On the third day they observed that the sea, coming up with a tide as

yet gentle, began to mingle its brine with the fresh water of the river.

Then they rowed out to another island that lay in the middle of the

river, making, however, slower progress in rowing since the stream of the

river was now beaten back by the force of the tide. They put in to the

shore of the island, and such as landed ran hither and thither in quest

of provisions, never dreaming of the mishap which was to overtake them

from their ignorance of tides. It was now about the third hour of the day

when the ocean, undergoing its periodic change, rose in flood-tide, and

began to burst upon them and force back the current of the river, which

being at first retarded, and then more violently repelled, was driven

upward contrary to its natural direction with more than the impetuosity

of rivers in flood rushing down precipitous beds. The men in general were

ignorant of the nature of the sea, and so, when they saw it continually

swelling higher, and overflowing the beach which before was dry, they

looked upon this as something supernatural by which the gods signified

their wrath against their rash presumption.

When the vessels were now fairly floated, and the whole squadron

scattered in different directions, the men who had gone on shore ran back

in consternation to the ships, confounded beyond measure by a calamity

of a nature so unexpected. But amid the tumult their haste served only

to mar their speed. Some were to be seen pushing the vessels with poles;

others had taken their seats to row, but in doing so had meanwhile

been preventing the proper adjustment of the oars. Others again, in

hastening to sail out into the clear channel, without waiting for the

requisite number of sailors and pilots, worked the vessels to little

effect, crippled as these were and otherwise difficult to handle. At

the same time several other vessels drifted away with the stream before

those who were pell-mell crowding into them could all get on board, and

in this case the crowding caused as much delay in hurrying off as did

the scarcity of hands in the other vessels. From one side were shouted

orders to stay, from another to put off, so that amid this confusion of

contradictory orders nothing that was of any service could be seen or

even heard. In such an emergency the pilots themselves were useless,

since their commands could neither be heard for the uproar, nor executed

by men so distracted with terror.

The ships accordingly ran foul of each other, broke away each other’s

oars, and bumped each other’s sterns. A spectator could not have supposed

that what he saw was the fleet of one and the same army, but rather two

hostile fleets engaged in a sea-fight. Prows were dashed against poops,

and vessels that damaged other vessels in front of them were themselves

damaged in turn by vessels at their stern. The men, as was but natural,

lost their temper, and from high words fell to blows. By this time the

tide had overflowed all the level lands near the river’s edge, leaving

only sandheaps visible above the water like so many islands. To these

numbers of the men swam for safety, neglecting through fear the safety of

the vessels they quitted, some of which were riding in very deep water

where depressions existed in the ground, while others were stranded on

shoals where the waves had covered the more or less elevated parts of the

channel. But now they were suddenly surprised with a new danger, still

greater than the first, for the sea, which had begun to ebb, was rushing

back whence it came with a strong current, and was rendering back the

lands which just before had been deeply submerged. This pitched some of

the stranded vessels upon their sterns, and caused others to fall upon

their sides, and that too with such violence that the fields around them

were strewn with baggage, arms, broken oars, and wreckage.

The soldiers, meanwhile, neither dared to trust themselves to the land

nor to leave their ships, as they dreaded that some calamity, worse than

before, might at any moment befall them. They could scarcely indeed

believe what they saw and experienced, these shipwrecks upon dry land,

and the presence of the sea in the river. Nor did their misfortunes end

here, for as they did not know that the tide would soon afterwards bring

back the sea and float their ships, they anticipated that they would be

reduced by famine to the most dismal extremities. To add to their terror

monstrous creatures of frightful aspect, which the sea had left behind

it, were seen wandering about.

As night drew on the hopelessness of the situation oppressed even the

king himself with harassing anxieties. But no care could ever daunt his

indomitable spirit, and great as was his anxiety it did not prevent him

from remaining all night on the watch and giving out his orders. He even

sent some horsemen to the mouth of the river with instructions that when

they saw the tide returning they should go before it and announce its

approach. Meanwhile he caused the shattered vessels to be repaired, and

those that were overturned to be set upright, at the same time ordering

the men to be ready and on the alert when the land would be inundated

by the return of the tide. The whole of that night had been spent by

the king in watching and addressing words of encouragement to his men,

when the horsemen came back at full gallop, with the tide following at

their heels. It came at first with a gentle current which sufficed to

set the ships afloat, but it soon gathered strength enough to set the

whole fleet in motion. Then the soldiers and sailors, giving vent to

their irrepressible joy at their unexpected deliverance, made the shores

and banks resound with their exulting cheers. They asked each other

wonderingly wherefrom so vast a sea had suddenly returned, whereto it

had retired the day before, what was the nature of this strange element,

which at one time was out of harmony with the natural laws of space, but

at another was obedient to some fixed laws in respect of time?[324] The

king conjecturing from what had happened that the tide would return

after sunrise, took advantage of it, and starting at midnight sailed down

the river attended by a few ships, and having passed its mouth, advanced

into the sea a distance of 400 stadia, and thus at last accomplished the

object he had so much at heart. Having then sacrificed to the tutelary

gods of the sea and of the places adjacent, he took the way back to his

fleet.

_Chapter X.—Alexander goes homeward by land, leaving Nearchus to follow

by sea and conduct the fleet to the head of the Persian Gulf—Disastrous

march through Gedrosia—Alexander arrives in Carmania, where he holds

Bacchic revels to celebrate his conquests_

He sailed thence up the river, and next day reached a place of anchorage

not far from a salt lake,[325] the peculiar properties of which being

unknown to his men, deceived those who thoughtlessly bathed in its

waters. For scabs broke out over their bodies, and the disease being

contagious, infected even others who had not bathed. The application of

oil, however, cured the sores. Then as the country through which the army

was to pass was dry and waterless, Alexander sent on Leonnatus in advance

to dig wells, while he remained himself with the troops where he was,

waiting for the arrival of spring. In the meantime he built a good many

cities,[326] and ordered Nearchus and Onesicritus, who were experienced

navigators, to sail with the stoutest ships down to the ocean, and

proceeding as far as they could with safety to make themselves acquainted

with the nature of the sea. Having done this, they might return to join

him by sailing up either the same river or the Euphrates.[327]

The winter being now wellnigh over, he burned the useless ships, and

marched homeward with his army by land. In the course of nine encampments

he reached the land of the Arabites, and in nine more the land of the

Cedrosii—a free people, who agreed to surrender after holding a council

to consider the subject. As they surrendered voluntarily, nothing was

exacted from them except a supply of provisions. On the fifth day

thereafter he came to a river, which the natives called the Arabus, and

beyond it he found the country barren and waterless. This he traversed,

and so entered the dominions of the Oritae. Here he gave Hephaestion

the great bulk of the army, and divided the rest of it, consisting of

light-armed troops, between Ptolemy, Leonnatus, and himself. These three

divisions plundered the Indians simultaneously, and carried off a large

booty. Ptolemy devastated the maritime country, while the king himself

and Leonnatus between them ravaged all the interior. Here too he built

a city, which he peopled with Arachosians.[328] Thence he came to those

Indians who inhabit the sea-coast, possessing a great extent of country,

and holding no manner of intercourse even with their next neighbours.

This isolation from the rest of the world has brutalised their character,

which even by nature is far from humane. They have long claw-like nails

and long shaggy hair, for they cut the growth of neither. They live in

huts constructed of shells and other offscourings of the sea. Their

clothing consists of the skins of wild beasts, and they feed on fish

dried in the sun, and on the flesh of sea monsters cast on the shore

during stormy weather.[329] The Macedonians having by this time consumed

all their provisions, suffered first from scarcity and at last from

hunger, so that they were driven to search everywhere for the roots of

the palm, which is the only tree that country produces. When even this

kind of food failed them, they began to kill their beasts of burden, and

did not spare even their horses. They were thus deprived of the means of

carrying their baggage, and had to burn the rich spoils taken from their

enemies, for the sake of which they had marched to the utmost extremities

of the East.

A pestilence succeeded the famine, for the new juices of the unwholesome

esculents on which they fed, superadded to the fatigue of marching and

the strain of their mental anxiety, had spread various distempers among

them, so that they were threatened with destruction whether they remained

where they were or resumed their march. If they stayed famine would

assail them, and if they advanced a still deadlier enemy, pestilence,

would have them in its grasp. The plains were in consequence bestrewn

with almost more bodies of the dying than of the dead. Even those who

suffered least from the distemper could not keep pace with the main army,

because every one believed that the faster he travelled he advanced the

more surely to health and safety. The men, therefore, whose strength

failed craved help from all and sundry, whether known to them or unknown.

But there were no beasts of burden now by which they could be taken on,

and the soldiers had enough to do to carry their arms, whilst at the same

time the dreadful figure of the calamity impending over themselves was

ever before their eyes. Being thus repeatedly appealed to, they could

not so much as bear to cast back a look at their comrades, their pity for

others being lost in their fears for themselves.

Those, on the other hand, who were thus forsaken, implored the king, in

the name of the gods and by the rites of their common religion, to help

them in their sore need, and when they found that they vainly importuned

deaf ears, their despair turned to frantic rage, so that they fell to

imprecations, wishing for those who refused to help them a similar death

and similar friends. The king, feeling himself to be the cause of so

great a calamity, was oppressed with grief and shame, and sent orders

to Phrataphernes, the satrap of the Parthyaeans,[330] to forward him

upon camels provisions ready cooked, and he also notified his wants to

the governors of the adjacent provinces. In obedience to his orders the

supplies were at once forwarded, and the army being thus rescued, from

famine at least, reached eventually the frontiers of Cedrosia, a region

which alone of all these parts produces everything in great abundance.

Here, therefore, he halted for some time to refresh his harassed troops

by an interval of repose.

Meanwhile he received a letter from Leonnatus reporting that he had

defeated the Oritae, who had brought against him a force of 8000 foot and

300 horse. Word came also from Craterus that he had crushed an incipient

rebellion, instigated by two Persian nobles, Ozines and Zariaspes, whom

he had seized and placed under custody. On leaving this place Alexander

appointed Sibyrtius to be governor of that province in succession to

Memnon, who had lately been cut off by some malady, and he then marched

into Carmania, which was governed by the satrap Aspastes, whom he

suspected of having designed to make himself independent while he was

a great distance off in India. Aspastes came to meet Alexander, who,

dissembling his resentment, received him graciously, and let him remain

in office till he could inquire into the charges preferred against him.

Then as the different governors, in compliance with his demands, had sent

him a large supply of horses and draught cattle from their respective

provinces, he accommodated all his men who wanted them with horses and

waggons. He restored also their arms to their former splendour, for

they were now not far from Persia, which was a rich country and in the

enjoyment of profound peace.

So then Alexander, whose soul aspired to more than human greatness,

since he had rivalled, as we said before, the glory which Father Bacchus

had achieved by his conquest of India, resolved also to match his

reputation by imitating the Bacchanalian procession which that divinity

first invented, whether that was a triumph or merely some kind of frolic

with which his Bacchanals amused themselves. To this end he ordered

the streets through which he was to pass to be strewn with flowers and

chaplets, and beakers and other capacious vessels brimming with wine to

be placed at all the house doors. Then he ordered waggons to be made,

each capable of holding many soldiers, and these to be decorated like

tents, some with white canvas and others with costly tapestry.

The king headed the procession with his friends and the members of his

select body-guard, wearing on their heads chaplets made of a variety

of flowers. The strains of music were to be heard in every part of the

procession, here the breathings of the flute, and there the warblings

of the lyre. All the army followed, feasting and carousing as they rode

in the waggons, which they had decorated as gaily as they possibly

could, and had hung round with their choicest and showiest weapons. The

king himself and the companions of his revelry rode in a chariot, which

groaned under the weight of goblets of gold and large drinking cups made

of the same precious metal. The army for seven days advanced in this

bacchanalian fashion, so that it might have fallen an easy prey to the

vanquished if they had but had a spark of spirit to attack it when in

this drunken condition. Why, a thousand men only, if with some mettle in

them and sober, could have captured the whole army in the midst of its

triumph, besotted as it was with its seven days’ drunken debauch.

But fortune, which assigns to every thing its fame and value in the

world’s estimation, turned into glory this gross military scandal; and

the contemporaries of Alexander, as well as those who came after his

time, regarded it as a wonderful achievement, that his soldiers, though

drunk, passed in safety through nations hardly as yet sufficiently

subdued, the barbarians taking, what was in reality a piece of great

temerity, to be a display of well-grounded confidence.[331] All this

grand exhibition, however, had the executioner in its wake, for the

satrap Aspastes, of whom we before made mention, was ordered to be put to

death.[332] So true is it that cruelty is no obstacle to the indulgence

of luxury, nor luxury to the indulgence of cruelty.

DIODÔROS SICULUS

BIBLIOTHECA HISTORICA OF DIODÔROS SICULUS

SEVENTEENTH BOOK

_Chapter LXXXIV.—Alexander at Massaga—His treachery towards the Indian

mercenaries who had capitulated_

When the capitulation on those terms had been ratified by oaths, the

Queen [of Massaga], to show her admiration of Alexander’s magnanimity,

sent out to him most valuable presents, with an intimation that she would

fulfil all the stipulations. Then the mercenaries at once, in accordance

with the terms of the agreement, evacuated the city, and after retiring

to a distance of eighty stadia, pitched their camp unmolested without

thought of what was to happen. But Alexander, who was actuated by an

implacable enmity against the mercenaries, and had kept his troops under

arms ready for action, pursued the barbarians, and falling suddenly

upon them, made a great slaughter of their ranks. The barbarians at

first loudly protested that they were attacked in violation of sworn

obligations, and invoked the gods whom he had desecrated by taking false

oaths in their name. But Alexander with loud voice retorted that his

covenant merely bound him to let them depart from the city, and was by

no means a league of perpetual amity between them and the Macedonians.

The mercenaries, undismayed by the greatness of their danger, drew

their ranks together in form of a ring, within which they placed the

women and children to guard them on all sides against their assailants.

As they were now desperate, and by their audacity and feats of valour,

made the conflict in which they closed hot work for the enemy, while the

Macedonians held it a point of honour not to be outdone in courage by

a horde of barbarians, great was the astonishment and alarm which the

peril of the crisis created. For as the combatants were locked together

fighting hand to hand, death and wounds were dealt round in every variety

of form. Thus the Macedonians, when once their long spikes had shattered

the shields of the barbarians, pierced their vitals with the steel points

of these weapons, and on the other hand the mercenaries never hurled

their javelins without deadly effect against the near mark presented by

the dense ranks of the enemy. When many were thus wounded and not a few

killed, the women, taking the arms of the fallen, fought side by side

with the men, for the imminence of the danger and the great interests

at stake forced them to do violence to their nature, and to take an

active part in the defence. Accordingly some of them who had supplied

themselves with arms, did their best to cover their husbands with their

shields, while others who were without arms did much to impede the enemy

by flinging themselves upon them and catching hold of their shields.

The defenders, however, after fighting desperately along with their

wives, were at last overpowered by superior numbers, and met a glorious

death which they would have disdained to exchange for a life with

dishonour.[333] Alexander spared the unwarlike and unarmed multitude, as

well as the women that still survived, but took them away under charge of

the cavalry.

_Chapter LXXXV.—Alexander captures the rock Aornos_

He took many other cities, and put to death all who offered resistance

to his arms. He then advanced to the rock called Aornos, unto which such

of the inhabitants as survived had fled for refuge, because it was a

stronghold of incomparable security.[334] Heraklês, it is said, had in

the days of old assaulted this rock, but had abandoned the siege on the

occurrence of violent earthquakes and signs from heaven. Now, when this

story came to Alexander’s ears, it only whetted his eagerness to attack

the stronghold, and match himself against the god in a contest for glory.

The rock was 100 stadia in circuit, 16 stadia in height, and had a level

surface, forming a complete circle. On its southern side it was washed

by the Indus, the greatest of Indian rivers, but elsewhere it was all

environed with deep ravines and inaccessible cliffs. When Alexander, who

perceived the difficult nature of the ground, had given up all hope of

taking the place by assault, there came to him an old man accompanied by

his two sons. He was miserably poor, this man, and had lived a long time

in that neighbourhood, inhabiting a cave with three lairs cut into the

rock, which served as night-quarters for himself and his sons. He had

thus a familiar knowledge of all that locality. This old man then, coming

to the king, explained to him what his circumstances were, and undertook

to guide his army up the difficult ascent, and take him to a position

which commanded the barbarians in occupation of the rock. Alexander

promised the man an ample recompense for this service, and in following

his guidance seized in the first place the narrow pass which alone gave

access to the rock, and, as there was no exit from it elsewhere, he so

closely blocked up the enemy that no assistance could possibly reach them

from any quarter. In the next place he set all his men to work to fill

up with a mound the ravine which lay at the root of the rock. Having

thus got nearer the place, he pushed the siege with all possible vigour,

making assaults for seven days and as many nights without intermission,

the troops taking duty by turns. The advantage, however, lay at first

with the barbarians, who fought from a higher position, and killed many

who pressed the attack too recklessly. But when the mound had been

completed, and catapults which shot bolts to a great distance and other

engines of war had been brought to bear against them, and when it became

manifest besides that the king would by no means abandon the siege, the

Indians were struck with despair. Alexander, whose sagacity foresaw what

would occur, withdrew the guard which he had left at the pass, thus

giving the men on the rock, if they wished to retire, a free passage out.

So then the barbarians, dismayed alike by the valour of the Macedonians

and the king’s fixed ambition to be master of the place, evacuated the

rock by night.

_Chapter LXXXVI.—Alexander crosses the Indus, and is hospitably received

by Taxilês_

Alexander having thus outwitted the Indians by these feints, obtained

possession of the rock without risk being incurred. He then gave his

guide the stipulated reward, and moved off with his army at the very time

when Aphrikês, an Indian who had 20,000 soldiers and 15 elephants, was

hovering about in that locality.[335] This man certain of his followers

put to death, and, having brought his head to Alexander, procured for

this service their own safety. The king took them into his own ranks, and

got possession of the elephants, which were wandering at large about the

country.

The Invasion of India by Alexander the Great as described by Arrian, Q. Curtius, Diodoros, Plutarch and Justin: Being Translations of such portions of the Works of these and other Classical Authors as describe Alexander's Campaigns in Afghanistan, the Panjâb, Sindh, Gedrosia and Karmania · 第 20 / 40 段