As the year (329 B.C.) was now drawing to a close, he recrossed the Oxus

and returned to Zariaspa (Baktra?), where he spent the winter. Sentence

was here pronounced upon Bessos, who was mutilated and then sent to

Ekbatana for execution. Alexander’s European forces, as the narrative

has shown, were constantly undergoing diminution, not only by losses

in the field, but also by his leaving Macedonian veterans to garrison

important strongholds, or to form the nucleus of the population of the

cities he founded. He therefore from time to time sent requisitions

for recruits to Macedonia and Greece, and as these were adequately met

the fighting quality of his troops was always maintained at the same

high level. During his stay at Baktra a great number of such recruits

arrived, and filled up the large gap which the late disaster had made

in his ranks. There came thither also ambassadors from the King of the

Skythians, bringing presents and the offer of a marriage alliance, which

was declined. The King of the Khorasmians, moreover, whose dominions,

according to his own account, bordered on the land of the Kolchians and

the Amazons, came in person and offered his services to Alexander should

he wish to subdue the nations to the north and west of the Kaspian Sea.

Alexander, however, being now anxious to enter India, declined his offers

for the present.

The accounts of his next two campaigns are confused, and not always

mutually consistent. According to Curtius, when he moved from Zariaspa,

he crossed the river Ochos (now the Aksou), and came to a city called

Marginia, probably the _Marginan_ of our times. Arrian, however, makes

no mention of this expedition. The Baktrians were still imperfectly

subjugated, and the Sogdians, notwithstanding the severe chastisement

they had received, were again up in arms against his authority. He

therefore left Krateros to deal with the former, while he marched in

person against Marakanda. On his way thither he performed another of

his marvellous achievements, the capture of a fortress perched on the

summit of a steep, lofty, and strongly fortified rock, held by a powerful

garrison, and deemed to be impregnable. He captured it, nevertheless.

Within this stronghold Oxyartes, a Baktrian chief, had for safety

deposited his wife and daughters. Roxana, the eldest daughter, was, next

to the wife of Darius, the most beautiful of all Asiatic women, and

Alexander was so captivated with her charms that he did not hesitate to

make her his wife.

Spitamenes, meanwhile, assisted by the Massagetai, one of the Skythian

tribes that ranged over the Khorasmian desert, made a devastating

irruption into Baktria, and though he was in the end repulsed by

Krateros, escaped into the desert beyond the reach of pursuit. Fearing

he might renew his attack in some other quarter, Alexander hastened to

Marakanda to settle the province and provide for its security against

future hostile incursions. To this end he directed a number of new towns

to be founded and planted with Macedonian, Greek, and native colonists.

In the course of this expedition he came to the Royal Park at Bazaria

(perhaps Bokhara), and while hunting within its precincts killed a lion

of extraordinary size with his own hand.

On his return to Marakanda a tragic incident occurred—his murder of

Kleitos, from whom he had received some provocation in the course of

a drunken revel. As he was tenderly attached to Kleitos, who was the

brother of his nurse, and had saved his life at the Granîkos, his remorse

for this frenzied deed knew no bounds at the time, and gave him many

bitter moments in his after life.

His next expedition led him towards the western frontier of the province,

where he reduced the district called Xenippa, which lay on the skirts

of the Noura mountains—a range that runs from east to west about ten

miles north of Bokhara. As Spitamenes was supposed to be in the desert

not far off, he left Koinos in that part of the country with orders to

capture that audacious rebel, while he himself withdrew to Nautaka,

where he intended to pass the winter. This place was situated in a

fertile oasis between Samarkand and the Oxus, and must have occupied the

site of Kurshee or Kesh, noted afterwards as the birthplace of Timour.

Spitamenes, meanwhile, attacked Koinos, but was defeated after a severe

struggle, and driven back into the desert. His Skythian confederates,

fearing their own country might be invaded, cut off his head and sent

it to Alexander; and so perished the most active, bold, and persevering

antagonist that he had as yet encountered in Asia, one of the few who

resolutely and to the last scorned to bend his neck to a foreign yoke.

With the first return of spring (B.C. 327) he moved from his winter

quarters to invade the Paraitakai, who, as their name indicates,

inhabited a mountainous district, and were, some think, a branch of

the widespread Takka tribe, the name of which appears in Taxila, which

designated a great capital it possessed in India. In the country of

the Paraitakai, which lay to the east of Baktria and Sogdiana, there

was another great rock fortress, which, like the Sogdian, was deemed

impregnable. It was the main stronghold of a chief called Khorienês,

who, after holding out for some time, was persuaded by Oxyartes to cast

himself on the generosity of the great conqueror, a quality of which

he had himself a very satisfactory experience. Khoriênes therefore

surrendered, and was rewarded by being confirmed in his government.

Alexander after this success proceeded to Baktra in order to make

preparation for his expedition into India, but left Krateros to reduce

such of the tribes as still held out for independence. At Baktra

another tragedy was enacted. The court pages, at the instigation of

one of their number, called Hermolaos, who had been subjected to some

degrading punishment, conspired against the king, who narrowly escaped

assassination. The pages, who all belonged to families of high rank, were

tortured to extract confessions of their guilt, and were then stoned

to death by the Macedonians. The confessions indicated, it is said,

that Kallisthenes, a literary man attached to the court who had been

permitted, on the recommendation of his kinsman Aristotle, to accompany

the expedition, not only knew of the existence of the plot, but had

encouraged the pages to persist in their design. He had rendered himself

obnoxious to the king by the freedom with which he expressed his opinions

and by his opposition to the Persian fashions introduced into the court,

and his doom was sealed. Accounts differ as to the time and mode of his

death. According to Ptolemy he was tortured and then crucified, but

Aristoboulos and Chares agree in stating that he was carried about in

chains and died at last of disease in India.

The summer had set in when Alexander set out from Baktra on his Indian

expedition. He crossed the chain of Paropamisos in ten days, and halted

at the Alexandreia which he had founded at their base to settle the

affairs of that city and the surrounding district. The narrative of his

campaigns, from the time he left this place till he led his army into

Karmania, after its disastrous march through the burning sands of the

Gedrosian desert, is given in full detail in the translations which form

the body of this work. His march, which on his emerging from the desert

lay through the beautiful and fertile province of Karmania, resembled a

festive procession, and the licence in which he permitted his soldiers

to indulge was meant no less to obliterate the memory of their terrible

sufferings in the desert than to celebrate according to Bacchic fashion

and example the conquest of India.

In Karmania, Alexander received intelligence that Philip, who had been

left in command of all the country west of the Indus had been slain

in a mutiny by the Greek mercenaries under his command, but that the

Macedonian troops had quelled the mutiny and put the assassins to death.

He did not at the time appoint any successor to Philip, but empowered

Eudêmos and Taxiles to take temporary charge of the affairs of the

satrapy. Before he left Karmania he was rejoined by Krateros who brought

in safety the division of the army which he had led from the Indus by way

of Arachôsia, Drangiana, and the Karmanian desert. Nearchos also visited

his camp, which at the time was a five days’ journey distant from the

sea, and communicated the welcome news that the fleet had arrived in

safety at the mouth of the Persian Gulf. The admiral was instructed to

continue the voyage by sailing up the Gulf to the mouth of the Tigris,

while Hephaistiôn was put in command of the main army with orders to

proceed to Sousa along the maritime parts of Persis and Sousiana. The

king himself with a small division took the upper road which led to that

capital through Pasargadai and Persepolis. In Persis things had not gone

well in his absence. The satrap whom he had appointed was dead, and his

office had been usurped by Orxines, a Persian of great wealth and high

rank, against whom many acts of violence and oppression were charged.

He found also that the tomb of Cyrus had been desecrated and plundered,

and this outrage excited his violent indignation, since he looked upon

that conqueror as the founder of the vast empire which was now his own.

He could not discover the perpetrators, but had to content himself with

ordering the violated sepulchre to be properly restored. On reaching

Persepolis he investigated the charges against Orxines, and finding them

proved, put him to death, and gave his satrapy to Peukestas, one of the

commanders of his bodyguard.

In Persis the health of Kalanos, the Indian gymnosophist, who, at

Alexander’s request, had abjured the ascetic life and followed him

from India, began to fail, and, as he chose rather to die than suffer

the infirmities of age, he announced that it was his intention to

burn himself. The king attempted to dissuade him, but finding that he

was inexorably bent on self-destruction, ordered a funeral pyre to be

prepared for him, and all the arrangements connected with his cremation

to be superintended by Ptolemy. On the day appointed the devotee ascended

the pyre and perished in its flames, exhibiting throughout a serene

fortitude and self-possession which greatly astonished the Macedonians

who attended in throngs to witness this strange spectacle. Strabo makes

Pasargadai to be the scene of this incident, but Diodôros, Sousa, and

with more probability, since we know that Nearchos was an eye-witness of

the burning.

Alexander reached Sousa in the beginning of the year 324 B.C., and

remained there for a considerable time, regulating the affairs of his new

dominions. One of his great objects was to fuse together as far as was

practicable his European with his Asiatic subjects; and to this end he

assigned to some eighty of his generals Asiatic wives, giving with each

an ample dowry. He took himself a second wife, Barsinê, called sometimes

Stateira, the eldest daughter of Darius, and, it is said, also a third,

Parysatis, the daughter of Ochos, one of the predecessors of Darius.

About 10,000 Macedonians followed the example of their superiors, and

all who did so received presents from their royal master. Carrying out

this object in another form, he enrolled a large number of Asiatics

among his European troops. These new schemes were so bitterly resented

by the better class of his Macedonian veterans that they rose against

him in a mutiny which he had no little difficulty in quelling. About

10,000 of these veterans were dismissed, and they returned to Europe

under the command of Krateros. Towards the close of the year he went

to Ekbatana, and there he lost his chief favourite Hêphaistiôn, who

succumbed to an attack of fever. His grief at this bereavement knew no

bounds, and showed itself in acts which seem copied from those wherewith

Achilles demonstrated his passionate sense of the loss of his beloved

Patroklos. From Ekbatana he marched back towards Babylon, and was met

on the way by ambassadors from all parts of the known world, who came

to do homage to the greatest of all kings and conquerors, and also by

a deputation of Chaldaean priests who warned him of danger if at that

time he should enter Babylon. He entered it nevertheless, though with

gloomy forebodings, early in the spring of 323 B.C. As this city was the

best point of communication between the eastern and western parts of his

dominions, he had selected it to be the capital of his vast empire, and

accordingly took measures immediately on his return for the improvement

of its internal condition, for the drainage of the swampy lands in its

neighbourhood which rendered its climate unhealthy, and also for removing

obstacles to the safe and easy navigation of the great river by which it

communicated with the sea.

His ambition being still, however, unsated, he meditated fresh conquests,

which, if effected, would have made him master of the world from the

shores of the Atlantic to the Eastern Ocean. But his end was now drawing

near. The climate of Babylon was malarious, and as his spirits were

depressed both by his loss of Hêphaistiôn and by superstitious fears, he

was less able to withstand its malignant influences. He caught a fever,

and having aggravated its virulence by indulging in convivial excesses,

was cut off in June 323 B.C. at the age of thirty-three, and after he

had reigned for nearly thirteen years. “So passed from the earth,” says

Bishop Thirlwall, “one of the greatest of her sons: great above most

for what he was in himself, and not, as many who have borne the title,

for what was given him to effect. Great, not merely in the vast compass

and the persevering ardour of his ambition ... but in the course which

his ambition took, in the collateral aims which ennobled and purified

it, so that it almost grew into one with the highest of which man is

capable, the desire of knowledge and the love of good. In a word, great

as one of the benefactors of his kind.... It may be truly asserted that

his was the first of the great monarchies founded in Asia that opened a

prospect of progressive improvement, and not of continual degradation, to

its subjects: it was the first that contained any element of moral and

intellectual progress.” This estimate, high as it is, appears to be just

and sober, and to hold a due balance between the extravagant eulogiums

and the damnatory criticisms of other writers such as Mitford, Williams,

and Droysen on the one hand, and Niebuhr, Sainte-Croix, and Grote on the

other, who all alike allowed their ethical and political proclivities to

bias their judgment.

[Illustration: FIG. 4.—ALEXANDER THE GREAT.]

Alexander was dignified both in his appearance and in his demeanour.

He was not above the ordinary height, but his frame was well built and

extremely muscular. “He was very handsome in person,” says Arrian,

“devoted to exertion, of an active mind and a most heroic courage,

tenacious of honour, ever ready to meet dangers, indifferent to the

pleasures of the body, and strictly observant of his religious duties.”

Plutarch tells us that the statues of Alexander which most resembled

him were those of Lysippos, who alone had his permission to represent

him in marble, and who best hit off the turn of his head, which leaned a

little to one side.[20] He adds that he was of a fair complexion, with

a tinge of red in his face and upon his breast, and that his breath and

whole person were so fragrant that they perfumed his under garments. In

another passage, describing Alexander’s habits, the same author says that

he was very temperate in eating, and that he was not so much addicted

to wine as he was thought to be. What gave rise to this opinion was his

practice of spending a great deal of time at table. The time, however,

was passed rather in talking than drinking, every cup introducing some

long discussion. Besides, he never sat long at table except when he had

abundance of leisure. There was always a magnificence at his table, and

the expense rose with his fortune till it came to the fixed sum of 10,000

drachms for each entertainment. As in his dying moments he had given

orders that his body should be conveyed to Ammôn in the Libyan oasis,

it was embalmed, and after more than two years had been spent in making

preparations for its removal, it was conveyed with vast pomp in a car of

wondrous magnificence to Egypt, where it was entombed first at Memphis,

and afterwards, by the authority of Ptolemy,[21] at Alexandreia, the

greatest of all the cities which he had founded and called after his name.

Alexander was so prematurely cut off, and was besides so much occupied

before his death with organising fresh expeditions, both maritime and

military, that he had no time to improve or complete the measures which

he had initiated for promoting the fusion and securing the permanent

unification of the multifarious races comprised in his empire. Had he

been vouchsafed a longer term of life, it seems probable that he would

have succeeded in welding so firmly together all the parts of his

dominions that centuries might have elapsed before they became again

disintegrated; but the dissensions which speedily broke out between his

great captains, originating in their ambition to rule with independent

authority, shattered his empire and embroiled it in wars which lasted for

nearly half a century.

Soon after his death Perdikkas, to whom in his last moments he had given

his signet-ring, was appointed to conduct the government on behalf of

the royal family, which was held to consist of Arrhidaios, the king’s

half-brother, a man of weak intellect and character, and Queen Roxana,

who a few months after her husband’s death gave birth to a son who

received the name of Alexander Aigos. The satrapies were then divided

among the leading generals. Perdikkas soon began to use his position

for the furtherance of his own selfish designs, and having secured the

support of Eumenês, attempted to crush his colleagues and assume all

power to himself. He marched first into Egypt against Ptolemy, but on

the banks of the Nile he was defeated and slain in a mutiny of his own

men 321 B.C. Tidings soon afterwards reached the army that Krateros had

been defeated and slain in fighting against Eumenês while marching to

assist Ptolemy. The office of regent was upon this offered to Ptolemy,

who declined its acceptance, as he held that the satrapies should become

independent kingdoms. The army then conferred that office, along with the

tutelage of the royal family, on Antipater of Macedonia, who had crossed

over into Asia to oppose Perdikkas. A new partition of the provinces,

which did not differ much from the former, was then made at a place in

Upper Syria called Triparadeisos. Under this arrangement Ptolemy held

Egypt; Lysimachos, Thrace; Antigonos, Phrygia or Central Asia Minor;

Seleukos, Babylon; Antigenes, Sousiana; Peukestas, Persia; Peithôn,

son of Krateros, Media; Nearchos, Pamphylia and Lycia; Arrhidaios,

Hellespontine Phrygia; Antipater and Polysperchon, Macedonia and

Greece. Eumenês still held the satrapy at first assigned to him—that

of Kappadokia, Paphlagonia, and Pontos—and was now the leader of those

who had been the adherents of Perdikkas. He was supported by Alketas,

the brother of Perdikkas, Peukestas, Attalos, Antigenes, and by the

influence of Olympias, the mother of Alexander. Besides Perdikkas and

Krateros, two other great generals had by this time disappeared from the

scene—Meleager, who had been cut off by Perdikkas, and Leonnatos, who had

been slain in the Lamian war.

Antigonos was appointed by Antipater to conduct the war against Eumenês,

and after many fluctuations of fortune at last captured him and put

him to death. This happened early in the year 316 B.C. The fortunes of

Alexander’s empire were then left at the disposal of five men—Antigonos,

Lysimachos, Ptolemy, Seleukos, and Kassander, the son of Antipater, who

had died in the year 319 B.C. The ambition and ever-increasing power of

Antigonos soon led his colleagues to form a coalition against him, and

a long series of hostilities followed. In the end Antigonos and his son

Dêmêtrios, surnamed Poliorkêtês, were defeated by the confederates in

the battle of Ipsos in 301 B.C. Antigonos fell on the field of battle,

and the greater part of his dominions fell to the share of Seleukos,

whose cavalry and elephants had been chiefly instrumental in winning the

victory. He received as his reward a great part of Asia Minor as well

as the whole of Syria from the Euphrates to the Mediterranean. Ptolemy

obtained Phoenicia and Hollow Syria, but these provinces afterwards gave

rise to frequent wars between succeeding kings of Egypt and Syria. A war

in later times broke out between Seleukos and Lysimachos, in which the

latter was slain in 281 B.C. His kingdom of Thrace was afterwards merged

in that of Macedonia. Thus the empire of Alexander, after a period of

incessant wars continued for upwards of forty years, was divided between

the powerful monarchs of Macedonia, Egypt, and Syria.

[Illustration: FIG. 5.—DIODOTOS.]

[Illustration: FIG. 6.—ANTIOCHOS THE GREAT.]

The successors of Seleukos were unable to retain hold of their remote

eastern dependencies. About the middle of the third century B.C.

Theodotos or Diodotos, the governor of Baktra, revolted from his grandson

Antiochos II. and made Baktra an independent kingdom. Not long afterwards

Aśôka, the grandson of Chandragupta, as we learn from one of his own

inscriptions,[22] sent missionaries to the kings of the West to proclaim

to them and to their subjects the doctrines of Buddhism. The kings named

in the inscription are Antiyoka (Antiochos II., king of Syria), Turamaya

(Ptolemy III., Euergetes, king of Egypt), Antigona (Antigonas Gonatas,

king of Macedonia), Maga (Magas, king of Kyrênê). About the year 212 B.C.

Antiochos III., surnamed the Great, marched eastward to recover Parthia

and Baktria which had both revolted from the second Antiochos. He was,

however, unable, even after a war which lasted for some years, to effect

the subjugation of these kingdoms, and accordingly concluded a treaty

with them in which he recognised their independence. With the assistance

of the Baktrian sovereign Euthydêmos, who founded the greatness of the

Baktrian monarchy, he made an expedition into India, where he renewed

the alliance with that country which had been formed in the days of

Sandrokottos. From Sophagasenos,[23] the chief of the Indian kings, he

obtained a large supply of elephants, and then returned to Syria by the

route through Arachôsia in the year 205 B.C.

[Illustration: FIG. 7.—EUTHYDÊMOS.]

[Illustration: ALEXANDER’S ROUTE IN THE PANJAB

John Bartholomew & Co., Edinʳ.

_NOTE:—Lines of Route shewn thus_ ——]

ARRIAN

ARRIAN’S ANABASIS

FOURTH BOOK

_Chapter XXII.—Alexander crosses the Indian Kaukasos to invade India and

advances to the river Kôphên_

After capturing the Rock of Choriênês, Alexander went himself to Baktra,

but despatched Krateros with 600 of the Companion Cavalry[24] and a force

of infantry, consisting of his own brigade with that of Polysperchôn

and Attalos and that of Alketas, against Katanês and Austanês the only

chiefs now left in the country of the Paraitakênai[25] who still held

out against him. In the battle which ensued Krateros after a severe

struggle proved victorious. Katanês fell in the action, while Austanês

was made prisoner and brought to Alexander. Of the barbarians who had

followed them to the field, there were slain 120 horsemen and about 1500

foot. Krateros after the victory led his troops also to Baktra. While

Alexander was here the tragic incident in his history, the affair of

Kallisthenês and the pages, occurred.

The Invasion of India by Alexander the Great as described by Arrian, Q. Curtius, Diodoros, Plutarch and Justin: Being Translations of such portions of the Works of these and other Classical Authors as describe Alexander's Campaigns in Afghanistan, the Panjâb, Sindh, Gedrosia and Karmania · 第 6 / 40 段