We are warned that “the Bible is _not_ a shifting, mutable, uncertain

thing.” We echo the warning, with this addition, that Christianity _is_

a progressive thing; not a doctrine dead, and embalmed in creeds, but a

spirit living and impersonated in Christ. Two things are necessary to a

revelation: its record, which is permanent; its readers, who perpetually

change. From the collision of the lesson and the mind on which it drops,

starts up the living religion that saves the soul within, and acts on

the theatre of the world without. Each eye sees what it can, and what it

needs; each age develops a new and nobler idea from the immortal page.

We are like children, who, in reading a book above their years, pass

innocently and unconsciously over that which is not suited to their

state. In this divine tale of Christ, every class and every period

seizes, in succession, the views and emotions which most meet its wants.

It is with Scripture as with nature. The everlasting heavens spread

above the gaze of Herschel, as they did over that of Abraham; yet the

latter saw but a spangled dome, the former a forest of innumerable

worlds. To the mind of this profound observer, there was as much a _new

creation_, as if those heavens had been, at the time, called up and

spread before his sight. And thus it is with the Word of God. As its

power and beauty develop themselves continually, it is as if Heaven were

writing it now, and leaf after leaf dropped directly from the skies. Nor

is there any heresy like that, which denies this progressive unfolding

of divine wisdom, shuts up the spirit of heaven in the verbal

metaphysics and scholastic creeds of a half-barbarous period,—treats the

inspiration of God as a dry piece of antiquity, and cannot see that it

communes afresh with the soul of every age; and sheds, from the living

Fount of truth, a guidance ever new.

NOTES.

---------------------

A.

_On the Improved Version._

Great allowance must perhaps be made for the clergymen who persist,

after repeated expostulation, in their assumption that the Improved

Version is an authoritative exposition of Unitarian theology. The

convenience of limiting their studies, for the most part, to a single

work, and the inconvenience of dispensing with the previous labours of

Dr. Nares, and Archbishop Magee, whose hostile criticisms furnish the

orthodox divine with invaluable prolegomena to the book, ought to

diminish our surprise at the tenacious adherence to this ground of

attack. The advantage too of giving fresh currency to the popular

notion, that some dreadful production exists, containing unmentionable

impieties, and constituting the “Unitarian Bible,” is undeniable. It is

evident that the utility of fostering this impression is by no means

overlooked: for after strong assertion and contemptuous comments have

given to a very few passages of the Improved Version the appearance, to

an unlearned audience, of falsification of the word of God, I have heard

it said, that these cases are but a _small sample of a system_, which

might be illustrated to an indefinite extent from every page. As there

are not, on an average, more than two variations in a page from

Archbishop Newcome, the charge must, in an incalculable majority of

instances, fall on him.

I am at a loss, however, to perceive even any controversial advantage to

be gained by the rash statement of Mr. Byrth; that every Unitarian

minister is as much bound to uphold the criticism and interpretation of

the Improved Version, as the Established Clergy to maintain the

Thirty-nine Articles. A clergyman, it is known, signs the articles, and

solemnly contracts to preach in conformity with them; a minister among

Unitarians may never see the Improved Version, or hear its name. During

a five years’ course of study at the college where I received my

education for the ministry, I do not remember any mention of it in the

theological classes, and only two in the Greek classes: both of which

were condemnatory; one, of the introduction of the English indefinite

article to indicate, in certain cases, the absence of the definite

article in the original; the other, of the rendering of the preposition

διά, with the genitive, by the word “for.” The fact that most ministers

of our persuasion subscribe to the British and Foreign Unitarian

Association, which has succeeded to the property in the Improved

Version, and continues to circulate it, no more makes them responsible

for its criticisms than a contribution to the Bible Society makes a

clergyman accountable for the forgery of the “heavenly witnesses.” The

one aids in distributing a possibly defective, the other a certainly

interpolated, copy of the Christian records. Let us apply another test

to this imprudent parallel between the established clergy, and the

Unitarian ministers. In the United States of America, no one, I presume,

could take holy orders in the Episcopal church, without pledging his

assent to the Thirty-nine Articles; and should he cease to approve of

them, his ordination vow would require him to resign his preferment. But

in that country are hundreds of Unitarian ministers, who know nothing of

the Improved Version; and would be as much astonished to be told that

they were bound by it, as would Dr. Tattershall to hear that he must

answer for the Oxford Tracts.

But the mere fact, that within a year after the publication of this

work, a Unitarian divine, a subscriber to the Unitarian society, in a

Unitarian periodical, submitted it to a criticism far more searching and

elaborate than that which an acumen sharpened by theological hostility

is now able to produce, is sufficient to set in its true light the

statement which I have quoted. I beg to call the attention of our

Reverend opponents to the following enumeration of the points, to which

the censures of the Reviewer (Dr. Carpenter) are directed.

(1.) The selection of Newcome’s Revision, instead of the authorized

version, as the basis.

(2.) The departure, and without any intelligible rule, from Griesbach’s

text, which, in the introduction, had been mentioned in a way to excite

the expectation of its invariable adoption. Of these departures, a

complete table is given.

(3.) The neglect of proper acknowledgment and defence of these

departures.

(4.) The professed employment of brackets for one purpose, (to indicate

words which, according to Griesbach, were probably, though not

certainly, to be expunged,) and the actual use of them for another; as,

for example, in the introduction of St. Matthew’s Gospel, which is thus

enclosed.

(5.) The use of italics (intended to indicate doubtful authority)

without adequate evidence of doubtful authority, and in violation of the

apparent intention to repudiate critical conjecture. And in particular,

the use of this type in the introduction to St. Luke’s gospel; which

“the evidence is far too little to justify;” and in the introduction to

St. Matthew’s gospel. Both these examples are considered by the reviewer

as instances of _conjectural criticism_.

(6.) The unwarrantable license allowed in general to conjectural

emendation of the text; of which particular cases are adduced; as the

transposition of verses, John i. 15, 18; and, in a lower sense of the

word _conjecture_, the omission of διὰ τῆς πίστεως, Rom. iii. 25; and

the καὶ in 2 Tim. iii. 16.

(7.) The departures from the received text without notice. Of these

departures, a complete table is given.

(8.) The departures from Newcome’s Revision, without sufficient notice;

of these, a list was given, and a synoptical table has since been

published in the appendix to Dr. Carpenter’s reply to the “unanswered”

Archbishop Magee.

(9.) The use of the English indefinite article, in certain cases, where

there is no Greek definite article. For example, the Centurion’s

exclamation at the crucifixion, Matt. xxvii. 54; in his remarks on

which, Mr. Byrth will perceive that he has been anticipated by the

reviewer.

(10.) The introduction of doctrinal notes, which the reviewer thinks

ought to have been entirely excluded.[112]

The culpable omission of the epithet, “Unitarian,” from the description

of the “Society for promoting Christian Knowledge,” in the title-page of

the first edition, has since received the censure of the same friendly

but just critic.[113]

If then, all that is original and “orthodox,” in the recent assaults on

the Improved Version, be the sarcasm and extravagance; and all that is

“candid” and “scholar-like” was long ago anticipated by a Unitarian

divine, (to whom Dr. Nares awards the praise of being “the very learned

and dispassionate reviewer,”) with what propriety can we be held

responsible, as Unitarian ministers, for the peculiarities of the work,

and called upon to defend it from strictures, produced at second-hand in

Christ Church, and originally published among ourselves. If Dr.

Carpenter had been minister in Liverpool, instead of Bristol, would he

have been bound to come forward and answer _himself_?

I by no means intend to charge the clergymen engaged in this controversy

with plagiarism. Their great authority, Archbishop Magee, so completely

withheld in his postscript, all notice of his obligations to the

Unitarian Reviewer, that a reader may well be excused for not knowing

that there was such a person. Nor do I at all doubt the competency of

our respected opponents to originate whatever they have advanced,

without the aid of any one’s previous researches. I simply affirm that

they have been anticipated, in a quarter, and to an extent, which

disprove their assertions respecting the acceptance and influence of the

Improved Version among Unitarians.

For the very same reason, however, that we are not bound to praise this

work when faults are fairly attributed to it, neither are we bound to be

silent, when merit is unjustly denied it. With the corrections

introduced in the fourth and fifth Editions, it has the exclusive honour

of accomplishing the following important ends:

(1.) It exhibits the text of the New Testament in the most perfect

state, being conformed to Griesbach’s second Edition.

(2.) It enables the English reader to compare this critical with the

Received text, all their variations being noticed.

(3.) It places before its possessors Archbishop Newcome’s Revision,

which otherwise would have passed into unmerited oblivion. Wherever it

departs from its basis, and advances any new translation, the Primate’s

rendering is given also; so that the whole extent of the innovation is

seen, and free choice afforded to the reader.

When the advocates of the common version shall exert themselves to bring

it into accordance with the true text, they will attack the Improved

Version, from a safer position. But so long as they leave with this

heretical work the sole praise, among British translations, of showing

what the Evangelists and Apostles really wrote, and content themselves

with circulating a version containing words and passages, without mark

or warning, which they know to be spurious, and in more than one case,

to be ancient theological allies of their creed, they are too much open

to the charge of availing themselves of detected forgeries, to be

entitled to read lectures to others, about reverence for the text. Dr.

Tattershall enforces well “the duty of preserving the Canon of Scripture

in its _integrity_.” Will he permit me to remind him of the duty of

preserving it in its _simplicity_: or is there, in the _bare proposal of

curtailment of the volume_, a sinfulness which does not exist in _the

practical and persevering maintenance of known interpolation_?

---------------------

B.

_On the Ebionites and their Gospel._

The argument of Mr. Belsham against the authenticity of Matthew’s

account of the miraculous conception appears to me very unsound: but Dr.

Tattershall’s criticism upon it, I must think to be altogether

unsuccessful; if at least, amid its intricate construction, I have

really apprehended the points to which its force is applied. In

rejecting this portion of Scripture, Mr. Belsham relies on the authority

of the Nazarenes and Ebionites, or early Hebrew Christians: who are

affirmed by Epiphanius and Jerome, to have used copies of Matthew’s

Gospel, without the introductory passages in question.

As the value of this argument depends altogether on the character of the

attesting parties and documents, Dr. Tattershall calls in question the

respectability of them all; and disparages, first, the ancient Nazarenes

and Ebionites themselves; secondly, the testimony, in this matter, of

Epiphanius and Jerome; thirdly, the Hebrew gospel or record, which they

describe. The positions advanced under every one of these heads, appear

to me to be erroneous.

I. Nothing, it is said, can be more incorrect than to admit the claim of

the Nazarenes and Ebionites to be regarded as the _original_, or main

body of Hebrew Christians. They were a _sect_, at first united, then

divided into two; successors of the Judaizing Christians; and after

Adrian’s destruction of Jerusalem (A. D. 132), they _separated_ from the

general community of the Christian Church.

I certainly had conceived that this _quæstio vexata_ of ecclesiastical

history, might be considered as set at rest, since the controversy

respecting it between Bishop Horsley and Dr. Priestley; and still more,

since the production of many additional _loca probantia_ from the

Fathers, by Eichhorn, Olshausen, Bertholdt and others, who have engaged

in the inquiry respecting the origin of the three first gospels. If,

however, the subject is still open to agitation, the principle on which

it must be discussed is evident. If, as Dr. Tattershall states, the

Nazarenes and Ebionites did not embrace _in extent_, the main body, and

_in time_, the original societies, of Jewish believers, it is incumbent

on him to find some clear traces of _other_ or _earlier_ Hebrew

Christians, denominated by some different term, or at all events

_excluded from these_. Until such persons are discovered, in the

primitive history of the church, the Nazarenes and Ebionites must remain

in undisturbed possession of their title as “_The_ early Hebrew

Christians.” Meanwhile, in direct proof of their claim to be so

regarded, I submit the following considerations:

(1.) Their name is applied, in a direct definition, to the _whole_ of

the Jewish Christians. Origen says, “_Those from among the Jews who

received Jesus as the Christ_,” were called Ebionites.[114]

(2.) The characteristic sentiments of this “_sect_,” are ascribed to

_the early Hebrew Christians generally_. These were, the persuasion of

the continued obligation of the Mosaic law, on persons of Jewish birth,

and the belief that Christ was a creature, some considering him as

simply human, others as pre-existent.[115] Origen says, “Those from

among the Jews who have faith in Jesus, have not abandoned their ancient

law; for they live in conformity with it, deriving even their name

(according to the true interpretation of the word,) from the poverty of

the law; for _Ebion_, among the Jews, means _poor_.”[116] Origen again

says, “And when you observe the belief respecting the Saviour, held by

_those from among the Jews who have faith in Jesus_, some supposing that

he was of Mary and Joseph, and others that he was of Mary alone and the

Holy Spirit, but still without the notion of his Deity, &c.”[117]

(3.) The characteristic _Gospel_ of the sect (under its frequent title

“Gospel according to the Hebrews”) was used _by the Hebrew Christians

generally_. Eusebius says: “In this number, some have placed the Gospel

according to the Hebrews, which is a favourite especially with the

Hebrews who receive Christ.”[118] The gospel here given to “the Hebrews

who received Christ,” is given in the following to the “Ebionites,” by

the same author. “They (the Ebionites) made use only of that which is

called ‘the Gospel according to the Hebrews;’ the rest they made small

account of.”[119]

If these passages be thought sufficient to identify the Ebionites and

Nazarenes with the “main body of Hebrew Christians,” perhaps the

following may be held to prove their early existence; as it states that

they presented the Apostle John with a motive for composing his Gospel:

Epiphanius says, “When therefore the blessed John comes and finds men

speculating about the human nature of Christ,—the Ebionites going astray

respecting the genealogy of Christ in the flesh, deduced from Abraham,

and by Luke from Adam; and when he finds the Cerinthians and Merinthians

affirming his natural birth as a mere man; the Nazarenes too, and many

other heresies; coming as he did, fourth, or in the rear of the

Evangelists, he began, if I may say so, to recall the wanderers, and

those who speculated about the human nature of Christ, and to say to

them, when from his station in the rear, he beheld some declining into

rugged paths, and quitting, as it were, the straight and true one,

‘whither are you tending, whither are you going, you who are treading a

path rugged and obstructed, conducting, moreover, to a precipice?

Return, it is not so; the God, Logos, who was begotten of the Father

from the beginning, is not from Mary only.’”[120]

That the Nazarenes and Ebionites were truly “_the_ early Hebrew

Christians,” must be considered as a fact established by such evidence

as the foregoing, till some testimony to the contrary can be produced.

That they were the successors of the Judaizing Christians reproved by

St. Paul is an assertion destitute of support; for the opponents who

troubled the _Apostle of the Gentiles_ were distinguished by their

pertinacious attempts, as Hebrews, to _force the Mosaic Law on Gentile

converts_; whereas, respecting the Nazarenes, Lardner observes, “Divers

learned moderns are now convinced of this, and readily allow, that the

Jewish believers, who were called Nazarenes, _did not_ impose the

ordinances of the law upon others, though they observed them as the

descendants of Israel and Abraham.”[121]

The application by Epiphanius of the words “_sect_” and “_heretics_” to

these believers, does not prove that he was speaking of a _different

class_ from the early Hebrew Christians; but only that this same class

began, in his time, to be spoken of in a different and more disparaging

way. He is the first writer, so far as I can discover, who describes

them in such reproachful language. On this point Dr. Wall observes: “He

styles them heretics, for no other reason that I can see, but that they,

together with their Christian faith, continued the use of circumcision

and of the Jewish rites; which things St. Paul never blamed in a Jewish

Christian, though, in the Gentile Christian, he did: and Epiphanius with

the same propriety, as far as I can perceive, might have blamed St.

James, bishop of Jerusalem, and those thousands of Jewish Christians

with him, concerning whom James said to Paul, ‘Thou seest, brother, how

many thousands of Jews there are which believe, and they are all zealous

for the law.’”[122]

And as to the Nazarenes and Ebionites separating from the general

community of the Christian church, after the second destruction of

Jerusalem by Adrian, and thus _bringing upon themselves_ the opprobrium

of heresy, the fact, stated in this form, cannot be proved. From the

first, the Hebrew Christians had formed a separate body from the Gentile

Christians. But their proportion to the whole body of believers seems to

have been for some time too considerable to admit of their being spoken

of in contemptuous language. When the Gentile portion of the Church

became altogether ascendant, and especially when it furnished all the

_ecclesiastical writers_, (one of whose chief functions it has been, in

every age, _to call names_,) the Jewish brethren, destitute of all

pretensions to philosophy, and free from that ambitious speculative

spirit out of which orthodox theology arose, were naturally treated with

less respect, and regarded as exceptions to that general union which had

consolidated itself independently of them, and at last completely left

them out. It does not appear that any further change was wrought by

Adrian’s destruction of Jerusalem, than necessarily followed from his

resolution to exclude, from the new colony which he founded there, all

who practised Jewish rites. This imperial determination compelled the

withdrawal of the Hebrew Christians to the North of Palestine; and they

were replaced by a new church, whose Gentile origin and customs

qualified its members (under the Emperor’s decree) for settlement on the

ancient site.

II. Dr. Tattershall disparages the testimony of the witnesses cited in

this cause,—Epiphanius and Jerome; and not without good reason, if there

should be sufficient proof, _when the whole case is before us_, of his

two allegations, viz.:

First, That Epiphanius contradicts himself; affirming now the

completeness, and then the mutilation, of the Gospel in question.

Secondly, That Epiphanius contradicts Jerome; in asserting, _what

“Jerome does not admit_,” the identity of the Ebionite Gospel with that

of St. Matthew.

Premising that one and the same work is to be understood as described,

by the several titles, “Nazarene Gospel,” “Ebionite Gospel,” “Gospel

according to the Hebrews,” “Gospel according to the Twelve Apostles,” I

would submit that the first of these allegations is more plausible than

true, and that the second is wholly untenable.

The contradictory statements of Epiphanius are the following:

(a.) “They (_i.e._ the Nazarenes) have the Gospel of Matthew _most

entire_ in the Hebrew language among them; for this, truly, is still

preserved among them, as it was at first, in Hebrew characters. But I

know not whether they have taken away the genealogy from Abraham to

Christ.”[123]

(b.) “In that Gospel which they (_i.e._ the Ebionites) have called the

Gospel according to St. Matthew, which is _not entire and perfect, but

corrupted and curtailed_, and which they call the Hebrew Gospel,”

&c.[124]

The verbal contradiction between these two passages, is no doubt

manifest enough; and in a writer of more accuracy than Epiphanius, might

have justified the proposal of Casaubon (approved by Jones) to effect a

violent reconciliation, by the conjectural insertion of the negative

adverb in the former sentence, which would then describe the document as

_not_ wholly perfect. But the looseness of this author’s style appears

to me sufficient to explain the opposition between the statements; which

seem indeed, to look defiance at each other, when brought by force, face

to face; but which at the intervals of separate composition, may be, by

no means, irreconcilable. That in the first, Epiphanius designed the

phrase “most entire,” to be understood with considerable latitude, is

evident from the expression of suspicion which instantly follows, that

the genealogy might probably be absent. And if the work in question

contained a quantity of matter additional to Matthew’s Gospel, whilst it

also _omitted_ some of its integral parts; it seems not unnatural that

the same writer, who with his thoughts running on its redundancies, had

at one time called it a _most full_ copy, should at another, when

dwelling on its deficiencies, style it an incomplete edition of the

first Evangelist. But it is more important to observe, that _on the

points_ for which the _Editors of the Improved Version_ adduce the

testimony of Epiphanius, viz., to identify the Gospel of Matthew with

that of the Nazarenes and Ebionites, and to attest the absence from this

book of the story of the miraculous conception, there is here _no

contradiction whatever_. In _both_ passages he states the work to be

Matthew’s, and in _neither_, according to Dr. Tattershall, does he say

that the first two chapters were wanting. The harmony then, on these,

the only points in dispute, is complete.

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