known of the Neutrals is to be found in

Champlain's works, Sagard's History, the Relations and Journal of the

Jesuits, and Sanson's map of 1656. A digest of the information contained

therein is given in the following pages. The writer has availed himself

of one or two other works for some of the facts mentioned. Mr. Benjamin

Sulte's interesting and learned articles on "Le pays des grands lacs au

XVIIe Siecle" in that excellent magazine, "Le Canada Francais," have

been most valuable in this connection.

The first recorded visit to the Neutrals was in the winter of 1626, by a

Recollet father, De Laroche-Daillon. His experiences are narrated by

himself, and Sagard, who includes the narrative in his history,

supplements it with one or two additional facts.

In company with the Jesuit Fathers Brebeuf and De Noue, Daillon left

Quebec with the purpose of visiting and converting the Hurons, who were

settled in villages between the Georgian Bay and Lake Simcoe. After the

usual hardships, journeying by canoe and portage, by way of the Ottawa

and French Rivers, they arrived at their destination. The ill-fated

Brule told wonderful stories of a nation, whom the French called the

Neutrals, and Father Joseph Le Caron wrote Daillon urging him to

continue his journey as far as their country.

He set out accordingly on the 18th October, 1626, with two other

Frenchmen, Grenolle and La Vallee. Passing through the territory

occupied by the Tobacco Nation, he met one of their chiefs, who not

merely offered his services as guide, but furnished Indian porters to

carry their packs and their scanty provisions. They slept five nights

in the woods, and on the sixth day arrived at the village of the

Neutrals. In this as well as in four other villages which they visited,

they were hospitably entertained with presents of food, including

venison, pumpkins, "neintahouy," and "the best they had." Their dress

excited the astonishment of their Indian hosts, who were also surprised

that the missionary asked nothing from them but that they should raise

their eyes to heaven, and make the sign of the cross.

What excited raptures of admiration, however, according to his narrative

was to see him retire for prayer at certain hours of the day: for they

had never seen any priests beyond passing glimpses when visiting amongst

the neighboring Hurons and Tobacco Indians.

At the sixth village, Ounontisaston, in which Daillon had been advised

to take up his abode, a council was held at his instance. He observes

that the councils are called at the will of the chiefs, and held either

in a wigwam or in the open air, the audience being seated on the ground;

that silence is preserved whilst a chief is addressing the assembly, and

that what they have once concluded and settled is inviolably observed

and performed by them.

Daillon explained that he had come on the part of the French to make

alliance and friendship with them and to invite them to come and trade,

and begged them to permit him to stay in their country "to instruct them

in the laws of our God, which is the only means of going to Paradise."

They agreed to all he proposed and in return for his gifts of knives and

other trifles, they adopted him as "citizen and child of the country,"

and as a mark of great affection entrusted him to the care of

Souharissen, who became his father and host. The latter was, according

to Daillon, the chief of the greatest renown and authority that had ever

been known in all the nations, being chief not only of his own village,

but of all those of his nation, to the number of twenty-eight, besides

several little hamlets of seven to eight cabins built in different

places convenient for fishing, hunting, or cultivating the ground.

Souharissen had acquired his absolute and extraordinary authority by his

courage and his success in war. He had been several times at war with

the seventeen tribes, who were the enemies of his race, and from all he

had brought back the heads of those he had slain, or prisoners taken

alive, as tokens of his prowess. His authority was without example

amongst other tribes.

The Neutrals are reported by Daillon as being very warlike, armed only

with war-club and bow, and dexterous in their use. His companions having

gone back, the missionary remained alone, "the happiest man in the

world," seeking to advance the glory of God and to find the mouth of the

river of the Iroquois, (probably the Niagara,) in order to conduct the

savages to the French trading posts. He visited them in their huts,

found them very manageable and learned their customs. He remarked that

there were no deformed people amongst them. The children, who were

sprightly, naked and unkempt, were taught by him to make the sign of the

Holy Cross.

The natives were willing that at least four canoes should go to trade if

he would conduct them, but nobody knew the way. Yroquet, an Indian known

in the country, who had come hunting with twenty of his tribe and

secured five hundred beaver skins, declined to give him any indication

of the mouth of the river; but he agreed with several Hurons in assuring

Daillon that a journey of ten days would take him to the trading post.

The missionary, however, was afraid of taking one river for another and

getting lost or perishing of hunger.

For three months he was treated with kindness. Then the Hurons became

jealous lest the trade should be diverted from them. They accordingly

circulated rumors through every village, that Daillon was a great

magician, that he had poisoned the air in their country, and many had

died in consequence, that if he was not killed soon, he would burn up

their villages and kill their children, with other stories as

extraordinary and alarming about the entire French nation. The Neutrals

were easily influenced by the reports. Daillon's life was in danger on

more than one occasion. The rumor reached Brebeuf and De Noue, that he

had been killed. They at once despatched Grenolle to ascertain the

truth, with instructions to bring Daillon back if alive. He acquiesced,

and returned to the Huron country.

He speaks of a Neutral village called Ouaroronon, one day's journey from

the Iroquois, the people of which came to trade at Ounontisaston. Their

village was the last of the Neutral villages, and was probably east of

the Niagara River.

Daillon, like every other traveller, was charmed with the Neutral

country, which he pronounces incomparably greater, more beautiful

and better than any other "of all these countries." He notes the

incredible number of deer, the native mode of taking them by

driving them into a gradually narrowing enclosure, their practice

of killing every animal they find whether they needed it or not. The

reason alleged was that if they did not kill all, the beasts that

escaped would tell the others how they had been chased, so that

afterwards when the Indians needed game it would be impossible to get

near it. He enumerates moose, beaver, wild-cats, squirrels larger

than those of France, bustards, turkeys, cranes, etc., as abundant,

and remaining in the country through the winter. The winter was

shorter and milder than "in Canada." No snow had fallen by the 22nd

November. The deepest was not more than two and a half feet. Thaw set

in on the 26th of January. On the 8th March the snow was gone from the

open places, but a little still lingered in the woods. The streams

abounded in very good fish. The ground produced more corn than was

needed, besides pumpkins, beans and other vegetables in abundance, and

excellent oil. He expresses his surprise that the Merchants' Company had

not sent some Frenchman to winter in the Country: for it would be very

easy to get the Neutrals to trade and the direct route would be much

shorter than that by way of French River and the Georgian Bay. He

describes the Neutrals' country as being nearer than the Huron to the

French, and as being on one side of the lake of the Iroquois (Lake

Ontario) whilst the Iroquois were on the other. The Neutrals, however,

did not understand the management of canoes, especially in the rapids,

of which there were only two, but long and dangerous. Their proper

trade was hunting and war. They were very lazy and immoral. Their

manners and customs were very much the same as those of the Hurons.

Their language was different, but the members of the two nations

understood one another. They went entirely unclad.

Sagard adds that "according to the opinion of some," the Neutrals'

country was eighty leagues (about 200 miles) in extent, and that they

raised very good tobacco which they traded with their neighbors. They

were called Neutrals on account of their neutrality between the Hurons

and the Iroquois; but they were allies of the Cheveux Releves (the

Ottawas) against their mortal enemies of the Nation of Fire. Sagard was

dissuaded by some members of the French trading company from attempting

to bring about a peace between the Hurons and the Iroquois. It was

supposed that this would divert the trade of the Hurons from Quebec by

sending it through the Iroquois country to the Dutch of the Hudson

River. At so early a date did the question of closer trade relations

between the territories north and south of the lakes agitate the minds

of statesmen and men of commerce.

In the winter of 1640-1, the Jesuit missionaries, Brebeuf and Chaumonot

traversed the country of the Neutrals. The former composed a dictionary

showing the differences between the kindred dialects of the Hurons and

Neutrals. Chaumonot made a map of the country, which is not extant, but

there is reason for believing that it was the authority for the

delineation of the territory on Sanson's map of 1656 and Ducreux's Latin

map of 1660. From the facts hereinafter detailed it is highly probable

that they reached the Detroit River, and that they visited and named the

Neutral village of which the Southwold Earthwork is the memorial. The

first printed map in which Lake Erie is shown was made by N. Sanson

d'Abbeville, geographer in ordinary to the King, and printed in Paris,

with "privilege du Roy" for twenty years, in the year 1656. It is a map

of eastern North America. The sources of information are stated in

general terms, which may be translated as follows: "The most northerly

portion is drawn from the various Relations of the English, Danes, etc.

Towards the south the coasts of Virginia, New Sweden, New Netherlands

and New England are drawn from those of the English, Dutch, etc. THE

GREAT RIVER OF CANADA, or of St. Lawrence and all the neighboring

regions (_environs_) are according to the Relations of the French."

Now, we know that Father Raymbault visited Sault Ste. Marie in 1641 and

mapped Lake Superior, and that Father Chaumonot in the same year

rendered the same service for the Neutral Country. Sanson's map is

fairly accurate for the upper lakes, when compared with some maps

published at much later periods when the lakes had become tolerably well

known to traders and travellers. It shows an acquaintance with the

general contour of Lakes Erie, St. Clair and Huron, with several of the

streams emptying into Lakes Erie and Huron on both the Canadian and the

American sides, with the names of tribes inhabiting both shores, and

with the locations of five towns of the Neutrals, besides some towns of

the Tobacco Nation. The Neutral towns are given as S. Francois,

(north-east of Sarnia) S. Michel, (a little east of Sandwich), S.

Joseph, (apparently in the county of Kent), Alexis, (a few miles west of

a stream, which flows into Lake Erie about midway between the Detroit

and Niagara Rivers, and where the shore bends farthest inland),[2] and

N. D. des Anges (on the West bank of a considerable river, probably the

Grand River, near where Brantford now stands). The Detroit and Niagara

Rivers and four streams flowing into Lake Erie between them are shown

but not named. The great cataract is called "Ongiara Sault." The name

Ongiara may, however, be that of the Neutral village east of the Falls.

Lake St. Clair is called Lac des Eaux de Mer, or Sea-water Lake,

possibly from the mineral springs in the neighborhood. The country of

the Tobacco Nation includes the Bruce peninsula and extends from the

Huron country on the east to Lake Huron on the west, and Burlington Bay

on the southeast. The Neutral Country (_Neutre ou Attiouandarons_) would

embrace the whole of southwestern Ontario south of a line drawn from the

west end of Lake Ontario to a stream which flows into Lake Huron about

midway between Point Edward and Cape Hurd, and which is probably the

Maitland River. The tribes to the south of the lakes are indicated from

the Niagara River to Lake Superior. The Eries or "Eriechronons, ou du

Chat," are south-east of Lake Erie; the "Ontarraronon" are west of what

is probably the Cuyahoga River; at the southwest of the lake appear the

"Squenqioronon;" west of the Detroit River are the "Aictaeronon;" west

of Port Huron the "Couarronon;" Huron County in Michigan is occupied by

the "Ariaetoeronon;" at the head of Saginaw Bay and extending southward

through Michigan are the "Assistaeronons ou du Feu;" in the peninsula

extending north to Mackinac are the "Oukouarararonons;" beyond them Lake

Michigan appears as "Lac de Puans;" then come the northern peninsula and

"Lac Superieur." Manitoulin Island is marked "Cheveux Releves;" the old

French name for the Ottawas. The Tobacco Nation called "N. du Petun on

Sanhionontateheronons" includes villages of "S. Simon et S. Iude" in the

Bruce promontory, "S. Pierre" near the south end of the County of Bruce,

and "S. Pol," southwest of a lake which may be Scugog.

[2] Alexis corresponds with the actual position of the Southwold

Earthwork, and the stream with that of Kettle Creek.

To return to the narratives, these agree in stating that the Neutrals,

like their kinsmen of the Huron, Tobacco and Iroquois Nations, were a

numerous and sedentary race living in villages and cultivating their

fields of maize, tobacco and pumpkins. They were on friendly terms with

the eastern and northern tribes, but at enmity with those of the west,

especially the Nation of Fire, against whom they were constantly sending

out war parties. By the western tribes it would appear that those west

of the Detroit River and Lake Huron are invariably meant.

Champlain refers to the Neutrals in 1616 as a powerful nation, holding a

large extent of country, and numbering 4,000 warriors. Already they were

in alliance with the Cheveux Releves (the Ottawas), whom he visited in

the Bruce Peninsula, against the Nation of Fire. He states that the

Neutrals lived two days' journey southward of the Cheveux Releves, and

the Nation of Fire ten days from the latter. The Nation of Fire occupied

part of what is now Michigan, probably as far east as the Detroit and

St. Clair Rivers.

Describing his visit to the Cheveux Releves, he adds:--"I had a great

desire to go and see that Nation (the Neutrals), had not the tribes

where we were dissuaded me from it, saying that the year before one of

ours had killed one of them, being at war with the Entouhoronons (the

Senecas), and that they were angry on account of it, representing to us

that they are very subject to vengeance, not looking to those who dealt

the blow, but the first whom they meet of the nation, or even their

friends, they make them bear the penalty, when they can catch any of

them unless beforehand peace had been made with them, and one had given

them some gifts and presents for the relatives of the deceased; which

prevented me for the time from going there, although some of that nation

assured us that they would do us no harm for that. This decided us, and

occasioned our returning by the same road as we had come, and continuing

my journey, I found the nation of the Pisierinij etc."

NOTE.--This is a literal translation, and shows the crudity of

Champlain's sailor style of composition.

Brebeuf, who reckoned the Hurons at more than 30,000, describes the

Neutrals in 1634 as much more numerous than the former. The Relation of

1641 gives them at least 12,000, but adds that notwithstanding the wars,

famine and disease (small pox), which since three years had prevailed in

an extraordinary degree, the country could still furnish 4,000 warriors,

the exact number estimated by Champlain a quarter of a century earlier.

The name of the Neutrals is variously given as Attikadaron, Atiouandaronk,

Attiouandaron, Attiwandaronk, but the last is the more common. The name

signified "people who spoke a slightly different dialect," and the

Hurons were known to the Neutrals by the same name. The latter are

mentioned in the Relations as one of the twelve numerous and sedentary

nations who spoke a common language with the Hurons. The Oueanohronons

formed "one of the nations associated with the Neutral Nation." They

are afterwards called in the same Relation (1639) the Wenrohronons, and

are said to have lived on the borders of the Iroquois, more than eighty

leagues from the Huron country. So long as they were on friendly terms

with the Neutrals they were safe from the dreaded Iroquois; but a

misunderstanding having arisen between them, they were obliged to flee

in order to avoid extermination by the latter. They took refuge, more

than 600 in all, with the Hurons, and were received in the most

friendly and hospitable manner.

The Relation of 1640 speaks of a Huron map communicated by Father Paul

Ragueneau in which a large number of tribes, most of them acquainted

with the Huron language, are shown, including the Iroquois, the

Neutrals, the Eries, etc. The "Mission of the Apostles" was established

among the Tobacco Nation by Garnier and Jogues in 1640. Nine villages

visited by them were endowed by the missionaries with the names of

apostles, two of which are given in Sanson's map of 1656.[3] In one

"bourg" called S. Thomas, they baptized a boy five years old belonging

to the Neutral Nation, who died immediately afterwards. "He saw himself

straightway out of banishment and happy in his own country." The famine

had driven his parents to the village of the Tobacco Nation. The devoted

missionaries add that this was the first fruits of the Neutral nation.

[3] The principal "bourg" was Ehwae, surnamed S. Pierre et S.

Paul. If S. Pierre on Sanson's map is the same place, this most

have been near the southern end of the county of Bruce. The other

village or mission shown on the map is S. Simon et S. Iude.

In the fall of the same year "The Mission of the Angels" was begun among

the Neutrals. The lot fell upon Jean de Brebeuf and Joseph Marie

Chaumonot. The former was the pioneer of the Jesuit Mission. He had

spent three years among the Hurons from 1626 to 1629, and, after the

restoration of Canada to the French by Charles I., he had returned in

1634 to the scene of his earlier labors. His associate had only come

from France the year before. Brebeuf was distinguished for his mastery

of the native tongues, and Chaumonot had been recognized as an apt

student of languages. The plan of the Jesuits was to establish in the

new mission a fixed and permanent residence, which should be the

"retreat" of the missionaries of the surrounding country, as Ste. Marie

was of those of the Huron mission.

Lalemant from their report describes the Neutral Nation as exceedingly

populous, including about forty villages ("bourgs ou bourgades.") The

nearest villages were four or five days' journey or about forty leagues

(100 miles) distant from the Hurons, going due south. He estimates the

difference in latitude between Ste. Marie and the nearest village of the

Neutrals to the south at about 1°55'. Elsewhere the distance is spoken

of as about thirty leagues.

From the first "bourg," going on to the south or south-west (a mistake

for south-east it would seem,) it was about four days' journey to the

mouth of the Niagara River. On this side of the river, and not beyond

it, as "some map" lays it down, (Champlain's, doubtless,) were most of

the "bourgs" of the Neutral Nation. There were three or four on the

other side towards the Eries. Lalemant claims, and there is no doubt as

to the fact, that the French were the first Europeans to become

acquainted with the Neutrals. The Hurons and Iroquois were sworn enemies

to each other, but in a wigwam or even a camp of the Neutrals until

recently each had been safe from the other's vengeance.

Latterly however the unbridled fury of the hostile nations had not

respected even the neutral ground of their mutual friends. Friendly as

they were to the Hurons and Iroquois, the Neutrals engaged in cruel wars

with other nations to the west, particularly the Nation of Fire, as has

been stated above. The previous year a hundred prisoners had been taken

from the latter tribe. This year, returning with 2,000 warriors, the

Neutrals had carried off more than 170. Fiercer than the Hurons, they

burned their female prisoners. Their clothing and mode of living

differed but little from those of the Hurons. They had Indian corn,

beans and pumpkins in equal abundance. Fish were abundant, different

species being met with in different places. The country was a famous

hunting ground. Elk, deer, wild cats, wolves, "black beasts"

(squirrels), beaver and other animals valuable for their skins and

flesh; were in abundance. It was a rare thing to see more than half a

foot of snow. This year there was more than three feet. The deep snow

had facilitated the hunting, and, in happy contrast with the famine

which had prevailed, meat was plentiful. They had also multitudes of

wild turkeys which went in flocks through the fields and woods. Fruits

were no more plentiful than amongst the Hurons, except that chestnuts

abounded, and wild apples were a little larger.

Their manners and customs, and family and political government, were

very much like those of the other Indian tribes, but they were

distinguished from the Hurons by their greater dissoluteness and

indecency. On the other hand they were taller, stronger and better

formed.

Their burial customs were peculiar, although similar customs are

reported at this day amongst some African tribes. The bodies remained in

their wigwams until decomposition rendered them insupportable, when they

were put outside on a scaffold. Soon afterward, the bones were removed

and arranged within their houses on both sides in sight of the inmates,

where they remained until the feast of the dead. Having these mournful

objects before their eyes, the women habitually indulged in cries and

laments, in a kind of chant.

The Neutrals were distinguished for the multitude and quality of their

madmen, who were a privileged class. Hence it was common for bad Indians

to assume the character of maniacs in order to perpetrate crimes without

fear of punishment. The Jesuits suffered very much from their malice.

Some old men told them that the Neutrals used to carry on war "towards"

a certain western nation, who would seem to have lived on the Gulf of

Mexico, where the "porcelain, which are the pearls of the country," was

obtained from a kind of oysters. It is an undoubted fact that a traffic

was carried on with tribes as far south as the Gulf of Mexico, from whom

shells used for wampum were obtained by successive interchanges of

commodities with intervening tribes. They had also some vague notion of

alligators, which are apparently referred to by the description,

"certain aquatic animals, larger and swifter than elk," against which

these same people had "a kind of war," the details of which are somewhat

amusing, as given by Lalemant.

The two Jesuits left Ste. Marie the 2nd November, 1640, with two French

servants (probably "donnes,") and an Indian. They slept four nights in

the woods. The fifth day they arrived at the first village ("bourg") of

the Neutral Nation called Kandoucho, but to which they gave the name of

All Saints. This is probably the same as N. D. des Anges on Sanson's

map, and was not far perhaps from the site of Brantford.

Owing to the unfavorable reports which had been spread through the

country about the Jesuits, the latter were anxious to explain their

purposes to a council of the chiefs and old men. The head chief, "who

managed the affairs of the public" was called Tsohahissen (doubtless the

same as Daillon's Souharissen). His "bourg" was "in the middle of the

country;" to reach it, one had to pass through several other villages

("bourgs et bourgades.") In Sanson's map, Alexis is placed almost

exactly "in the middle of the country" of the Neutrals. No other village

is marked on the map, to which the expression could be applied. Its

situation nearly midway between the Detroit & Niagara Rivers, a few

miles west of a stream which flows into Lake Erie just where the mouth

of Kettle Creek would appear in a map of our own century, corresponds

with that of the Southwold earthwork. Was the latter the Neutrals'

capital? We can only conjecture; but the evidence of the Relations, the

map and the forest growth, all points to an affirmative answer. There is

a strong probability that it was here Tsohahissen reigned (if the

expression is allowable in reference to an Indian potentate) as head

chief of the forty Neutral villages. Through the western gate,

doubtless, his warriors set out to wage their relentless warfare against

the Nation of Fire. Within these mounds, returning satiated with blood,

they celebrated their savage triumph, adorned with the scalps of their

enemies.

Brebeuf's Huron surname "Echon" had preceded him. He was regarded as

"one of the most famous sorcerers and demons ever imagined." Several

Frenchmen had travelled through the country before him, purchasing furs

and other commodities. These had smoothed the way for the Jesuits. Under

the pretext of being traders, Brebeuf's party succeeded in making their

way in spite of all obstacles interposed. They arrived at the head-chief's

village, only to find that he had gone on a war party and would not

return until spring. The missionaries sought to negotiate with those who

administered affairs in his absence. They desired to publish the Gospel

throughout these lands, "and thereby to contract a particular alliance

with them." In proof of their desire, they had brought a necklace of two

thousand grains of "porcelain" or wampum which they wished to present to

"the Public." The inferior chiefs refused to bind themselves in any way

by accepting the present, but gave the missionaries leave, if they would

wait until the chief of the country returned, to travel freely and give

such instruction as they pleased. Nothing could have suited the fathers

better. First however they decided to return in their steps and

reconduct their domestics out of the country. Then they would resume

their journey for the second time, and "begin their function." As it had

been the servants however, who had acted the part of traders, this

pretext was now wanting to the Jesuits. They suffered everywhere from

the malicious reports which had been circulated as to their purposes in

visiting the nation and the acts of sorcery with which they were

charged. The Hurons of the Georgian Bay alarmed for the monopoly they

had hitherto enjoyed and jealous of the French traders, had sent

emissaries amongst the Neutrals to poison their minds against the

adventurous travellers, by the most extraordinary calumnies.

For these reports two Huron Indians Aouenhokoui and Oentara were

especially responsible. They had visited several villages, presented

hatchets in the name of the Huron chiefs and old men, and denounced

their white visitors as sorcerers who desired to destroy the Neutrals by

means of presents. These representations were so effectual that a

council was at length held by the chiefs and the present formally

refused, although permission to preach was granted.

From village to village they passed, but everywhere the doors were

barred to them. Hostile looks greeted them wherever they went. No sooner

did they approach a village than the cry resounded on all sides "Here

come the Agwa." This was the name given by the natives to their greatest

enemies. If the priests were admitted into their dwellings at all, it

was more frequently from fear of the "sorcerers'" vengeance than for the

hope of gain, "God making use of everything in order to nourish his

servants."

In the graphic language of Lalemant: "The mere sight of the fathers, in

figure and habit so different from their own, their gait, their gestures

and their whole deportment seemed to them so many confirmations of what

had been told them. The breviaries, ink-stands and writings were

instruments of magic; if the Frenchmen prayed to God, it was according

to their idea simply an exercise of sorcerers. Going to the stream to

wash their dishes, it was said they were poisoning the water: it was

charged that through all the cabins, wherever the priests passed, the

children were seized with a cough and bloody flux, and the women became

barren. In short, there was no calamity present or to come, of which

they were not considered as the source. Several of those with whom the

fathers took up their abode did not sleep day or night for fear; they

dared not touch what had been handled by them, they returned the

strangers' presents, regarding everything as suspicious. The good old

women already regarded themselves as lost, and only regretted the fate

of their little children, who might otherwise have been able to repeople

the earth."

The Neutrals intimidated the fathers with rumors of the Senecas, who

they were assured were not far off. They spoke of killing and eating the

missionaries. Yet in the four months of their sojourn Brebeuf and

Chaumonot never lacked the necessaries of life, lodging and food, and

amidst difficulties and inconveniences better imagined than described

they retained their health. Their food supply was bread baked under

ashes after the fashion of the country, and which they kept for thirty

and even forty days to use in case of need.

"In their journey, the fathers passed through eighteen villages (_bourgs

ou bourgades_), to all of which they gave a Christian name, of which we

shall make use hereafter on occasion. They stayed particularly in ten,

to which they gave as much instruction as they could find hearers. They

report about 500 Fires and 3,000 persons, which these ten _bourgades_

may contain, to whom they set forth and published the Gospel."

(Lalemant's Relation.)[4]

[4] In another place it is stated that there were 40 villages of

the Neutrals in all.

Disheartened, the fathers decided to return to Kandoucho or All Saints

to await the spring. Midway, however, at the village of Teotongniaton,

or S. Guillaume, (perhaps in the vicinity of Woodstock) the snow fell in

such quantities that further progress was impossible. They lodged here

in the cabin of a squaw, who entertained them hospitably and instructed

them in the language, dictating narratives syllable by syllable as to a

school boy. Here they stayed twenty-five days, "adjusted the dictionary

and rules of the Huron language to that of these tribes (the Neutrals),

and accomplished a work which alone was worth a journey of several years

in the country."

Hurons from the mission of La Conception volunteered to go to the

relief of the daring travellers. After eight days of travel and

fatigue in the woods the priests and the relief party arrived at Ste.

Marie on the very day of St. Joseph, patron of the country, in time to

say mass, which they had not been able to say since their departure.

Amongst the eighteen villages visited by them, only one, that of

Khioetoa, called by the fathers Saint Michel, gave them the audience

their embassy merited. In this village, years before, driven by fear of

their enemies, had taken refuge a certain foreign nation, "which lived

beyond Erie or the Cat Nation," named Aouenrehronon. It was in this

nation that the fathers performed the first baptism of adults. These

were probably a portion of the kindred Neutral tribe referred to above

as having fled to the Huron country from the Iroquois. Their original

home was in the State of New York. Sanson's map shows S. Michel a

little east of where Sandwich now stands.

Owing to their scanty number and the calumnies circulated amongst the

Indians respecting the Jesuits of the Huron Mission the latter resolved

to concentrate their forces. The Neutral mission was abandoned, but

Christian Indians visited the Neutrals in 1643 and spread the faith

amongst them with a success which elicits Lalemant's enthusiastic

praises. Towards the end of the following winter a band of about 500

Neutrals visited the Hurons. The fathers did not fail to avail

themselves of their opportunity. The visitors were instructed in the

faith and expressed their regret that their teachers could not return

with them. A different reception from that experienced by Brebeuf and

Chaumonot three years before was promised.

Lalemant relates that in the summer of 1643, 2,000 Neutrals invaded the

country of the Nation of Fire and attacked a village strongly fortified

with a palisade, and defended stoutly by 900 warriors. After a ten

days' siege, they carried it by storm, killed a large number on the

spot, and carried off 800 captives, men, women and children, after

burning 70 of the most warlike and blinding the eyes and "girdling the

mouths" of the old men, whom they left to drag out a miserable

existence. He reports the Nation of Fire as more populous than the

Neutrals, the Hurons and the Iroquois together. In a large number of

these villages the Algonkin language was spoken. Farther away, it was

the prevailing tongue. In remote Algonkin tribes, even at that early

day, there were Christians who knelt, crossed their hands, turned their

eyes heavenward, and prayed to God morning and evening, and before and

after their meals; and the best mark of their faith was that they were

no longer wicked nor dishonest as they were before. So it was reported

to Lalemant by trustworthy Hurons who went every year to trade with

Algonkin nations scattered over the whole northern part of the

continent.

Ragueneau in the Relation of 1648 refers to Lake Erie as being almost

200 leagues in circuit, and precipitating itself by "a waterfall of a

terrible height" into Lake Ontario, or Lake Saint Louys.

The Aondironnons a tribe of the Neutrals living nearest to the Hurons

were treacherously attacked in their village by 300 Senecas, who after

killing a number carried as many as possible away with them as

prisoners. The Neutrals showed no open resentment but quietly prepared

to revenge themselves. A Christian Huron, a girl of fifteen, taken

prisoner by the Senecas, escaped from them and made her way to the

Neutral country, where she met four men, two of whom were Neutrals and

the others enemies. The latter wished to take her back to captivity; but

the Neutrals, claiming that within their country she was no longer in

the power of her enemies, rescued her and she returned in safety to Ste.

Marie on the Georgian Bay. These incidents were the prelude to the storm

which shortly afterward burst.

In 1650 the principal part of the Iroquois forces was directed against

the Neutrals. They carried two frontier villages, in one of which were

more than 1600 men, the first at the end of autumn, the second early in

the spring of 1651. The old men and children who might encumber them on

their homeward journey were massacred. The number of captives was

excessive, especially of young women, who were carried off to the

Iroquois towns. The other more distant villages were seized with terror.

The Neutrals abandoned their houses, their property and their country.

Famine pursued them. The survivors became scattered amongst far-off

woods and along unknown lakes and rivers. In wretchedness and want and

in constant apprehension of their relentless enemy, they eked out a

miserable existence.

The Journal (April 22, 1651) adds that after the destruction of the

Neutral village in the previous autumn, the Neutral warriors under the

lead of the Tahontaenrat (a Huron tribe) had followed the assailants and

killed or taken 200 of them; and 1,200 Iroquois warriors had returned in

the spring to avenge this disaster. In August a Huron reported at

Montreal the capture of Teot'ondiaton (probably the village in which

Brebeuf composed his dictionary, and which is referred to in the

Relation as having been taken in the spring). The condition of the

Neutrals was desolate and desperate. In April, 1652, news reached Quebec

that they had leagued with the Andastes against the Iroquois, that the

Senecas had been defeated in a foray against the Neutrals, so that the

Seneca women had been constrained to quit their village and retreat to

the Oneida country; also that the Mohawks had gone on the war path

against the Andastes during the winter, and the issue of the war was

unknown. The last of July, 1653, seven Indians from the Huron country

arrived at Quebec and reported a great gathering near Mackinac of all

the Algonkin nations with the remains of the Tobacco and Neutral Nations

at A'otonatendie three days above the Sault Ste. Marie (Skia'e) towards

the south. The Tobacco Indians had wintered at Tea'onto'rai; the

Neutrals to the number of 800 at Sken'chio'e towards Teo'chanontian.

These were to rendezvous the next fall with the Algonkins, who were

already on the spot to the number of 1,000.

This is probably the last we hear of the Neutrals under their own name.

Some of the survivors united with the remnant of the Hurons at Mackinac

and on Lake Superior; and under the name of the Hurons and Wyandots they

appear from time to time on the page of history. Their removal to

Detroit on the establishment of the latter trading post by Cadaillac, is

perpetuated by the name of Wyandotte, to the south of the City of the

Straits.

Parkman mentions the circumstance that an old chief named Kenjockety,

who claimed descent from an adopted prisoner of the Neutral Nation, was

recently living among the Senecas of Western New York.

It is stated in the "History of the County of Middlesex" that over 60

years ago, "Edouard Petit, of Black River, discovered the ruins of an

ancient building on the Riviere aux Sables, about 40 miles from Sarnia.

Pacing the size, he found it to have been 40×24 feet on the ground. On

the middle of the south or gable end, was a chimney eighteen feet high,

in excellent preservation, built of stone, with an open fire place. The

fire place had sunk below the surface. This ruin had a garden surrounding

it, ten or twelve rods wide by twenty rods in length, marked by ditches

and alleys. Inside the walls of the house a splendid oak had grown to

be three feet in diameter, with a stem sixty feet high to the first

branch. It seemed to be of second growth, and must have been 150 years

reaching its proportions as seen in 1828-9."

This must have been the mission of S. Francois shown on Sanson's map.

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