apprehensions that by virtue of an act of parliament of the 7 Geo.3.2
which impowers his Majesty to appropriate a part of the revenue raised
in America, for the support of civil government, and the
administration of justice in such colonies where he shall judge it
necessary, administration is determined to bestow large salaries upon
the attorney-general, judges and governor of this province; whereby
they will be made not only altogether independent of the people, but
wholly dependent upon the ministry for their support. These
appointments will be justly obnoxious to the other colonies, and tend
to beget and keep up a perpetual discontent among them; for they will
deem it unjust as well as unnecessary to be oblig'd to bear a part of
the support of government in this province, and even in the courts of
law; especially if designs are also meditating to make other important
alterations in our Charter, by appointing the Council from home, &c.
whereby the executive will be rendered absolute, and the legislative
totally ineffectual to any valuable purpose. The assembly is in all
reason sufficiently dependent already upon the Crown: The one branch
annually for its being, as it is subject to the negative of the
Governor; and both the branches for every grant and appropriation of
their money, and also for their whole defence and security, as he is
Captain-General, and has by Charter the sole military command within
the province: All civil officers are either nominated and appointed by
him with the advice and consent of his Majesty's Council, or if
elected they are subject to his negative: And our laws, after being
consented to by his Majesty's Governor, are by the first opportunity
from the making thereof, to be transmitted to his Majesty for his
approbation or disallowance: Three years they are subject to the
revision of the crown lawyers in Britain, who my always be strangers
to our internal polity, & sometimes disaffected to us: And at any time
within the three years, His Majesty in his privy council may, if he
thinks proper, reject them, and then they become utterly void. Surely
the parliament of Great Britain cannot wish for greater checks, both
upon the legislative and executive of a colony, unless we are to be
considered as bastards and not Sons.--A step further will reduce us to
absolute subjection. If administration is resolved to continue such
measure of severity, the colonies will in time consider the
mother-state as utterly regardless of their welfare: Repeated acts of
unkindness on one side, may by degrees abate the warmth of affection
on the other, and a total alienation may succeed to that happy union,
harmony and confidence, which has subsisted, and we sincerely wish may
always subsist: If Great Britain, instead of treating us as their
fellow-subjects, shall aim at making us their vassals and slaves, the
consequence will be, that although our merchants have receded from
their non-importation agreement, yet the body of the people will
vigorously endeavor to become independent of the mother-country for
supplies, and sooner than she may be aware of it, will manufacture for
themselves. The colonists, like healthy young sons, have been
chearfully building up the parent state, and how far Great Britain
will be affected, if they should be rendered even barely useless to
her, is an object which we conceive is at this very juncture worth the
attention of a British Parliament.
Your own acquaintance with this province, and your well known
attachment to it, will lead you to exert all your powers in its
defence: And as the Council have made choice of William Bollan, Esq;
for their agent, you will no doubt confer with him, and concert such
measures as will promote our common interest: Your abilities we
greatly confide in; but if you shall think it for the advantage of the
province to consult with and employ council learned in the law, the
importance of your agency will be a motive sufficient for us to
acquiesce in such expence on that account, as your own judgment shall
dictate to you to be necessary.
Included are the proceedings of his Majesty's Council of this
province, upon an affidavit of Mr. Secretary Oliver, which this House
apprehend has a tendency to make a very undue impression on the minds
of his Majesty's ministers and others, respecting the temper and
disposition of the people, previous to the tragical transaction of the
fifth of March last: You are therefore desired to make such use of
them as shall prevent such unhappy consequences from taking effect.
1Attributed to Adams by Governor Hutchinson. Hutchinson to Pownall;
Public Record Office, Domestic Geo. III., 11:25. Franklin's reply,
addressed to the Speaker of the House of Representatives under date of
December 24, 1770, is in J. Bigelow, Complete Works of Benjamin
Franklin vol. iv., pp. 371-373.
2Chap. 46.
TO STEPHEN SAYRE.1
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON NOVr 16 1770
SIR,
I should before now have acknowledgd your favor of the 5 June,2 but my
being obligd to attend the Session of the General Court for 7 weeks3 &
other necessary Avocations prevented it. I return the Letters signd
Junius Americanus deliverd to me by Mr Cary,4 by your direction to be
a valueable present. The Author has servd the American Cause in a
manner in which I have long wishd some able pen would have undertaken
to do it by appealing to the good Sense of the Body of the Nation. I
believe the general Inclination there is to wish that we may preserve
our Liberties; and perhaps even the Ministry could for some Reasons
find it in their hearts to be willing that we shd be restord to the
State we were in before the passing of the Stamp Act, were it not that
a Set of detestable Men were continually writing from hence that we
shd carry our Claims still higher & there wd be no Bounds to our
Demands. I can venture to assure you that there is no Foundation for
such Assertions, nor do I think they are really believd by any. The
People here are indeed greatly tenacious of their just Rights & I hope
in God they will ever firmly maintain them. Every Attempt to enforce
the plan of Despotism will certainly irritate them; While they have a
Sense of freedom they will oppose the Efforts of Tyranny; and altho
the Mother Country may at present boast of her Superiority over them,
she may perhaps find the Want of that Superiority, when by repeated
provocations she shall have totally lost their Affections.--All Good
Men surely wish for a cordial Harmony between the two Countrys. Great
Britain can lose Nothing which she ought to retain by restoring the
Americans to their former State, & they I am satisfied will no further
contend; While the Struggle continues Manufactures will still increase
in America in spite of all Efforts to prevent it; & how far Britain
will be injurd by it, ought certainly to be well considerd on your
side the Atlantick.
Our Merchants have receded from their Nonimportation Agreement. They
held it much longer than I ever thought they would or could. It was a
grand Tryal which pressd hard upon their private Interest. But the
Landholders find it for their Interest to manufacture and it is their
happy Consideration that while they are most effectually serving their
Country they are adding to their private fortunes. The representatives
of the people have this day agreed to promote Manufactures in their
respective Towns, & the House have appointed a special Committee5 to
form a plan for the effectual Encouragement of Arts Agriculture
Manufactures & Commerce in this province; & even the Administration of
a Bernard could not tend more to sharpen the Edge of resentment which
will perpetually keep alive the Spirit of Manufactures than that which
we are now blessd with. Lt Governor Hutchinson, more plausible indeed
than Bernard, seems resolvd to push the same plan & the people plainly
see that a Change of Men is not likely to produce a Change of
Measures--so soon are the Words of the one verified when he said of
the other that he could rely upon him as he could on himself.
Our House of Representatives have been inducd to do Business this
Session, against their former remonstrances, principally from a
Necessity which they apprehended they were under of attending to what
mt be doing on your Side the Water. They accordingly chose an Agent. I
gave my Suffrage with about a third part of the House, for Dr Lee--but
Dr Franklin being personally known to many of the Members had the
preference--both the Gentlemen were highly spoken of in the House, &
afterwards Dr Lee was appointed to the Trust, by a very full vote in
Case of the Death or Absence of Dr Franklin.
Our State Tryals as we may call them have at length come on. Preston
is acquitted by a Jury!6 It is to be remarkd that the Baker of the
Regiment, who indeed wd have had himself excusd, and three others were
put on as Talesmen Preston having challengd Eighteen. One of the three
was a known Intimate of Prestons and another had declared before that
if he was to be of the Jury he wd sit till Doomsday before he wd
consent to a Verdict agt him. Evidence to prove that the Soldiers were
the Aggressors of which there was plenty was not admitted. The main
Question was whether he orderd the Men to fire--diverse persons swore
positively that he did, but they differing about the Circumstance of
his Dress, & others swearing, one that he was very near him & did not
hear him give the orders, & others that some other person unknown gave
them, operated in his favor. But no Weight that I can learn was given,
to full proof that he led the Soldiers armd with loaded Musquets &
Bayonets. This he had a Right, nay it was his Duty to do, because the
Centinel was in Danger & we must presume the People were the
Aggressors. This Principle I suppose will clear the Soldiers whose
Tryals begin on Tuesday next.7 Richardson who was convicted of the
Murder of young Snider so long ago as March, remains unhangd, the
Court not having yet determind upon his Motion for another Tryal. You
may easily observe that we have catchd the impartial Spirit of the
Kings friends, a synonimous term for friends of Govt here, from the
Mother Country. I had not the opportunity of attending Prestons Tryal,
but am in hopes of having a minute Accot of it from a sensible
Gentleman who was present--if I can obtain it I will write you more
precisely upon the Subject.
Before I conclude I must mention to you that the Minister has taken a
Method which in my Opinion has a direct tendency to set up a despotism
here, or rather is the thing it self--and that is by sending
Instructions to the Governor to be the rule of his Administration &
forbiding him as the Govr declares to make them known to us, the
Design of which may be to prevent his ever being made responsible for
any measures he may advise in order to introduce & establish arbitrary
power over the Colonies. Mr Hutchinson has pushd this point with all
the Vigour of Bernard, which has occasiond warm messages between him &
the Assembly as you may observe in the Boston Gazette for several
Weeks past. But of this I shall be more particular in my next.
I shall be proud of an epistolary Correspondence with you, and with Dr
Lee to whom tho personally unknown to him I beg you wd make my
Compliments. I am with strict truth.
1A resident of London, and at one time sheriff; his relations with the
colonists appear in the letters printed in this volume.
2A copy is in S. A. Wells, Samuel Adams and the American Revolution,
vol. i. pp. 293, 294.
3The session began September 26 and ended November 20.
4Probably Richard Cary, of Charlestown, Mass. Letters by him are in
Papers Relating to Public Events in Massachusetts, pp. 113, 122, 124.
5On November 16; Samuel Adams was a member of the committee.
6The stenographic report of Preston's trial was sent to England, but
never published in America. Works of John Adams, vol. ii., p. 236.
7The Trial of the British Soldiers of the 29th Regiment of Foot was
published at Boston in 1770, 1807 and 1824, and was reprinted in
History of the Boston Massacre, Albany, 1870, pp. 123-285.
THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES TO THE LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR OF
MASSACHUSETTS.1
MAY IT PLEASE YOUR HONOR,
The House of Representatives have heretofore view’d with Concern the
deplorable State of the Militia of this Province. But have heretofore
refrained from any public mention of it least some Misconstruction
should be put upon it.
But by the last Advices from GREAT BRITAIN, the NATIONS of Europe
appear to be upon the Eve of a general War; and perhaps America may
be the object in the Eye of some of those Naions.
And when some of the Regiments within this Province are destitute of
Field-Officers, and many Companies without Captains or Subalterns,
the Arms of the Militia we fear are deficient, and military Discipline
too much neglected.
Duty to his Majesty, and a Regard to our own Safety constrain us to
Address your Honor, praying that you would be pleased (as soon as may
be) to fill up the Vacancies in the several Regiments (wherever such
Vacancies are) with such Persons as to your Honor shall seem meet:
And that your Honor would be pleased to use your Endeavours that the
several Officers carefully Discharge the Trust reposed in them. And
should any Amendments in, or Addition to the Laws for regulating the
Militia of this Province be thought needful, at the next Session of
the General Court the House of Representatives will chearfully do all
in their Power towards putting the Militia on a respectable Footing.
1On November 19, 1770, Samuel Adams was appointed a member of a
committee to draft a message to the Lieutenant Governor with reference
to the vacancies in the militia. On the following day Adams reported
to the House a draft, which was accepted.
ARTICLE SIGNED “A TORY.”
[Boston Gazette, November 26, 1770.]
I have thought of several things that have taken place since the
present a-----n1 began, which must needs have given sensible pleasure
to every friend of this province, and possibly were alluded to in a
late pr-----n.2 ---In the first place, the friends of government have
so far prevailed against the faction, as to get the non-importation
plan broke thro’, which had for so long time embarrassed the Ministry
in thier laudable efforts to ESTABLISH A REVENUE in the colonies. The
consequence of this, it is hoped, will be, that the worthy
Commissioners of the customs will be continued; and the troops which
have so eminently protected the lives, and reformed the morals of the
people, will be reinstated; so that the well-affected may enjoy their
places and PENSIONS without molestation from the vulgar. In the next
place, our Castle-William is taken out of the hands of the rude
natives, and put under the government of regular forces; this was an
admirable manoeuvre, which has occasioned the highest joy in the
friends of government, (thank his ----- for it) and in proportion
damp’d the spirits of the faction. And then, such a grand appearance
of tall ships of war in our capital harbour, which were certainly
designed to show us the marks of the greatest respect, (for what other
end could the wise ministry have had in view) and may serve to make
up for the loss of troops, if we should unfortunately not be favoured
with more! --There is also the advantage which his H----r the Lt.
G-----r must reap from some late instructions, which, no doubt, “are
founded in wise reasons,” whereby the great defects in our Charter,
which the friends of government have been long complaining of, may
be supply’d. --I might mention also, a late remarkable deliverance
from death and danger, (blessed a-m-----n!) for it would have been a
great discouragement to the efforts of government. --But no more--
these may be thought to be matters of great thankfulness, and may
suitably employ our minds at the approaching solemnity.
Your’s
A TORY.
Cambridge, Nov. 20, 1770.
1Administration.
2Proclamation.
TO PETER TIMOTHY1
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
Boston Novr 21 1770
SIR
Ever since I recd your favr of Sept 222 I have been incessantly
employd in the Genl Assembly which met AGREABLE TO INSTRUCTIONS at
Har[vard] Coll[ege] in Cam[bridge]. This I hope will be some Apology
for my not acknowleging it before.
I had recd a Letter from Mr John Neufville Chairman of the Come of
Merchts in Charlestown, inclosing Letters for the Sons of Liberty in
Boston Connecticutt & N Hampshire. The two last of which I forwarded
as soon as possible to such Gentn in the repsective places as I judgd
worthy so excellent a Character. That which was directed for Boston
I unseald, professing my self a Son of Liberty but found it was
designd for the Trade, with whom I was not connected, but as an
Auxiliary in their Nonimportaton Agreement. I therefore deliverd it
to the Chairman of the Come here, and it was read with very great
Approbation, in a large Meeting of the Body of the people. I desire
you wd make my Compts and Apology to Mr Neufville. I verily believd
that the Come of Merchants had duly honord his Letter by returning
an Answer to it, as they had orderd it to be publishd in our papers;
and I candidly suppose they had the same Expectation from me which
may be the occasion that the Letter remaind unanswerd.
The Nonimportation Agreemt since the Defection of New York is entirely
at an end. From the Begining I have been apprehensive it wd fall
short of our Wishes. It was continued much beyond my Expectation:
There are here & I suppose every where, men interrested enough to
render such a plan abortive. Thro the Influence of the Come & Tories
here, Boston had been made to APPEAR in an odious Light; but I wd
not have you believe it to be the true Light. The Merchts in general
have punctually abode by their Agreemt, to their very great private
loss; Some few have found means to play a dishonorable Game without
Detection, tho the utmost pains have been taken. The Body of the
people remaind firm till the Merchts receded. I am very sorry that
the Agreemt was ever enterd into as it has turnd out ineffectual.
Let us then ever forget that there has been such a futile
Combination, & awaken our Attention to our first grand object. Let
the Colonies still convince their implacable Enemies, that they are
united in constitutional Principles, and are resolvd they WILL NOT be
Slaves; that their Dependance is not upon Merchts or any particular
Class of men, nor is their dernier resort, a resolution BARELY to
withhold Commerce, with a nation that wd subject them to despotic
Power. Our house of reps[sic] have appointed a Come to correspond
with our friends in the other Colonies,3 & AMERICAN MANUFACTURES shd
be the constant Theme.
Our young men seem of late very ambitious of making themselves
masters of the art MILITARY.
1Of Charleston, South Carolina.
2Asking why an earlier letter of the Charleston committee had not
been answered. A copy of Timothy’s letter is in S. A. Wells, Samuel
Adams and the American Revolution, vol., i., p. 292.
3Consisting of Samuel Adams, John Adams, Hancock, Hall and Cushing;
appointed November 7, 1770.
TO STEPHEN SAYRE.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
Boston 23 Novr 1770
SIR
Capt Scott being detaind by a contrary Wind, and the General Assembly
being now prorogud,1 I have an Opportunity of writing in Addition to
my Letter of the 16 Instt & by the same Conveyance.
As soon as I heard of the Death of our worthy Friend Mr De Berdt, I
was determind, if the House should come to the Choice of an Agent, to
give my Vote for yourself; and I was confirmd in my Resolution when I
found by your Letter of the 5 June2 that such an Appointmt would be
agreable to you. But being afterwards told by a Friend of yours that
you were desirous yourself that Dr Lee might be chosen, which by no
means lessened my Opinion of your Merit, & having also a great
Opinion of Dr Lee, I thought myself happy in a Conclusion that your
Inclination perfectly coincided with my own Judgment. At the same
time, such was my Opinion of your honest Zeal for the Rights of
America and of your Ability to defend them that I could with equal
Satisfaction have voted for Mr Sayer. I am perfectly of your Opinion
that no man shd be the object of our Choice who holds any place at
the Will of the present Administration; how far the House have been
influencd by this Principle you are able to judge.
You will observe by the inclosd papers, to how great a degree
ministerial Instructions are enforcd here. They not only prescribe to
the Assembly which ought to be free the forms of Legislation in the
most essential Parts, but even annihilate the Powers of the Govr
vested in him by Charter.3 Could it possibly be imagind that a man
who is bone of our Bone, & flesh of our flesh--who boasts that his
Ancestors were of the first Rank & figure in the Country, who has had
all the Honors lavishly heapd upon him which his Fellow Citizens had
it in their power to bestow, who with all the Arts of personal
Address professes the strongest Attachmt to his native Country & the
most tender feeling for its Rights. Could it be imagind htat such a
Man shd be so lost to all sense of Gratitude & publick Love, as to aid
the Designs of despotick power for the sake of rising a single step
higher.
“Who would not weep if such a Man there be
Who would not weep if H-----n were he.”
Aut Caesar aut nullus, is inscribd on the Hearts of some Men who have
neither Caesars Learning nor Courage. Caesar three times refusd the
Crown; His Heart & his Tongue evidently gave each other the Lye. Our
modern GREAT MAN, would fain have it thought that he has refusd a
Government, which his Soul is every day panting after & without the
Possesion of which his Ambition & Lust of Power will perpetually
torment him.
The Intelligence in Your Letter of the 18 Sept which I have just now
with pleasure receivd, does not at all surprize me--”His former
Letters” “wrote before Bernard embarkd for England” “have been equally
oppugnant to the Form of your Govt”--And yet this very Man gives out,
that in six months, the Province will be convincd that his Letters are
written in defence of our Charter! So I remember Bernard himself, not
long before his own Letters returnd, declard to both Houses of
Assembly, that if he was at Liberty to make publick the Letters he had
written to the several Boards in favor of the Province, his Enemies
wd blush.--Why does not this Man make his Letters publick? Would not
a Roman Senator have seizd the opportunity of appeasing the Jealousys
of the angry Citizens? But the Body of the people are contemptible.4
This People who know not the Law are accursed, said a haughty Jewish
priest. It has been his Principle from a Boy, that Mankind are to be
governd by the discerning few--and it has ever since been his
Ambition to be the Hero5 of the few.
I have long since been of your Opinion that few great Men in Britain
are entitled to an American Confidence--They will all in their Turns
clamour for us while it is their Interest so to do.--It is the
Business of America to take Care of herself--her salvation as you
justly observe depends upon her own Virtue. Arts & Manufactures aided
by Commerce have raised Great Britain to its present Pitch of
Grandeur. America will avail herself by imitating her. We have already
seen her troops and AS WE HAVE A PROSPECT OF A WAR I hope I may safely
tell you that our YOUNG MEN begin to be ambitious of making themselves
perfect Masters of the Art MILITARY. Amidst the innumerable Evils
which we complain of from the bad policy of YOUR Ministry, this is
the happy Effect of Britains transplanting her Arms in America.
1The prorogation, on November 20, was until January 23, 1771; the next
session actually began April 3, 1771.
2Delivered by Richard Cary. A copy is in S.A. Wells, Samuel Adams and
the American Revolution, vol. i., pp. 293, 294.
3At this point the words “Good God!” are crossed out.
4Before alteration, this sentence read: “But the Body of the people
are too contemptible to be favord with a Sight of them.”
5Originally “Head.”
TO JOSIAH WILLIAMS.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text, with variations, is
in W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. i., pp. 341, 342.]
Boston Novr 23 1770
MY DEAR SR
When you embarkd for London I promisd you I would write by the next
Ship. I did not write--but it was owing to incessant Avocations at
Cambridge & not to an unmindfulness of my promise or a Want of
Inclination to fulfil it. I hope ere now you are safe arrivd. You are
then a Sojourner in one of the most opulent and most luxurious Cities
in the World. Musick is your dear Delight--there your taste will be
improvd. But I fear that Discord will too often discompose you, and
the rude Clamors against your Country will vex you. I rely upon it
that your own good Sense will dictate to you that which will
sufficiently vindicate your Country against foul Aspersion whenever
you may meet with it; and I cannot entertain the least Doubt but you
are possessd with all that patriotick Zeal which will for ever warm
the Breast of an ingenuous young Gentleman. Such a Zeal temperd with
a manly Prudence will render you respectable in political Circles of
Men of Sense. I am sure you will never condescend to be a Companion
of Fools. After telling you what I know will be agreable to you, that
your friends are well, you must allow me to plead haste & conclude at
present with my best Wishes for your Prosperity.
ARTICLE SIGNED “A CHATTERER.”
[Boston Gazette, December 3, 1770.]
We should all remember that British America was well affected to the
nation till MINISTERIAL INNOVATIONS occasion’d these Difficulties.
Anon.
Instead of submitting to MINISTERIAL GUIDANCE, they seem so far led
away by common Sense, and their Regard for the common Welfare, that
they have no Reverence for the INSTRUCTIONS and REFINEMENTS of our
Ministers. Ibid.
Messieurs PRINTERS,