EDUCATION OF NEGROES AND INDIANS
EARLIEST TRACES OF THE NEGRO IN PENNSYLVANIA
[Sidenote: Negroes early in Pennsylvania]
To the reader of the history of Pennsylvania, the statement that the
colony was established in 1681 by William Penn seems sufficient reason
for thinking that was the first settlement. But there were other people
already established there and among them were to be found Negroes, as is
very readily ascertained from the records. The people who occupied the
territory along the Delaware, later to be called Pennsylvania, before its
charter as a colony was granted, were chiefly Swedes, English, and Dutch,
who had crossed over the river from the neighboring colonies.[1129]
[Sidenote: 1639]
[Sidenote: 1664]
[Sidenote: Gradual abolition by law of 1780]
Negroes were not numerous. There remains rather scant evidence of their
presence in any considerable number, but authentic record of certain
instances. It is found, for example, that as early as 1639 a convict
was sentenced to South River, as the Delaware was then called, to serve
out his time with the Negroes.[1130] This is the earliest record found;
though frequent mention is made of them after this date. In 1664, the
West India Company agreed to furnish about fifty Negroes to work in the
lowlands on the Delaware River.[1131] This is the earliest explicit
record that is found of trafficking in Negroes in Pennsylvania. The
slave trade, thus begun by the Dutch Company, was continued, now rising,
now falling, till the final abolition of slavery in 1780.[1132] The
law of 1780, which provided for a gradual abolition, was subjected to
such frequent evasion that in 1788 it became necessary to pass another
for its clarification and enforcement.[1133] By the middle of the
seventeenth century, the importation of slaves had become a part of the
regular work of the merchants of Philadelphia, with the exception of a
few conscientious Quakers who refused to profit thereby. Records of the
end of the century indicate that the number of Negroes had by that time
become very considerable, though no exact figures are obtainable.[1134]
[Sidenote: Opposing factors]
But it is not to be assumed that because the slave trade began thus early
and continued to grow, it did so without meeting any opposition. In fact
it is probably due to a few years of opposition by various factors, which
are here only mentioned briefly, that the slave trade did not become as
prodigious in Pennsylvania as in other states, and that she was the first
to pass an abolition law against it.[1135] Chief among the factors which
opposed the increase of Negro serfdom were these: (1) the conscientious
scruples of Friends in reference to the traffic;[1136] (2) the objection
on the part of the German inhabitants (partially as Quakers, but not
entirely);[1137] and, (3) the dissatisfaction caused among White laborers
by the enforced competition of the Negroes.[1138]
[Sidenote: Restrictive legislation 1700, 1705, 1712]
[Sidenote: Slack demand for slaves indicated]
As a result of this opposition to the importation of slaves, there was
enacted various legislation restricting it, although there was at the
same time an urgent demand on the part of some for slave labor. One of
the first attempts on the part of the Colonial Assembly to restrict
slave traffic was the act of 1700, imposing the maximum duty of 20
shillings per head imported, which amount was in 1705 increased to 40
shillings.[1139] Not entirely satisfied with this stroke, the Assembly
attempted (1712) practically to prohibit importation by placing a levy
of £20 per head, but this act was at once repealed by the crown.[1140]
However great may have been the failure in legislation, it seems that
the feeling against importation was quite marked and, for that reason,
the number imported fell considerably. If the statement of a merchant,
Jonathan Dickinson, may be taken as indicative, we may judge that it was
the slack demand that brought about a decrease in importation. He says,
writing to Jamaica, April, 1715,
I must entreat you to send me no more Negroes for sale, for our
people don’t care to buy. They are generally against any coming
into the country.[1141]
[Sidenote: The trade formed by certain classes: (1) traders, (2)
manufacturers]
However strongly the general public was opposed to the slave importation,
it was nevertheless possible for the interests of the few to dominate.
First, there was the desire on the part of the trading company for the
rich profits derived, and the crown was loath to fail to safeguard the
company in its demands; this service it performed by regularly repealing
the obnoxious legislation, which was enacted and favored by the majority
of the citizens represented in the Assembly.[1142] Second, certain
influential classes of citizens, for example, the iron masters, wished
for the continuance of importation because of the advantage accruing to
them through the competition between Whites and slave labor. This is
instanced in 1727 by a petition on their part for the removal of the duty
because of the scarcity of available Whites.[1143]
[Sidenote: Trade accelerated]
[Sidenote: Decline in the trade about Revolution]
This conflict between the ideals of different classes, complicated by
the economic problem of labor, continued to be fought out chiefly in
words, and legislation, until by the middle of the eighteenth century
it is estimated, by some historians of Pennsylvania, that importation
had nearly ceased.[1144] The period following 1750, however, saw
importation again positively accelerated, due to the greater security in
the possession of Negro slaves compared with that of the White servants.
Passing over the crest of this wave of increase, we find a rapid decline
in importation and sale of Negroes during the years immediately preceding
the American Revolution; but even after the Revolution, fought for
the principles of freedom, independence and equality, there occur not
infrequent instances of the traffic in human flesh and blood.[1145] These
cases form the exception rather than the rule, however, and in 1780 there
was secured the law for gradual prohibition, to which reference has
already been made.[1146]
[Sidenote: Slaves: how circumstanced in Pennsylvania]
The condition of the slaves in Pennsylvania was in many respects better
than in other states; especially is this true if they are compared with
those in the South, who were employed mostly in plantation work. Their
clothing, if we may judge by the descriptions which usually accompanied
the advertisement of runaways, was usually good and very striking in its
variety, as witnesses the following description.[1147]
Three hundred dollars reward. Runaway from the subscriber on
the evening of August 14, 1779. 20th of June, lost, a negro man
named Dan about 24 or 25 years of age; 5 feet, 5 or 6 inches;
something pitted with the smallpox; his dress when he went off
is uncertain, as he took sundry clothes with him, amongst which
are two coats, a light faggothy, and a brown jerkin with yellow
buttons, three jackets, light blue, brown, and striped linen,
a pair of new buckskin breeches, several pairs of old striped
and two pairs of tow trousers, three pairs of stockings, three
good shirts, and a round hat. Said negro is this country born,
and talks the English and German languages; is fond of playing
the fiddle, and is naturally left-handed, and what is very
remarkable, he bows with the left hand when performing on the
violin.[1148]
[Sidenote: Fewer social restrictions]
[Sidenote: Care for their religious welfare]
Socially they were less restricted and did not suffer the sharp
separation from the Whites that was characteristic of the South. They
were not on an equality, that was not to be expected, but they enjoyed
considerable freedom among themselves,[1149] and the various religious
societies were, at least to a considerable degree, interested in their
spiritual welfare. We find, at any rate, no considerable opposition
to their advancement as was present in Virginia, even at a much later
date.[1150] The Moravians, as before stated, were usually opposed
to holding slaves, and where they were held, they were on a basis of
religious equality.[1151] The Lutherans were likewise tolerant, but
it is to the credit of the Episcopalians that most is due. Negroes
were baptized in their church and then instructed in religion by a
minister provided for that purpose.[1152] Not only were the established
congregations favorable to the aid of the Negro, but many itinerant
ministers were desirous of educating him.
[Sidenote: Work of Whitefield]
There is one outstanding instance of the latter which may serve as
an illustration. It is that of Reverend Whitefield, who took up five
thousand acres of land on the forks of the Delaware in Pennsylvania,
where he hoped to erect a Negro school. The movement was given wide
publicity and subscriptions were asked for its support.[1153] In the
papers which advertise the beginning of the project, there is found
no statement as to the successful outcome of it; the whole scheme
seems to have melted away as easily as it had arisen. The scheme of
Whitefield, was equalled, and perhaps even excelled, by a much earlier
proposal, 1722, which was made anonymously through the columns of the
_Mercury_.[1154] The service was to be rendered to the servants of any
religious denomination, and without any expense to them whatsoever.
It was chiefly desired that the Negroes might be taught to read the
Scriptures.[1155]
[Sidenote: Missionary work for Negroes not limited to Quakers]
If justice were to be done to the various attempts on the part of
itinerant ministers and the regularly established churches to aid in
bringing enlightenment to the Negroes in Pennsylvania, it would require
volumes. Such mention as has been made is for the purpose of pointing
out the universality of the missionary spirit, so that it may not be
understood that the entire work was carried on under the direction of
Friends, to whose activities much more space must necessarily be given
in this work. In the pages following it will be attempted to outline as
definitely as possible, from the available records, what was actually
accomplished by the organization of Friends towards Negro education.
QUAKER LEADERS AND THE NEGRO PROBLEM
[Sidenote: Slavery’s opponents]
However auspicious may have been the opportunity for attempts to plant
slavery on the soil of Pennsylvania, it was neither destined to meet
unqualified success nor to pass without rigorous opposition. The German
population from the very outset, as we have already stated, was hostile
to the idea of slavery.[1156] Likewise, the Quakers were dominated by
men who believed that slavery had no justification, and throughout their
lives were actuated by this belief. Brief mention may be made of three of
these leaders, sufficient at least to indicate their viewpoint and the
remedy which they advocated.
[Sidenote: George Fox]
[Sidenote: Pleads for education of Negro and Indian]
George Fox, their revered founder, was quite naturally referred to in
matters of importance and far reaching consequence. Through the influence
of his ministry, the doctrine of the freedom of all men and of inherent
rights, which they possessed by virtue of being men, came to be accepted
in the church organization, and was published in the discipline and
various letters of that body.[1157] These acts of the church organization
will be dealt with presently. Fox defends his position mainly on the
religious basis; it is quite likely that a religious training and
education is uppermost in his mind throughout his plea for the Negro. He
does not limit himself to their case, but insists, also, on the education
of the Indian natives. The education (religious) which he specifically
mentions, is for the purpose of their salvation, but the attention of
Quakers was not limited to that alone. Religious education did, however,
receive their first consideration. The essence of Fox’s influential
utterances on this subject is contained in the following extract.
And, also, you must instruct and teach your Indians and
Negroes, and all others, how that Christ, by the grace of God,
tasted death for every man and gave himself a ransom for all
men to be testified in due time; and is the propitiation not
only for the sins of Christians, but for the sins of the whole
world; and that He doth enlighten every man that cometh into
the world, with His true light, which is the life in Christ by
Whom the world was made.[1158]
[Sidenote: John Woolman]
[Sidenote: His sermons, tracts, etc.]
From among the Quaker exponents of the freedom of all men, we can
scarcely select one of greater influence than John Woolman. He was
born in 1720,[1159] and thus grew up to manhood in a period when the
opposition to slavery on the part of Friends was on the increase, and
lived through its zenith, after which slavery among Pennsylvania Friends
scarcely existed.[1160] He was well educated. The greater part of his
life was spent travelling as a minister from place to place, now working
among the Indians[1161] and again visiting meetings in the interest of
the freedom of the Negro.[1162] His journeys throughout the colonies
served to keep the individual meetings awake to the problem before them,
and the firm conviction of the man won no less number of supporters than
the eloquence of his appeal. The influence of Woolman did not, however,
limit itself to the channels of his sermons; in 1754 appeared one of
his best expressions on the traffic, entitled _Some Considerations on
the Keeping of Negroes_. Nothing was permitted to stand in the light
of his conviction as to the right; he refused to continue his practice
of writing wills in all cases where the disposition of slaves was
involved.[1163]
But it is impossible to give in this limited space an adequate resumé
of the work of this great spokesman of freedom. A brief representative
statement from his works, added to what has already been said, is perhaps
the most satisfactory treatment that can be given.
[Sidenote: Woolman on slave holding]
Many slaves on this continent are oppressed, and their cries
have reached the ears of the most High. Such are the purity
and certainty of His judgments, that He can not be partial in
our favor. In infinite love and goodness He hath opened our
understandings from one time to another concerning our duty
to this people; and it is not a time for delay. Should we now
be sensible of what He requires of us, and through respect
to the interest of some persons, or through a regard to some
friendships which do not stand on an immutable foundation,
neglect to do our duty in firmness and constancy, still waiting
for some extraordinary means to bring about their deliverance,
it may be by terrible things in righteousness, God may answer
us in this matter.[1164]
Man is born to labor, and experience abundantly sheweth that it
is for our good; but where the powerful lay the burden on the
inferior, without affording a Christian education, and suitable
opportunity for improving the mind, and a treatment that we in
their case should approve, that themselves may live at ease and
fare sumptuously, and lay up riches for their posterity, this
seems to contradict the design of Providence and, I doubt not,
is sometimes the effect of a perverted mind; for while the life
of one is made grievous by the rigor of another, it entails
misery to both.[1165]
[Sidenote: Anthony Benezet; his influence through books, pamphlets, etc.]
While speaking of the life and work of the two above mentioned Quaker
reformers, one other person seems to call imperatively for attention. His
work was equally widespread and the public was kept open to his influence
through several of his books and pamphlets published on the subject of
slaves and slaveholding.[1166] A French Hugenot by birth, Anthony Benezet
came early to America, where he was a staunch member of Friends, and
in whose society he performed a continuous service for the freedom and
education of the Negroes, until the time of his death in 1784.[1167]
His immediate connection with the Negro School, established by Friends
in 1770[1168] will be considered more fully elsewhere. The arguments
advanced by him against slavery are based on the grounds of practicality
and justice. The system is injurious to the slave and the master, and
inconsistent with the ideals of a free community. We, ourselves, must
agree with him in his position as set forth in the following selection.
[Sidenote: Extract from Benezet]
The bondage we have imposed on the Africans is absolutely
repugnant to Justice. It is highly inconsistent with civil
policy: First, as it tends to suppress all improvements in arts
and sciences, without which it is morally impossible that any
nation should be happy or powerful. Secondly, as it may deprave
the minds of the free men, steeling their hearts against the
laudable feelings of virtue and humanity. And _lastly_, as it
endangers the community by the destructive effects of civil
commotions; need I to add to these what every heart, which is
not callous to all tender feelings, will readily suggest—that
it is shocking to humanity, violative of generous sentiment,
abhorrent utterly from the Christian religion; for as
Montesquieu very justly observes, “We must suppose them not to
be men, or a suspicion would follow that we ourselves are not
Christians.” There can not be a more dangerous maxim than that
necessity is a plea for injustice. For who shall fix the degree
of this necessity? What villian so atrocious who may not urge
this excuse; or, as Milton has happily expressed it,—“and with
necessity, the tyrants plea, excuse his devilish deed”?[1169]
[Sidenote: George Keith and other antagonists of slavery]
Besides the three representatives mentioned, there were a host of others,
many of them still earlier but perhaps none who exercised so great an
influence. Among those worthy of mention were George Keith, a dissenter
among Quakers, but one of the earliest teachers in Philadelphia, and
a very ardent antagonist of slavery. Others, whose zeal outran their
discretion, such as Ralph Sandiford, Benjamin Lay,[1170] and William
Southeby, might be profitably discussed here, but lack of space
eliminates their consideration. Still other itinerant ministers, Banks,
Pennington, and Chalkley, though not so precipitous in their actions as
the three above named, were none the less worthy spokesmen of the cause.
THE CHURCH ORGANIZATION AND THE NEGRO QUESTION
[Sidenote: Study of the meeting records referring to Negro education]
Under this head it is intended to present, (1) the activity of the
society as an organization, and (2) the establishment of Negro education
in the various meetings where any record of it remains. In doing so, let
the reader keep in mind the principles set forth previously by the three
representatives who have been mentioned as leaders in the cause of Negro
education and liberation.
[Sidenote: The meeting organization against slave traffic]
[Sidenote: Germantown memorial against it]
As is quite naturally expected, after this brief introduction to the
belief of the Quaker leaders, we find that the society placed itself as
a unit opposed to the perpetuation of bondage among the Blacks. Friends
were astonished to find, when they arrived, that slavery existed in
Penn’s colony, and as early as 1688 those settled at Germantown entered
a memorable protest against it.[1171] Five years later George Keith, a
Quaker who a few years later came into disfavor with the society, entered
a vigorous denunciation of the practice of holding slaves.[1172] The
general tenor of these protests is against _perpetual bondage_, their
idea being that since it already existed, there should be a time limit
set at the expiration of which all those held should become free.
It would have been possible for individual protests and those of smaller
meetings to have gone on indefinitely and still have accomplished but
little in the way of influencing others. Similar expressions from a
central organization, speaking with some semblance of authority, could
have accomplished much more, and did so, though not till some years
later. The advices issued by the yearly meeting were usually in the
nature of reproof, scarcely or never mandatory. One of the earliest was
drawn up at the yearly meeting in 1727 and sent to the meetings subject
thereto.
[Sidenote: Yearly Meeting regarding slave trade]
It is the sense of this meeting that the importation of negroes
from their native country and relations by Friends, is not a
commendable or allowable practice, and is therefore censured by
this meeting.[1173]
It is difficult to understand how any communication of this nature could
have force in a situation that seemed to demand something in the way
of command. But when it is recalled with what persistence such advices
were given, and again repeated in the appropriate meetings, and that
they were received by the monthly and preparative meetings very much as
dutiful children would listen to the advice of father or mother, then the
influence exerted by them does not seem so strange.
[Sidenote: Reports made to yearly meeting concerning slaves]
Moreover, there is ample evidence in the reports of various meetings at
all times that the advices of the yearly meeting were being followed
with considerable success. Philadelphia reported (1756) that they knew
of no Friends who had been concerned in importing Negroes or other
slaves.[1174] By 1772 the yearly meeting reported by way of letter that,
due to the discouragement of the practice of slaveholding on the part
of Friends in the colonies, it had greatly diminished in some parts,
and in others disappeared almost altogether, as was true in the case of
Pennsylvania.[1175] For the sake of more complete illustration of the
type of expression issued, the following is quoted more at length.
[Sidenote: Warning of 1758 against being concerned with slaves]
We fervently warn all in profession with us that they be
careful to avoid being in any way concerned in reaping the
unrighteous profits arising from the iniquitous practice of
dealing in Negroes and other slaves; whereby in the original
purchase one man selleth another, as he doth the beast that
perisheth, without any better pretension to a property in him
than that of superior force; in direct violation of the gospel
rule, which teaches all to do as they would be done by and to
do good to all; being the reverse of that covetous disposition,
which furnishes encouragement to those poor ignorant people to
perpetuate their savage wars, in order to supply the demands
of this unnatural traffic, whereby great numbers of mankind,
free by nature, are subjected to inextricable bondage; and
which hath often been observed to fill their possessors with
haughtiness, tyranny, luxury, and barbarity, corrupting the
minds and debasing the morals of their children, to the
unspeakable prejudice of religion and virtue, and the exclusion
of that holy spirit of universal love, meekness, and charity,
which is the unchangeable nature, and the glory of true
Christianity. 1758.[1176]
[Sidenote: Freedom had to come before their education]
[Sidenote: Local meetings persistent in their investigation of slave
conditions]
The reader will have noticed that the chief emphasis is placed upon the
wrongfulness of bartering slaves; this may be explained by saying that
that was the first problem they had to face. Not until they were able to
secure the Negroes’ freedom could an education be of much value to him,
for all that he made of his life belonged to his master. But as soon as
he became free, there arose other needs, other desires. New prospects
opened before him, and there was a possibility that he might accomplish
something for himself and his posterity. This was realized by the church
organization and it followed the move for freedom by emphatic requests
that the meetings take care of the spiritual and intellectual education
of the negroes. The following will illustrate very clearly the insistence
with which the local church investigated the activity of its members, and
the penalty levied on the disobedient one. In 1759, it was reported that
... had purchased several Negroes; this being a breach of discipline, two
members were appointed to speak with him on the subject, according to
their custom. The final report on his case was made in 1762. They may be
praised for longsuffering and condemned for inefficiency.
... appeared at this meeting and after much weighty advice
given him in that affair, it is left for him weightily to
consider whether he can not find freedom to bring up such
of his negroes as are young in useful learning, endeavoring
to instruct them in the principles of Christianity, and at
a proper age, if they desire it, to set them free, and if
otherwise, that he can not have the unity of Friends.[1177]
Instances similar to this one are almost without number; reference is
made to a few of them only.[1178] The work of each of the particular
meetings is more completely brought out in the following pages.
[Sidenote: No early school recorded]
[Sidenote: Meetings for Negroes]
Of all meetings in the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting, there were none which
accomplished more for the education of the Negro than did Philadelphia
Monthly. As has already been noted elsewhere in this work, there was
quite early a considerable interest manifested by the meeting in regard
to the question of servitude, and also the masters’ care in giving
them Christian instruction.[1179] There is no record to show that at
these early dates there was any permanent school; all care was, without
question, left to those who had Negroes in their employ, education being
tutorial entirely. The master’s care was well guarded by the meeting’s
committee on Negroes, however, and in this way a central responsible
party was provided. In addition, there was also established a meeting
which was held once each three months in the interest of Negroes.[1180]
[Sidenote: Committee appointed on Negroes]
In 1770 there came to the front a definite movement for the establishment
of a systematic means of educating Negro children. The proposal for its
consideration, made first month, 26th, was referred to the meeting in
second month for action.[1181] On that occasion, there being expressed
a definite sentiment in favor of action, a committee was appointed
consisting of twenty-two members with permission for any other Friends
to attend its deliberations who cared to do so.[1182] The date for the
committee meeting was set by the monthly meeting. At the subsequent
monthly meeting, the committee made its first report, which being
acceptable to all was approved, and further steps were taken to secure
immediate action. A digest of the report and proposals of the committee
is here presented.[1183]
[Sidenote: Digest of committee’s report]
1. The instruction of Negro and mulatto children in reading, writing,
arithmetic, and other useful learning—sewing and knitting, according to
their capacity, is to be provided.
2. The instruction is to be under the care of Friends.
3. The monthly meeting to nominate a committee of Friends, whose duties
are:
_a._ To employ a suitable master or mistress for not more than
thirty children at once.
_b._ To have the charge of admitting pupils to the school.
_c._ A subscription of £100 a year for three years to be
promoted.
_d._ To employ another master or mistress if necessary and
funds adequate.
_e._ To visit the school at least once a month, and to observe
the improvement and conduct of the pupils.
_f._ Rules to be prepared for teachers and pupils; provision
for attendance at religious services at least on Sunday.
_g._ The committee to appoint a treasurer from its number who
is to make payments upon an order signed by at least four of
them.
_h._ Four members are sufficient number to transact business;
in difficulties, they are advised to consult the monthly
meeting.
_i._ To keep a record of proceedings, receipts, and
expenditures, and make a report to the meeting once a year or
more.
4. The children of free Negroes and mulattoes are to be given preferment.
5. Tuition to be free of any expense to the parents.
6. If enrollment of such children is not large enough, the committee may
admit others according to their judgment.
[Sidenote: Subscriptions for school solicited]
[Sidenote: Moses Patterson in the Negro school]
Acting upon the recommendations incorporated in the report, a
subscription paper was at once prepared, and the campaign for funds
began.[1184] A committee of the following named Friends was appointed
to assume the direction of the school agreeable to the articles of the
report, viz.; Israel Pemberton, Samuel Emlen, James Pemberton, Richard
Blackham, John Drinker, Hugh Forbes, and Edward Jones.[1185] Their
term of service was stated as “until a new nomination be made by this
meeting” and any vacancy occurring in the meantime was to be filled in
the same way.[1186] Only three months later (sixth month) the committee
of seven reported they had agreed with Moses Patterson as teacher,
hired a house, and that a number of children were already admitted for
instruction.[1187] In first month of the following year the committee
requested permission to erect a school for the use of the Blacks, on the
same lot occupied by the almshouse. The request was at once granted.[1188]
[Sidenote: Full yearly reports not made]
Though it was originally stated that the committee should report once a
year to the monthly meeting, there was by no means a full report recorded
in the minutes each year. They are adequate enough, however, to furnish
some idea of the progress made with the school.
[Sidenote: Reports taken as a measure of the school’s success]
The details of a few reports will be presented. It appears from the
records that the committee’s reports were always made the basis of
judgment as to whether the meeting would continue the school or abandon
it.[1189] Fortunately, the reports were usually favorable, excepting
in matters of financial consideration; in this respect there was quite
often a shortage.[1190] In the report of the first twelve years there
is little that deserves repetition. The school continued regularly,
according to statements made at intervals, and all things seemed to
convince Friends that it was worthy of their support. Let us note the
condition of the school at the end of twelve years, 1782.
[Sidenote: John Houghton and Anthony Benezet]
For the five years preceding the instruction had been under the care
of John Houghton, who, unfortunately, had to retire because of failing
health.[1191] His place was taken two months later by Anthony Benezet, a
teacher of great merit, and one who perhaps had the welfare of the Negro
more at heart than any other man in the colony.[1192] At his suggestion,
the school was removed from the house erected for that purpose and
established in his own home. Great tribute was paid to the character of
the work done by Houghton, with special reference to his painstaking
visiting of families, seeking thus to increase the interest of parents,
and ultimately the school attendance. It is stated that during the five
years he was employed, two hundred and fifty children and grown persons
had entered the school.[1193] The chief value derived, according to the
committee’s view, was the increased appreciation aroused among the Whites
for the Blacks. They were forced to realize that the Negro had talents
which might be developed as their own, giving him an insight into greater
possibilities which were not beyond his reach.
[Sidenote: Financially the school was no success]
[Sidenote: Payments in depreciated money]
[Sidenote: Legacies and subscriptions used for support]
The report on the financial status was not so hopeful. The fees for the
master, for the years 1779, 1780, and 1781 were eighty, ninety, and one
hundred pounds respectively; in addition, there was the expense of odd
jobs of work, wood for winter use, and also the item of books.[1194] To
increase the difficulties arising from mere items of expense, there was
introduced another factor, the payment to the treasurer of paper money
which had greatly depreciated in value since it was subscribed.[1195]
The result of the experiment, up to date, financially, was a deficit of
£74/7/10. A part of this amount was covered by outstanding subscriptions,
a considerable number of which could not be collected.[1196] The meeting
was appealed to, to make up the deficit as usual by subscription. This
method, though commonly resorted to, was in most places supplemented
by special legacies left to trustees for any purpose the donor might
designate.[1197] Legacies for schools were particularly urged by the
quarterly and yearly meetings.
[Sidenote: Irregular attendance]
In 1784 there seems to have been but one school for the Blacks, the one
taught by Benezet. The report stated that there was a decided need for
another one in the near future; in 1786 it appears by answers to the
queries that the school has been added and that both are supported by
the voluntary contributions of Friends.[1198] The attendance problem
was evidently not yet solved satisfactorily; it would perplex a teacher
to-day. About one hundred were under the instruction of Benezet in 1784,
but only fifteen to thirty-five generally attended.[1199] The progress of
this number in reading, writing, and arithmetic was deemed satisfactory,
though it was admitted it might be improved with more regular attendance.
[Sidenote: Salary paid Benezet]
The salary paid Benezet at this time was £100 plus the £20 which was
allowed as the rent for his dwelling, which he continued to use as a
school house.
[Sidenote: Two Negro schools under Daniel Britt, Sarah Dougherty, and
Elizabeth Meccum]
[Sidenote: School receives gift from England]
From 1786 two schools continued. In 1790 the incumbent of the master’s
position was Daniel Britt; the mistress of the other was Sarah
Dougherty. The latter served only to sixth month, 1790, at which time
she was replaced by Elizabeth Meccum who later became the wife of
Daniel Britt.[1200] Though there was a very large enrollment at this
time, the actual attendance was between eighteen and thirty in each of
the schools.[1201] The instruction continued as above stated and was
recognized on the whole as satisfactory, its only failure being due to
irregular attendance, occasioned by illiberal masters, who detained the
Negroes in their service. The master’s salary for the year, £100, was
double that paid to the mistress. Finances were generally in a bad
state, though they had been considerably augmented by a generous gift
of £175 from England, and a special donation by William Craig.[1202] In
spite of this, the committee was still indebted to the estate of Anthony
Benezet to the extent of about £100.[1203] These difficulties do not seem
to have been insuperable, however; the regular annual income (about 1784)
was fairly well established, being derived from the rental of property
and grounds.[1204]
[Sidenote: Regular attendance about eighty]
[Sidenote: Elisha Pickering, master]
Under the direction of Daniel Britt and his wife the school continued to
progress; most gratifying was the increase of the regular attendance to
about eighty, which was as large as could be conveniently accommodated
in the two schools.[1205] The services of Britt and his wife ceased in
the period from 1795 to 1798, the latter having died and the former being
aged and infirm. The master’s place was taken by Elisha Pickering, at a
salary now grown to £150 per year. That of the mistress still remained at
the mark of former years, £50. The amount of annual rents had increased
to £190/9/11 and besides this there was an interest from £146/7 which was
a part of the bequest of Anthony Benezet.[1206] The annual expenditures
were estimated at £230, which considerably exceeded the income. It was
customary to require tuition for the children whose masters were “bound
by indenture to give them school learning,” and from this source was
eked out the sum necessary to defray expenses.[1207] There is found no
statement in the committee’s reports to indicate the amount of tuition
usually demanded. The following bill may be of interest, however, since
it shows various items of expenditures of the school committee.[1208]
Committee of education, to Othneil Alsop, Dr.
1797 9-23. Cash advance to Bustill $ 10.00
9-30. Paid J. Schæffer for 4 benches for
North Liberties School 3.50
24 printed alphabets .27
6 spelling books 1.50
10-2. Paid A. Williams quarter’s salary 25.00
10-28. Advanced Cyrus Bustill 10.00
11-6. Two cords of wood, hauling, etc. 12.35
------
Total $62.62
[Sidenote: Summer and winter sessions]
From available records it is impossible to give more than an elementary
knowledge of how the school was run. Nothing is found concerning the
inner organization. We can know its purposes, its means at command for
attaining them, and approximately the number of children it was able to
reach. The length of school term is not quite clear; it seems evident
that there were summer and winter sessions, how long we do not know, and
that there was scarcely any interruption of their continuity. Occurrences
which caused an interruption of the session usually were commented on in
the committee’s reports.[1209] A summary of the report showing the status
of the schools in 1800 is given below.[1210] At that time they were
under the direction of committees of the northern, central, and southern
districts.
[Sidenote: Status of Negro schools in 1800]
1. Benjamin Mears, master at $500 a year; Elizabeth Meccum, mistress at
£50 per year.
2. Schools have been kept open throughout the year 1798-99 with the
exception of twelve weeks on account of sickness.
3. The attendance, from seventy to eighty day scholars, winter and autumn.
4. Some applicants for admission have been refused because of a lack of
room; room enough for all in summer.
5. Finance:
_a._ Total bequest of Anthony Benezet, plus that which
was owing to him at the time of his death, makes
an income of £193/ 4
_b._ Annual amount of donations from other sources £117/ 5/11
----------
Total £220/ 9/11
----------
In hands of treasurer £ 8/12/ 6
For two reasons it has been thought advisable to present as fully
as possible the situation in regard to the Negro’s education in
Philadelphia. _First_, they were present in Philadelphia in so
considerable numbers that it necessitated a complete organization on the
part of the society if any aid was to be offered; _second_, the method of
dealing with them was closely followed in other localities, in case there
were sufficient numbers to warrant it. The activity of other monthly
meetings in this question of oversight and education of the Negro will be
touched upon briefly.
[Sidenote: Not enough Negroes for a separate school]
As was above suggested, and will be shown more explicitly hereinafter,
there were many of the country districts where the Negro problem scarcely
existed.[1211] In many others the number of the race was so small that
a separate school was entirely out of the question; but more was needed
than the mere presence of a White school, to make certain that they
received even the rudiments of an education. A constant readjustment
of the general ideal of attitude toward them was necessary for each
individual community. The details of information concerning the work
of each meeting was interesting enough, but perhaps it will be more
instructive to point out and illustrate the general characteristics which
applied to most, or at least a large number of them.
[Sidenote: Negro education usually delegated to a committee]
As a general rule, if Negro inhabitants were numerous, a committee was
delegated to the service of their care and education.[1212] In some
places this was made a standing committee having specified duties; in
others, the committees were appointed only to investigate conditions and
make a report, so that further action might be taken by the meeting.
It may be well to note the type of this service which the committees
were required to perform. The duties, performed by the two kinds of
committees, were but slightly differentiated; the chief difference lay in
the length of the term of service.
[Sidenote: Seven duties for the committees to perform]
The _first_ task for them was to actually visit the Negro families
within the compass of the particular meeting;[1213] the _second_, to
determine as exactly as possible the economic status of the home;[1214]
the _third_, to ascertain the number of children capable of receiving
schooling;[1215] _fourth_, to inform themselves as to the attitude of the
parents towards their children’s education;[1216] _fifth_, to deal with
members of Friends who possessed slaves or paid servants, endeavoring
to point out to them the obligation for their education, and also for
their freedom;[1217] _sixth_, to inform themselves as to the occupation
pursued by the Negroes, if any;[1218] and _finally_, to make a report of
conditions, in such shape that it might be transmitted to the quarterly
meeting, and outline the plan of procedure, according to the demands of
the situation.[1219] From such a range of information, considering the
characteristic thoroughness of the people, it must be inferred that they
were able to understand the needs, which is always a first requisite for
their satisfaction. Moreover, the knowledge that the quarterly meetings
demanded written statements of what they had done always worked to
facilitate prompt action as soon as the situation was defined. Rather
late in the century, 1779, the yearly meeting became insistent as to the
treatment of those who held slaves, though the punishment for failure to
educate them was not so drastic. Extracts sent to the meetings in that
year required that all members holding slaves should be disowned.[1220]
Instances where this punishment was used are not wanting.[1221]
[Sidenote: Support similar to that of other schools]
The financial burden of Negro education usually fell on the local
meeting. Those owning slaves were required to pay for their
education, but when they became free, as most of them did by the time
of the Revolution, it was impossible for them to pay for themselves.
This burden, which the society assumed, was usually met: (1) by
subscription,[1222] (2) by special legacies, and (3) by income from
investments in property. In the smaller localities, the first was
the predominate means; in the larger, such as Philadelphia, a larger
proportion was derived from the second and third,[1223] though the first
was common to all.
[Sidenote: Negro education at Exeter]
The situation at Exeter Monthly Meeting seems to have been well disposed
of, if one may judge by the brevity of their annals. Writing, 1764, in
answer to an inquiry on the part of Philadelphia Quarterly Meeting, to
which they belonged, they report:
But one negro amongst us, who has sufficient food and raiment,
but his religious education is still neglected, which is now
under notice.[1224]
In 1758 they had reported two Negroes only, and with substantially the
same comments.[1225] The report may either mean they had no problem at
the outset, or that they were remarkably successful in their attempt to
solve it.
[Sidenote: Radnor]
[Sidenote: No early mention of their schooling at Radnor]
Radnor Monthly Meeting reported in 1756 that they were clear with
respect to buying, importing, disposing of, or holding slaves,[1226]
and continued substantially the same report until 1768.[1227] They
were all, according to reports, well fed and clothed and many attended
meetings,[1228] but no statement is made at that early date concerning
any attempt to educate them. From sundry reports after 1768 it seems
necessary to assume that the earlier reports were not entirely accurate
in stating that the meeting was “clear” of slaves. Without this
assumption, it is difficult to understand the great increase in the cases
of discipline for that offense. This increase was doubtless due to a
closer scrutiny of the Negro question than had been formerly customary.
[Sidenote: Report of committee on slaves]
Beginning with 1768, there were several cases reported of dealing in
slaves, either buying, selling, or holding. First, there was “one slave
sold,”[1229] and two years later the records state “none imported but
some purchased and some sold since last account.”[1230] It was further
admitted (1770) that “nothing has yet been done by us in visiting those
who hold slaves,”[1231] but a few years later (1776) there is ample
evidence cited that they attended to each individual case; there are
several instances where expulsion from the society was threatened,[1232]
and actually carried into execution.[1233] In 1778 the committee on
slaves reported: (1) they had visited all members holding slaves, (2)
obtained manumissions from David Harvard for two slaves, (3) Anthony
Tunnis also released a slave, and (4) mentioned two other cases for
consideration—(a) that of John Harvard, holding one slave though he
admits it to be wrong, and (b) that of Samuel Harvard who refuses to
set free a Negro man aged forty, though he condemns the slaveholding
practice.[1234] In 1780 the meeting reported _none imported_, _sold_, or
_purchased_, and almost none _held_,[1235] and by 1790 even the latter
had disappeared.[1236]
[Sidenote: Some schooled without charge]
There was at this time constant oversight of the freed Negroes and some
of the children were given the opportunity of schooling without charge to
the parents.[1237]
[Sidenote: Slavery in Bucks County]
Negro slavery flourished early in Bucks County,[1238] and still continued
to persist until after the abolition in 1780,[1239] which resulted in a
gradual diminution of slavery throughout the state. A little later we
shall notice the distribution of slaves as indicated by the registration
which was required by the law in 1782.[1240]
[Sidenote: Slaves mentioned at Middletown 1703]
The presence of Negroes in the compass of Middletown is first made known
through the record of 1703 which stated that Robert Heaton and Thomas
Stackpole were appointed to fence off a portion of the ground to bury
Negroes in.[1241] The first reference to their liberation (other than
by death) is the case of Jeremiah Langhorne, who in 1742 freed all of
his Negroes, the entire number being about thirty or forty.[1242] Just
how frequently such liberations occurred and how generally they were
participated in by Friends is not accurately ascertainable from the
records, but by the year 1782 just following the stringent abolition act
we have the following report:
[Sidenote: No slaves held; the children schooled]
We have none to charge with buying or holding slaves, and care
is taken to give the young ones learning and some care has been
taken to encourage them in a religious and virtuous life.[1243]
In 1783 a similar report issued from the monthly meeting, stating that
a noteworthy care was evident among them for the Negroes, both old and
young, but that a more considerable care was necessary to be taken in
regard to their education.[1244]
[Sidenote: Buckingham]
[Sidenote: Negro to be educated and given religious instruction]
[Sidenote: No evidence of separate Negro school]
In 1759 Buckingham Meeting appointed John Ely and Isaac Pickering to
speak with one of their members who had purchased slaves.[1245] This was
done because it was a conflict with the discipline. The burden of their
advice is that he should bring up the young Negroes in useful learning
and Christianity, and later set them free if they desired it. There is
nothing further to indicate the nature of the education, and since there
is no evidence of a school for them, it was probably in their homes or
in connection with the White schools. No other references are found
which point to any progress until 1778 when the meeting appointed Thomas
Watson and Oliver Paxson to advise and assist the free Negroes in their
religious duties and also in regard to their school education.[1246] This
appointment was made in accordance with the more stringent regulations
which were given out by the quarterly and yearly meetings in 1777.[1247]
These regulations requested only that committee be appointed to look
into the status of the Negroes and seek to better their conditions,
but the one next following, 1779, required those holding slaves to be
disowned.[1248]
[Sidenote: Slave holding debated in meeting]
The records of Bucks Quarterly Meeting are in very substantial agreement
with those of the individual meetings, Falls, Wrightstown, Middletown and
Buckingham, which constituted it.[1249] The question of the rightfulness
of buying or owning slaves seems to have come first to a conscious
consideration about 1730, when it was debated in the meeting.[1250] They
were unable to come to a decision in the matter and accordingly referred
it back to the yearly meeting.[1251] Though unsuccessful in debating
the question satisfactorily, their practical success seems to have been
very commendable, for in 1766 there is reported only one Negro purchased
lately throughout the quarter.[1252] This does not mean that no Negroes
were held, for as will be shown later there were many in that region;
it does mean, however, that their control of any increase in slaves was
very satisfactory to the yearly meeting’s demands. By 1772 the record has
still been greatly improved, as they report:
clear of importing or buying negroes as far as appears, but
their religious education is not so strictly attended to as the
import of the query seems to require.[1253]
Though all indications are to the effect that slave purchasing was near
the minimum, the meetings were clearly not satisfied. Committees were at
all times kept by both the quarterly and monthly meetings,[1254] to visit
with those who held slaves to persuade them to give them their freedom.
The committee for this service in the quarterly meeting reported in 1777:
[Sidenote: Report of committee on slaves]
We of the committee appointed by the quarterly meeting in
order to treat with our members who hold their fellowmen in
bondage, in connection with the several meetings committees,
now report that there has been considerable time spent in
laboring with them in order to convince them of the evil of
the practice, which labors of love have been by some kindly
received, and they have complied so far as to give those they
had in bondage their liberty by instruments of writing ... but
there are others who still persist in holding them as slaves,
notwithstanding the repeated care and labor of Friends extended
towards them.[1255]
[Sidenote: Meetings set up for Negroes]
The next report made in the eleventh month of the year is substantially
the same, several slaves having been “manumitted or set free,” and, also,
the defiant attitude being still present among some members.[1256] The
similarity of these reports continues till the very last years of the
century, with however a few additions. At some time prior to 1795, not
more than three years, there were established meetings for Negroes which
were held at stated times, always under the direction of Friends.[1257]
In 1799 the quarterly meeting was able to report “no slaves among us” and
that “some care” is extended to those set free.[1258]
[Sidenote: No mention made of separate school]
[Sidenote: Social approval given those who freed slaves]
Very early, the meetings were urged to give their attention to the
religious and school education of the negroes that were in their
possession,[1259] but a majority of the reports from meetings are to
the effect that this did not receive satisfactory attention.[1260] No
evidence remains in any records to show that there was a separate school
ever established for Negroes, and it is quite possible that there never
was during the 18th century. The demands transmitted through Bucks
Quarterly were not so strictly enforced in regard to education as in
regard to liberation, and it is more than probable that it was in most
cases determined by the individual conscience than by the group. In
regard to forcing liberation by public opinion, there are many examples
where individuals were singled out and threatened with ejection from the
society if they refused their slaves freedom,[1261] but there are few
references to such action taken for failure to educate them; there are,
however, occasional ones mentioned. Most references to their education
were in the nature of advice, which doubtless was followed in many
cases,[1262] and disregarded in many more.
[Sidenote: Registration of 1782 showed large proportion of slaves in
Quaker townships]
In spite of the continuous exertions of the Friends’ meetings to keep
down the number of slaves purchased, and to increase the number of
liberations among those already possessed by their members, it appears
from an investigation of the matter made by Davis, that almost one-third
of the total number of slaves in 1782 (Bucks County) were to be found
in the townships Falls, Middletown, Lower and Upper Makefield, Bristol
and Wrightstown, where the Quakers were most numerous.[1263] The entire
number of slaves registered in 1782 was five hundred and twenty, and
this may be regarded as fairly accurate since failure to register them
meant the loss of the slave.[1264] The number registered in the townships
where Baptists and Presbyterians were settled, Warwick, Warrington,
New Britain, Newtown and Bedminster, was very small, while the German
districts registered but thirty-two.[1265]
[Sidenote: Early records of slave holding meagre]
The meetings constituting Western Quarterly Meeting (Chester County),
Kennett, London Grove, and New Garden have very meagre references to
slaves or slave holding up to about 1770. One of the monthly meetings,
London Grove, was not established until 1792,[1266] and between that date
and 1800 made no reports of any consequence.
[Sidenote: Visit performed to all slave holders]
In 1770 Kennett Meeting’s committee performed a general visit to all
possessed of slaves and found there was not the desired willingness
to manumit them which they had expected.[1267] From the report made
seven years later, we must judge the situation had not changed very
considerably since we find one member signified to them that he did not
incline to release his Negroes from bondage, nor did he know that ever he
should.[1268]
It does not, however, seem that the occasional stubborn brother had a
discouraging effect on the rest of the meeting. In 1779 the records
stated,
It is desired that Friends attend to the circumstances and the situation
of such negroes as have been set free, that we may fully discharge our
duty to them, by endeavoring to instruct them, both for their spiritual
and temporal good....[1269]
A committee of three men was immediately appointed to perform the
service. This work with committees continued constantly, with the
result that nine years later (1788) the meeting reported “none held as
slaves amongst us” and that attention was given to education.[1270]
The registration of 1780 showed only three held as slaves in the whole
township.[1271]
[Sidenote: New Garden]
In New Garden attention was early called to the Negroes,[1272] and a
committee appointed then reported in 1781 that most of them were living
among Friends and were generally well provided for.[1273] That committee
was released,[1274] and a new one reported in 1785 the following state of
affairs:
[Sidenote: Most Negroes reported able to read and write]
We have paid some attention to the case of free negroes, and
find there are but few amongst us, most of whom we have visited
where they reside.... They are generally well provided for with
the necessaries of life and some care taken of their religious
education, in which we believe there may be an improvement. We
also inspected their school education and find most of them can
read and some write.[1275]
In 1789 one case of holding a slave came before the meeting, but at
its direction a writ of manumission was immediately secured for the
same.[1276] The registration in 1780 for New Garden township returned one
slave only, held by a Scotchman.[1277]
[Sidenote: Uwchlan]
[Sidenote: No Negro school]
[Sidenote: Aid solicited to school poor Negroes]
Uwchlan Monthly Meeting (Caln Quarterly), as early as 1765, received
a report from a delegation sent from the quarterly meeting stating it
as their opinion that Friends ought to inspect into the care which
Friends who had Negroes, extended toward them with regard to their
education.[1278] A committee was accordingly appointed by the monthly
meeting to serve in that capacity. How considerable was their activity in
the interval elapsing between their appointment and their first formal
report of conditions which was returned to the meeting in 1779, one
cannot judge accurately. We may judge from the report above mentioned
that there was no Negro school, for that race alone; it was perhaps
not demanded by the numbers who would have been eligible.[1279] It
appears the committee had visited all (Wilmington excepted) who had been
freed, and found all generally in a very satisfactory state. Some are
reported not able to give their children schooling, and for them aid is
solicited;[1280] for others advice is requested to guide them in their
outward affairs. The direction of the Negroes’ education, as nearly as
can be made out, was of the most practical nature, laying emphasis on the
industrial side, at that time an apprentice type of education.[1281] The
interest in the apprentice did not stop as soon as he was placed, but
continued, for it was customary to place him with Friends, if possible,
and the member of Friends was responsible to his meeting for the
fulfilment of his contract with the apprenticed. The following extract
from the Middletown records will serve to show the general regulation by
which the apprenticing was carried on among members of the society.
... and his sonnes giving security to the orphans court, and to
pay interest for the money that belongs to the said ... ever
since the time it became due, and also the said Thomas do abide
at Robert Heaton’s house for his table and to be kept to school
for a year, or so long as the Meeting may think fit.[1282]
[Sidenote: Sadsbury report on situation of Negroes]
Sadsbury, 1782, reported they had visited the free Negroes, who
were situated nearly as before.[1283] No statement was given of the
entire number within this locality, but five were listed as having no
trade.[1284] It appears, however, in spite of that fact, they were not
dependent on the community for support. One woman owned a house and lot,
“her own purchase”; a man with family rented a small tenement; and the
other three worked as common laborers.[1285]
[Sidenote: Bradford reported few slaves]
The Bradford minutes (also of Cain Quarterly) devote almost no space to
the status of the Negro in their vicinity. This may have been because
there were few slaves there. At the registration of slaves, compelled by
law in 1780,[1286] the townships of East and West Bradford returned none
whatever.[1287]
[Sidenote: Concord Quarterly]
[Sidenote: Poor Negroes to be put to trades]
[Sidenote: Negroes sent to school and books sent among then]
In the discussion of Concord Quarterly there will be material presented
from Chester, Concord and Goshen. In 1779 Chester Monthly Meeting
reported they had made a visit to all freed Negroes, of whom it was
said, some were quite poor and unable to school their children.[1288]
The visiting committee recommended that the poor should be put out to
trades and given schooling, and suggested that a subscription should be
raised for that purpose. The meeting was heartily in favor of this and
at once appointed a committee to look after the subscriptions and their
application.[1289] Two years later (1781) after a similar visitation by
committee, it was reported that they had been advised of their temporal
and religious duties, many sent to school and books distributed among
them.[1290] At these dates no special schools for Negroes were mentioned,
and the date of their establishment is not found, but in 1785 the report
of the committee on Negroes, requesting a new subscription for supporting
Negro schools, indicated that there were special schools established for
them.[1291]
[Sidenote: Concord]
[Sidenote: 8 children reported of school age but not in school]
The situation at Concord Meeting was very similar to that of Chester, as
appears by their report of 1779. Following the customary visitation, it
was stated that the visit was satisfactory in many places, but in some
families were found small children, eight of whom were of school age, but
whose parents were unable to school them.[1292] The meeting was asked to
give its attention to the matter, but nothing was found in the minutes to
indicate what they did further to remedy the matter.
[Sidenote: Goshen]
The Goshen Meeting seems from its answers to the queries in 1756 to be
in a very satisfactory state with regard to slaveholding, “none having
been purchased of late years,” though they consider they are not careful
enough in educating them in Christian principles.[1293] They were,
however, careful to deal individually with those few who were engaged in
any manner in holding slaves in bondage.[1294] In 1758 the record stated:
Those few negroes amongst us we believe are provided with
a sufficiency of food and clothing, but doubt some are too
careless in affording them religious instruction.[1295]
Four years later conditions were somewhat improved, and their report
stated:
[Sidenote: Endeavors to teach negroes to read, reported]
No purchase since our last account that we know of. Those
amongst us who keep negro slaves, we believe afford them a
sufficiency of food and clothing and endeavors are used with
some to learn them to read.[1296]
[Sidenote: Negroes sent to school]
If we read a little further the records for the same year, we are
informed that some were sent to school, supposedly to a “White school”
due to the small number of Negroes among Friends.[1297] From the above
references, then, taken in connection with one of the second month, 1764,
we are led to infer that the education of the Negroes under Friends’
care was carried on in a school and not in the home, under individual
instructors, whoever might be able to do it. The reference of 1764 stated
“some are sent to school to learn to read.”[1298]
[Sidenote: Manumission continually urged]
Simultaneously with this care in their education, the meeting was working
on each individual case, among the members, to convince them of the
propriety of the manumission practice. In 1776 Randle Mailin manumitted
his Negro man Peter Cuff, and produced his record of the same to the
meeting to have it recorded on their books.[1299] The next year (1777)
Nathan Hoop manumitted a Negro woman, 18 years old, and her two mulatto
boys as soon as they should become 21 years of age.[1300] The following
brief extract is illustrative of the many cases where pressure was
brought to bear in a kindly way, to the end that this or that person
might set Negroes free.
[Sidenote: Discipline of members guilty of slave dealing]
Complaint is brought against Thomas Pennington for buying and
selling a negro woman. Joseph Thomas and Randle Mailin are
appointed to deal with him as our discipline directs.[1301]
[Sidenote: Schooling of Negroes under care]
[Sidenote: Low return in Quaker townships in 1780 registrations]
In 1778 the Goshen Meeting appointed a committee, Randle Mailin and
Caleb Maris, to join with a committee appointed by the Quarterly
Meeting (Concord) to advise together concerning the education of the
Negroes.[1302] This is a very good indication that organized action was
taken, educationally, and that it was not left to individual choice.
In 1780 the monthly meeting reported to the yearly meeting that its
committee (the one formerly appointed) had been “advising Negroes” on
their religious education and had their “schooling under care.”[1303]
The registry of slaves in 1780 showed thirteen as the full quota for
Goshen township.[1304] As a general rule very few were returned from
the Quaker townships while the vast majority came from those of the
Welsh (Charlestown, Tredyffrin and East Nantmeal) and the Scotch-Irish
(Newtown, Londonderry, Oxford and East Nottingham.)[1305]
[Sidenote: Abington Quarter]
From the meeting records in the Abington Quarter there will be presented
some of the material relating to Horsham, Byberry (not established a
monthly meeting till 1810),[1306] and Gwynedd, which may be taken as
representative of that quarterly meeting.
[Sidenote: Horsham Monthly]
[Sidenote: Negroes schooled at expense of school committee]
Though there is scant evidence in the Horsham Monthly Meeting minutes to
indicate what they did in reference to the Negroes’ education, we are not
left entirely in the dark. The Horsham School Committee, which made a
report of its own after 1783, made occasional reference thereto, and it
must be understood from these reports that the Negroes were schooled at
the expense of the school committee. The only proof of this statement,
given in the records, is found in statements like the following:
An account of Thomas Hallowell for schooling Griffith Camel’s
and negro Caesar’s children was produced and considered, and
the treasurer ordered to pay him grant given. That of Caesar’s
lies for inspection.[1307]
This makes clear that cases of Negro schooling were taken before the same
committee as cases of poor Whites and were investigated and disposed of
in the same manner.
[Sidenote: Byberry]
[Sidenote: Slaves in 1721]
[Sidenote: 1727]
Byberry Preparative Meeting makes no reference during the early years
to the status of the Negro in its limits. Martindale, in a _History
of Byberry and Moreland_, states that slavery came into Byberry about
1721,[1308] the slaves being employed by the more opulent class to do
the roughest work. The inventory of a Friends’ property (1727) showed
that he possessed “one negro girl, £20, and one negro boy, £30.”[1309]
Of their intervening history little is recorded, though the Negroes were
set free by many members of Friends, and in 1779 the meeting authorized
Silas Walmsley and William Walmsley to provide a suitable burying ground
for the use of Negroes who had been freed.[1310] What was done for their
education is not known.
[Sidenote: Records not always to be relied upon]
It is noticeable that in the earliest answers to the query concerning
Negroes (about 1756) the majority of the monthly meetings usually
answered in an offhand manner that they were “clear” or there were
“none to be charged with that breech,” or something to that effect. The
writer believes these reports first sent in were perhaps made from only
a general knowledge of the situation, and not the result of an exact
knowledge of their members’ practices. This statement is not capable of
an exact proof, but the remarkable similarity in all the meeting records
for the first few reports, certainly indicate that such was the case.
Quite frequently, yes, in most cases, the “clear” reports are followed
after a few months or years by statements that some are imported, a few
held as slaves, or one Negro sold and similar reports. This was true in
the case of Gwynedd. In 1756 the meeting reported “we have not to charge
any,”[1311] and three months following, “Friends think themselves clear
in this respect”;[1312] the nature of the wording in the last would imply
it was based more on implicit faith than explicit judgment. Eleven years
thereafter we have more definite reports, such as:
... clear of importing negroes; the few possessed by Friends
are well used, their slavery excepted,[1313] and none bought
or sold that we know of; those that have them use them well as
to the necessities of life and some are brought to meetings at
times.[1314]
From that time forward the reports made to the monthly meeting were very
definite. In 1775 a report was brought in which purported to cover the
entire compass of the meeting. It stated the number held, their status,
and what was done for their benefit. It is interesting to note that a few
enjoyed some educational opportunities, limited to be sure, the details
of which are presented here, as they appeared in the minutes of the
meeting.
[Sidenote: Report on Negroes in 1775]
We of the committee appointed by the Monthly Meeting to visit
such of our members as are possessed of slaves, and detaining
them in bondage, contrary ... visited all such of our members
that are under that circumstance as we know of, which are
eight in number, who are possessed of sixteen negroes and
one mulatto, viz.: 1st possesses one negro girl about 17
years of age and appeared in a disposition rather to justify
the practice of detaining her in bondage during life than
otherwise. 2d, possesses five negroes one of which is a man
about 35 years of age, who he said he intended to set free at
the next quarter sessions. The other four—three boys and a
girl, are young, whom he said he intended to set free as they
came of age, the boys at 21 and the girl at 18, giving them
learning to fit them for business. 3rd, two negroes, a man
and a woman, the man about 30 years of age, who was in the
possession of a Friend, lately deceased, now in his executors,
who said he intended they should soon enjoy their liberty. 4th,
possessor of three negroes, one a woman 20 years old, who he
said he expected should have her liberty in a short time—the
other two, a man and a woman about 20 years of age, both as we
thought, incapable of freedom. 5th, possessor of 2 negroes, a
woman about 32 years old, who he said should have her liberty,
when she earned him thirty pounds. The girl about ten years old
who he said is to be set free by his last will when she arrives
at the age of 30 years. 6th. Possessor of two negroes, both
women, one about 34, the other about 19 years old; the said
Friend not in a capacity of giving any account of what might be
done for them. 7th. Possessor of a mulatto girl about 11 years
old, bound to him till she is 31, who he said he intended to
set at liberty at the age of 21, with endeavors to learn her
to read. 8th. Possessor of a negro girl about 17 years old,
who her mistress said she intended to do the best she could
by.[1315]
[Sidenote: Members disciplined for failure to manumit slaves]
In 1779 it is reported that the affairs of Negroes are still in the
hands of the committee for that purpose, but that not much more has been
accomplished than was last reported.[1316] It would seem though that
the committee was decidedly active in dealing with individual cases of
discipline both at that time and in the years following. Especially did
they urge first the freedom of the slave, and when this was refused, as
it occasionally was, they did not hesitate to eject the recalcitrant
member.[1317] So effective was their service that by 1790 there were none
held as slaves by Friends and in regard to their education they reported:
“Some care and labor is extended towards the instruction and education of
such Negroes as are under Friends’ care.”[1318]
It would be interesting to compare the Friends’ own account of their
activity with that of an outsider who merely looked on, but the writer
has been unable to find any opinion on the subject by any contemporary,
either through this investigation or from those made by others. Many, it
is true, comment on their social and economic status but little mention
is ever made of their education.[1319]
[Sidenote: Warrington and Fairfax Quarterly]
The Warrington and Fairfax Quarterly Meeting (Baltimore Yearly Meeting)
reported in 1776 that their Negroes were well taken care of, but their
education was “much neglected.”[1320] Three years later they reported:
[Sidenote: Some care taken in their education]
By the accounts now received it appears that the religious
education of such negroes and their children as have been
restored to freedom has been attended to and a visit performed
to most of them to good satisfaction, and there appears to be a
hopeful prospect that those who have been under their immediate
care will comply with Friends’ advice with respect to the
school education. Some care has been taken therein.[1321]
ATTITUDE TOWARD THE INDIANS
[Sidenote: Friendly relation of Quakers and Indians]
The uncommon relation existing from the time of the first settlement
of Penn’s colony throughout the entire colonial history, is well known
to every schoolboy; such relations, between any possibly antagonistic
groups, have been without parallel in the history of this country.
Applegarth, speaking of this happy relationship, states that the
results of his study revealed but two instances in which Friends had
been massacred by Indians, and these cases were entirely the results of
misunderstanding.[1322]
It is aside from the point to relate at length the means employed by Penn
and the Quakers to cultivate the friendship of these people. Nothing was
more forceful than his immediate association with, and travels among
them, and the messages in which he explained that he and his people were
one with them and that they were all the “Friends of Onas.”
[Sidenote: No rum to any but chieftain by law, 1701]
Indian affairs were considered in a rational manner and occupied much
of the time of the Governor and Council. Instances of a solicitous
interest in the Indians[1323] are seen in the laws of 1701, forbidding
the sale of rum to any but the chiefs, who should distribute it as they
thought best,[1324] and a still more restrictive law in 1722, which
prohibited the sale of liquor to Indians. Of still more importance was
the establishment of the principle that an abuse committed by an Indian
towards the Whites must be adjusted by the Indian chief, not revenged by
the Whites, which was given out in the instructions to colonists; and the
converse stated later (1728) by the Governor, that if a White injured an
Indian he should make complaint to the Whites, who would then punish the
offense under their own laws.[1325]
[Sidenote: Work of missionaries]
[Sidenote: Specific educational work]
Friends’ ministers were also active in the missionary work among the
Indians, which was first urged and practiced by George Fox. Not only
the numerous excursions of Penn, but also those of Thomas Story, Thomas
Turner, Chalkley and others, evidence the ready spirit with which the
commands of Fox were received.[1326] Besides the general missionary work
and relief for the Indians, that from time to time is mentioned in the
several meetings, there is no evidence that anything considerable towards
a school education was attempted till the latter part of the century. In
a letter of the yearly meeting in 1796, it is stated that Friends are,
engaged in an undertaking to furnish them with some of the
comforts of civilized life. A fund is raising to supply the
expense of instructing them in Agriculture, in mechanic arts,
and in some useful branches of learning.[1327]
An excellent illustration of this movement towards the education of
the Indian, and the naive friendly manner with which they made known
their needs is found in the following communications, which are
self-explanatory.
[Sidenote: The Indians request aid]
To the children of the friends of Onas, who first settled in
Pennsylvania:
Brothers, The request of Cornplanter, a chief of the Seneca
Nation.
The Seneca Nation sees that the Great Spirit intends that they
shall not continue to live by hunting, and they look around on
every side, and inquire who it is that shall teach them what
is best for them to do. Your fathers have dealt fairly and
honestly with our fathers, and they have charged us to remember
it; and we think it right to tell you that we wish our children
to be taught the same principles by which your fathers were
guided in their councils.
Brothers, we have too little wisdom among us, we cannot teach
our children what we perceive their situation requires them to
know, and we therefore ask you to instruct some of them; we
wish them to be instructed to read and write, and such other
things as you teach your own children; and especially teach
them to love peace.
Brothers, we desire of you to take under your care two Seneca
boys, and teach them as your own; and in order that they may be
satisfied to remain with you, and be easy in their minds, that
you will take with them the son of our interpreter, and teach
him according to his desire.
Brothers, you know it is not in our power to pay you for the
education of these three boys; and therefore you must, if you
do this thing, look up to God for your reward.
Brothers, You will consider of this request, and let us know
what you determine to do. If your hearts are inclined toward
us, and you will afford our nation this great advantage,
I will send my son as one of the boys to receive your
instruction, at the time which you shall appoint.[1328]
Cornplanter his mark
X
Signed 2-10-1791
In presence of Joseph Nichols.
[Sidenote: His request granted]
To Cornplanter, The Seneca Chief:
The written message of Cornplanter, dated at Philadelphia,
on the 10th of February last, was not received by us until
some weeks after. His request that we would take under our
care two Seneca boys, one of them his own son, accompanied
with the son of Joseph Nicholson, we have considered, and do
agree to receive them when they can conveniently be sent to
us; intending they shall be treated with care and kindness
and instructed in reading, writing and husbandry as the
other children of our Friends are taught; the Governor of
Pennsylvania, when informed of this proposal, having expressed
his approbation thereof, as did General Knox.[1329]
Signed on behalf, and by appointment of a meeting of the
representatives, of the said people, on the second day of the
sixth month, called June, 1791. By several Friends.
[Sidenote: Committee appointed by yearly meeting in 1795]
[Sidenote: Oneidas and Tuscaroras willing to accept assistance]
[Sidenote: School established]
[Sidenote: Occupations taught]
In 1795 a committee was appointed by the Yearly Meeting of Pennsylvania
and New Jersey for the promotion and improvement of the Indian
natives.[1330] Their first act was to attempt to learn the Indian’s
attitude towards such an activity on the part of Friends.[1331]
Accordingly a circular letter was sent out to the various neighboring
tribes, and also accompanied by a letter from the secretary of state,
signifying the government’s coöperation and sanction.[1332] From the
responses it appeared that only the Oneidas and part of the Tuscaroras
were willing to accept any assistance, so the following summer of 1796,
three Friends, approved by the committee, were sent and settled among
the Oneidas. In the winter of 1796 they established a school, continued
for several years, and taught by an Indian who had been educated in New
England.[1333] The Indians were found, at first, to be quite averse to
any continuous labor, and it was necessary for the Friends to establish
themselves, and to improve a piece of land, in the hope that the Indians
would see the results and become interested in the process. This seems
to have worked quite satisfactorily, for in 1799 they report that the
Indians have improved some lands and “sowed them with wheat.”[1334]
The various occupations mentioned as being taught the boys were: smith
work, tilling soil, sewing, the preparation of lumber in sawmills, and
the details included therein. The girls were frequently instructed in
spinning, knitting, sewing, school learning, etc.[1335]
[Sidenote: Indians distrustful]
At this time (1799) the Oneidas became distrustful of the motives of
those in charge of the settlement, thinking that such an investment in
implements and the permanent nature of the farms laid out, indicated an
intention to seek after a time to take their territory from them. The
settlers became aware of this feeling and to prove their good faith,
decided to leave the settlement with all implements and improvements in
sole charge of the natives. The preparations to leave were accomplished
in a friendly conference, held in September, 1799.[1336] The success
of this work, for the Oneidas, had been watched by the Seneca tribes,
and resulted in an interest in the same thing, culminating in the
letters requesting the Friends’ assistance, which have already been
presented.[1337]
SUMMARY
[Sidenote: Slavery in Pennsylvania]
Though slavery had fixed itself, very early, as an institution in
Pennsylvania, it was not destined to continue its growth unmolested.
Some of the chief factors working against it were: (1) The scruples of
Friends, and other sects, (2) the Germans and (3) the opposition of White
labor. Restrictive legislation was passed in 1700, 1705 and 1712, placing
an ever increasing duty upon those imported. Gradual abolition was
provided for by statutes of 1780 and 1788. Socially and economically the
condition of the Negro in Pennsylvania was more desirable than in states
of her latitude and further south.
[Sidenote: Quaker Antagonists of Slavery]
To three Quakers, opposed to Negro slavery, some brief attention is
given. Their expressions also indicate a solicitous interest in the
education of the Indian. Their influence was extended by missionary
journeys, speaking in public, and numerous pamphlets published on that
subject. This work was by no means limited to the Quakers. Slavery was
denounced as impracticable, unjust and inconsistent with the ideals of a
free nation.
[Sidenote: The Quaker organization against slavery]
(1) Not only individual leaders, but also the organized meetings arrayed
themselves to fight against slavery. The first memorial to that effect
was on the part of Germantown Meeting in 1688. This was sent to the
Quarterly Meeting of Philadelphia, but at that date they took no action
in regard to it. In 1727 the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting’s advisers
censured the practice of trading in slaves. A more extensive warning
and reproof was administered in 1758. Throughout the early half of the
century efforts were made to secure favor for the slaves’ freedom; it was
necessary that in some measure that should come first.
[Sidenote: Schools for Negroes]
(2) After the active campaign for freedom, the interest in education
increased, and, in the last half of the century, there are frequent
statements of that nature in records of meetings. Separate schools were
established for them where possible. One in Philadelphia was set up by
the meeting, though in large measure due to the active personal influence
of Benezet, who, after 1782, taught in the school till his death. Moses
Patterson was the first teacher; after 1786 two schools are always
mentioned in reports. In the five years preceding 1782 it is estimated
that two hundred and fifty Negroes attended the school.
[Sidenote: In country and small towns]
Some attention is given to the Negroes and their education, or lack
of it, in each of the meetings. The care of this subject in those
meetings was in the charge of a committee, the general character of
whose duties was indicated on page 247. The support of the Negro schools
and the education of the poor children was similar to that of other
schools.[1338] Reports on the progress in freeing, supporting, and
educating the Negro, were required by their superior meetings.
[Sidenote: Education of Indians]
The relations between Friends and Indians were most cordial from the
beginning. Though their education was preached early by missionaries and
practised in a smaller way, little organized effort was made until 1795.
In that year the yearly assembly took the necessary steps to establish
schools among neighboring tribes, the first mentioned being for the
Oneidas. The desire of the Indian for aid in these matters is indicated
by the quoted letter of Cornplanter, the Seneca chief.