GREAT PROJECTS OF PHYSICAL CHANGE ACCOMPLISHED OR PROPOSED BY MAN.
Cutting of Isthmuses--Canal of Suez--Maritime Canals in Greece--Canals
to Dead Sea--Canals to Libyan Desert--Maritime Canals in Europe--Cape
Cod Canal--Changes in Caspian--Diversion of the Nile--Diversion of the
Rhine--Improvements in North American Hydrography--Soil below
Rock--Covering Rock with Earth--Desert Valleys--Effects of
Mining--Duponchel's Plans of Improvement--Action of Man on the
Weather--Resistance to Great Natural Forces--Incidental Effects of Human
Action--Nothing Small In Nature
THE EARTH AS MODIFIED BY HUMAN ACTION.
CHAPTER 1.
INTRODUCTORY.
Natural Advantages of the Territory of the Roman Empire.--Physical Decay
of that Territory.--Causes of the Decay.--Reaction of Man on Nature.--
Observation of Nature.--Uncertainty of Our Historical Knowledge of
Ancient Climates.--Uncertainty of Modern Meteorology.--Stability of
Nature.--Formation of Bogs--Natural Conditions Favorable to Geographical
Change.--Destructiveness of Man--Human and Brute Action
Compared.--Limits of Human Power.--Importance of Physical Conservation
and Restoration--Uncertainty as to Effects of Human Action.
Natural Advantages of the Territory of the Roman Empire.
The Roman Empire, at the period of its greatest expansion, comprised the
regions of the earth most distinguished by a happy combination of
physical conditions. The provinces bordering on the principal and the
secondary basins of the Mediterranean enjoyed in healthfulness and
equability of climate, in fertility of soil, in variety of vegetable and
mineral products, and in natural facilities for the transportation and
distribution of exchangeable commodities, advantages which have not been
possessed in any equal degree by any territory of like extent in the Old
World or the New. The abundance of the land and of the waters adequately
supplied every material want, ministered liberally to every sensuous
enjoyment. Gold and silver, indeed, were not found in the profusion
which has proved so baneful to the industry of lands richer in veins of
the precious metals; but mines and river beds yielded them in the spare
measure most favorable to stability of value in the medium of exchange,
and, consequently, to the regularity of commercial transactions. The
ornaments of the barbaric pride of the East, the pearl, the ruby, the
sapphire, and the diamond--though not unknown to the luxury of a people
whose conquests and whose wealth commanded whatever the habitable world
could contribute to augment the material splendor of their social
life--were scarcely native to the territory of the empire; but the
comparative rarity of these gems in Europe, at somewhat earlier periods,
was, perhaps, the very circumstance that led the cunning artists of
classic antiquity to enrich softer stones with engravings, which invest
the common onyx and cornelian with a worth surpassing, in cultivated
eyes, the lustre of the most brilliant oriental jewels.
Of these manifold blessings the temperature of the air, the distribution
of the rains, the relative disposition of land and water, the plenty of
the sea, the composition of the soil, and the raw material of the
primitive arts, were wholly gratuitous gifts. Yet the spontaneous nature
of Europe, of Western Asia, of Libya, neither fed nor clothed the
civilized inhabitants of those provinces. The luxuriant harvests of
cereals that waved on every field from the shores of the Rhine to the
banks of the Nile, the vines that festooned the hillsides of Syria, of
Italy and of Greece, the olives of Spain, the fruits of the gardens of
the Hesperides, the domestic quadrupeds and fowls known in ancient rural
husbandry--all these were original products of foreign climes,
naturalized in new homes, and gradually ennobled by the art of man,
while centuries of persevering labor were expelling the wild vegetation,
and fitting the earth for the production of more generous growths. Every
loaf was eaten in the sweat of the brow. All must be earned by toil. But
toil was nowhere else rewarded by so generous wages; for nowhere would a
given amount of intelligent labor produce so abundant, and, at the same
time, so varied returns of the good things of material existence.
Physical Decay of the Territory of the Roman Empire.
If we compare the present physical condition of the countries of which I
am speaking, with the descriptions that ancient historians and
geographers have given of their fertility and general capability of
ministering to human uses, we shall find that more than one-half their
whole extent--not excluding the provinces most celebrated for the
profusion and variety of their spontaneous and their cultivated
products, and for the wealth and social advancement of their
inhabitants--is either deserted by civilized man and surrendored to
hopeless desolation, or at least greatly reduced in both productiveness
and population. Vast forests have disappeared from mountain spurs and
ridges; the vegetable earth accumulated beneath the trees by the decay
of leaves and fallen trunks, the soil of the alpine pastures which
skirted and indented the woods, and the mould of the upland fields, are
washed away; meadows, once fertilized by irrigation, are waste and
unproductive because the cisterns and reservoirs that supplied the
ancient canals are broken, or the springs that fed them dried up; rivers
famous in history and song have shrunk to humble brooklets; the willows
that ornamented and protected the banks of the lesser watercourses are
gone, and the rivulets have ceased to exist as perennial currents,
because the little water that finds its way into their old channels is
evaporated by the droughts of summer, or absorbed by the parched earth
before it reaches the lowlands; the beds of the brooks have widened into
broad expanses of pebbles and gravel, over which, though in the hot
season passed dryshod, in winter sealike torrents thunder; the entrances
of navigable streams are obstructed by sandbars; and harbors, once marts
of an extensive commerce, are shoaled by the deposits of the rivers at
whose mouths they lie; the elevation of the beds of estuaries, and the
consequently diminished velocity and increased lateral spread of the
streams which flow into them, have converted thousands of leagues of
shallow sea and fertile lowland into unproductive and miasmatic
morasses.
Besides the direct testimony of history to the ancient fertility of the
now exhausted regions to which I refer--Northern Africa, the greater
Arabian peninsula, Syria, Mesopotamia, Armenia and many other provinces
of Asia Minor, Greece, Sicily, and parts of even Italy and Spain--the
multitude and extent of yet remaining architectural ruins, and of
decayed works of internal improvement, show that at former epochs a
dense population inhabited those now lonely districts. Such a population
could have been sustained only by a productiveness of soil of which we
at present discover but slender traces; and the abundance derived from
that fertility serves to explain how large armies, like those of the
ancient Persians, and of the Crusaders and the Tartars in later ages,
could, without an organized commissariat, secure adequate supplies in
long marches through territories which, in our times, would scarcely
afford forage for a single regiment.
It appears then, that the fairest and fruitfulest provinces of the Roman
Empire, precisely that portion of terrestrial surface, in short, which,
about the commencement of the Christian era, was endowed with the
greatest superiority of soil, climate, and position, which had been
carried to the highest pitch of physical improvement, and which thus
combined the natural and artificial conditions best fitting it for the
habitation and enjoyment of a dense and highly refined and cultivated
population, are now completely exhausted of their fertility, or so
diminished in productiveness, as, with the exception of a few favored
oases that have escaped the general ruin, to be no longer capable of
affording sustenance to civilized man. If to this realm of desolation we
add the now wasted and solitary soils of Persia and the remoter East
that once fed their millions with milk and honey, we shall see that a
territory larger than all Europe, the abundance of which sustained in
bygone centuries a population scarcely inferior to that of the whole
Christian world at the present day, has been entirely withdrawn from
human use, or, at best, is thinly inhabited by tribes too few in
numbers, too poor in superfluous products, and too little advanced in
culture and the social arts, to contribute anything to the general moral
or material interests of the great commonwealth of man.
Causes of this Decay.
The decay of these once flourishing countries is partly due, no doubt,
to that class of geological causes whose action we can neither resist
nor guide, and partly also to the direct violence of hostile human
force; but it is, in a far greater proportion, either the result of
man's ignorant disregard of the laws of nature, or an incidental
consequence of war and of civil and ecclesiastical tyranny and misrule.
Next to ignorance of these laws, the primitive source, the causa
causarum, of the acts and neglects which have blasted with sterility and
physical decrepitude the noblest half of the empire of the Caesars, is,
first, the brutal and exhausting despotism which Rome herself exercised
over her conquered kingdoms, and even over her Italian territory; then,
the host of temporal and spiritual tyrannies which she left as her dying
curse to all her wide dominion, and which, in some form of violence or
of fraud, still brood over almost every soil subdued by the Roman
legions. [Footnote: In the Middle Ages, feudalism, and a nominal
Christianity, whose corruptions had converted the most beneficent of
religions into the most baneful of superstitions, perpetuated every
abuse of Roman tyranny, and added new oppressions and new methods of
extortion to those invented by older despotisms. The burdens in question
fell most heavily on the provinces that had been longest colonized by
the Latin race, and those are the portions of Europe which have suffered
the greatest physical degradation. "Feudalism," says Blanqui, "was a
concentration of scourges. The peasant, stripped of the inheritance of
his fathers, became the property of inflexible, ignorant, indolent
masters; he was obliged to travel fifty leagues with their carts
whenever they required it; he labored for them three days in the week,
and surrendered to them half the product of his earnings during the
other three; without their consent he could not change his residence, or
marry. And why, indeed, should he wish to marry, when he could scarcely
save enough to maintain himself The Abbot Alcuin had twenty thousand
slaves, called SERFS, who were forever attached to the soil. This is the
great cauue of the rapid depopulation observed in the Middle Ages, and
of the prodigious multitude of monasteries which sprang up on every
side. It was doubtless a relief to such miserable men to find in the
cloisters a retreat from oppression; but the human race never suffered a
more cruel outrage, industry never received a wound better calculated to
plunge the world again into the darkness of the rudest antiquity. It
suffices to say that the prediction of the approaching end of the world,
industriously spread by the rapacious monks at this time, was received
without terror."--Resume de l'Histoire du Commerce, p. 156.] Man cannot
struggle at once against human oppression and the destructive forces of
inorganic nature. "When both are combined against him, he succumbs after
a shorter or longer struggle, and the fields he has won from the
primeval wood relapse into their original state of wild and luxuriant,
but unprofitable forest growth, or fall into that of a dry and barren
wilderness. The abbey of Saint-Germain-des-Pres, which, in the time of
Charlemagne, had possessed a million of acres, was, down to the
Revolution, still so wealthy, that the personal income of the abbot was
300,000 livres. Theabbey of Saint-Denis was nearly as rich as that of
Saint-Germain-des-Pres.--Lavergne, Economie Rurale de la France, p. 104.
Paul Louis Courier quotes from La Bruyere the following striking picture
of the condition of the French peasantry in his time: "One sees certain
dark, livid, naked, sunburnt, wild animals, male and female, scattered
over the country and attached to the soil, which they root and turn over
with indomitable perseverance. They have, as it were, an articulate
voice, and when they rise to their feet, they show a human face. They
are, in fact, men; they creep at night into dens, where they live on
black bread, water, and roots. They spare other men the labor of
ploughing, Bowing, and harvesting, and therefore deserve some small
share of the bread they have grown." "These are his own words," adds
Courier, "and he is speaking of the fortunate peasants, of those who had
work and bread, and they were then the few."--Petition a la Chambre des
Deputes pour les Villageois l'en empeche ce danser.
Arthur Young, who travelled in France from 1787 to 1789, gives, in the
twenty-first chapter of his Travels, a frightful account of the burdens
of the rural population even at that late period. Besides the regular
governmental taxes, and a multitude of heavy fines imposed for trifling
offense, he enumerates about thirty seignorial rights, the very origin
and nature of some of which are now unknown, while those of some others
are as repulsive to humanity and morality, as the worst abuses ever
practised by heathen despotism. But Young underrates the number of these
oppressive impositions. Moreau de Jonnes, a higher authority, asserts
that in a brief examination he had discovered upwards of three hundred
distinct lights of the feudatory over the person or the property of his
vassal. See Etat Economique et Social de la France, Paris, 1890, p.
389. Most of these, indeed, had been commuted for money payments, and
were levied on the peasantry as pecuniary imposts for the benefit of
prelates and lay lords, who, by virtue of their nobility, were exempt
from taxation. The collection of the taxes was enforced with unrelenting
severity. On one occasion, in the reign of Louis XIV., the troops sent
out against the recreant peasants made more than 3,000 prisoners, of
whom 400 were condemned to the galleys for life, and a number so large
that the government did not dare to disclose it, were hung on trees or
broken on the wheel.--Moreau de Jonnes, Etat Economique et Social de la
France, p. 420. Who can wonder at the hostility of the French plebeian
classes towards the aristocracy in the days of the Revolution?
Rome imposed on the products of agricultural labor in the rural
districts taxes which the sale of the entire harvest would scarcely
discharge; she drained them of their population by military
conscription; she impoverished the peasantry by forced and unpaid labor
on public works; she hampered industry and both foreign and internal
commerce by absurd restrictions and unwise regulations. [Footnote:
Commerce, in common with all gainful occupations except agriculture, was
despised by the Romans, and the exercise of it was forbidden to the
higher ranks. Cicero, however, admits that though retail trade, which
could only prosper by lying and knavery, was contemptible, yet wholesale
commerce was not altogether to be condemned, and might even be laudable,
provided the merchant retired early from trade and invested his gaits in
farm lands.--De Officiis, lib. i.,42.] Hence, large tracts of land were
left uncultivated, or altogether deserted, and exposed to all the
destructive forces which act with such energy on the surface of the
earth when it is deprived of those protections by which nature
originally guarded it, and for which, in well-ordered husbandry, human
ingenuity has contrived more or less efficient substitutes. [Footnote:
The temporary depopulation of an exhausted soil may be, in some cases, a
physical, though, like fallows in agriculture, a dear-bought advantage.
Under favorable circumstances, the withdrawal of man and his flocks
allows the earth to clothe itself again with forests, and in a few
generations to recover its ancient productiveness. In the Middle Ages,
worn-out fields were depopulated, in many parts of the Continent, by
civil and ecclesiastical tyrannies, which insisted on the surrender of
the half of a loaf already too small to sustain its producer. Thus
abandoned, these lands often relapsed into the forest state, and, some
centuries later, were again brought under cultivation with renovated
fertility.] Similar abuses have tended to perpetuate and extend these
evils in later ages, and it is but recently that, even in the most
populous parts of Europe, public attention has been half awakened to the
necessity of restoring the disturbed harmonies of nature, whose
well-balanced influences are so propitious to all her organic offspring,
and of repaying to our great mother the debt which the prodigality and
the thriftlessness of former generations have imposed upon their
successors--thus fulfilling the command of religion and of practical
wisdom, to use this world as not abusing it.
Reaction of Man on Nature.
The revolutions of the seasons, with their alternations of temperature
and of length of day and night, the climates of different zones, and the
general conditions and movements of the atmosphere and the seas, depend
upon causes for the most part cosmical, and, of course, wholly beyond
our control. The elevation, configuration, and composition of the great
masses of terrestrial surface, and the relative extent and distribution
of land and water, are determined by geological influences equally
remote from our jurisdiction. It would hence seem that the physical
adaptation of different portions of the earth to the use and enjoyment
of man is a matter so strictly belonging to mightier than human powers,
that we can only accept geographical nature as we find her, and be
content with such soils and such skies as she spontaneously offers.
But it is certain that man has reacted upon organized and inorganic
nature, and thereby modified, if not determined, the material structure
of his earthly home. The measure of that reaction manifestly constitutes
a very important element in the appreciation of the relations between
mind and matter, as well as in the discussion of many purely physical
problems. But though the subject has been incidentally touched upon by
many geographers, and treated with much fulness of detail in regard to
certain limited fields of human effort and to certain specific effects
of human action, it has not, as a whole, so tar as I know, been made
matter of special observation, or of historical research, by any
scientific inquirer. Indeed, until the influence of geographical
conditions upon human life was recognized as a distinct branch of
philosophical investigation, there was no motive for the pursuit of such
speculations; and it was desirable to inquire how far we have, or can,
become the architects of our own abiding place, only when it was known
how the mode of our physical, moral, and intellectual being is affected
by the character of the home which Providence has appointed, and we have
fashioned, for our material habitation. [Footnote:Gods Almagt wenkte van
den troon, En schiep elk volk een land ter woon: Hier vestte Zij een
grondgebied, Dat Zij ona zelven scheppon llet.] It is still too early to
attempt scientific method in discussing this problem, nor is our present
store of the necessary facts by any means complete enough to warrant me
in promising any approach to fulness of statement respecting them.
Systematic observation in relation to this subject has hardly yet begun,
and the scattered data which have chanced to be recorded have never been
collected. It has now no place in the general scheme of physical
science, and is matter of suggestion and speculation only, not of
established and positive conclusion. At present, then, all that I can
hope is to excite an interest in a topic of much economical importance,
by pointing out the directions and illustrating the modes in which human
action has been, or may be, most injurious or most beneficial in its
influence upon the physical conditions of the earth we inhabit We cannot
always distinguish between the results of man's action and the effects
of purely geological or cosmical causes. The destruction of the forests,
the drainage of lakes and marshes, and the operations of rural husbandry
and industrial art have unquestionably tended to produce great changes
in the hygrometric, thermometric, electric, and chemical condition of
the atmosphere, though we are not yet able to measure the force of the
different elements of disturbance, or to say how far they have been
neutralised by each other, or by still obscurer influences; and it is
equally certain that the myriad forms of animal and vegetable life,
which covered the earth when man first entered upon the theatre of a
nature whose harmonies he was destined to derange, have been, through
his interference, greatly changed in numerical proportion, sometimes
much modified in form and product, and sometimes entirely
extirpated. [Footnote: Man has not only subverted the natural numerical
relations of wild as well as domestic quadrupeds, fish, birds, reptile,
insect, and common plants, and even of still humbler tribes of animal
and vegetable life, but he has effected in the forms, habits, nutriment
and products of the organisms which minister to his wants and his
pleasures, changes which, more than any other manifestaion of human
energy, resemble the exercise of a creative power. Even wild animals
have been compelled by him, through the destruction of plants and
insects which furnished their proper aliment, to resort to food
belonging to a different kingdom of nature. Thus a New Zealand bird,
originally granivorous and insectivorous, has become carnivorous, from
the want of its natural supplies, and now tears the fleeces from the
backs of the sheep, in order to feed on their living flesh. All these
changes have exercised more or less direct or indirect action on the
inorganic surface of the globe; and the history of the geographical
revolutions thus produced would furnish ample material for a volume.
The modification of organic species by domestication is a branch of
philosophic inquiry which we may almost say has been created by Darwin;
but the geographical results of these modifications do not appear to
have yet been made a subject of scientific investigation.
I do not know that the following passage from Pliny has ever been cited
in connection with the Darwinian theories but it is worth a reference:
"But behold a very strange and new fashion of them [cucumbers] in
Campane, for there you shall have abundance of them come up in forme of
a Quince. And as I heare say, one of the channced so to grow first at a
very venture; but afterwards from the seed of it came a whole race and
progenie of the like, which therefore they call Melonopopones, as a man
would say, the Quince-pompions or cucumbers"--Pliny, Nat. Hist.,
Holland's translation, book xix, c.5
The word cucumis used in the original of this passage embraces many of
the cucurbitaceae, but the context shows that here means the cucumber.
The physical revolutions thus wrought by man have not indeed all been
destructive to human interests, and the heaviest blows he has inflicted
upon nature have not been wholly without their compensations. Soils to
which no nutritious vegetable was indigenous, countries which once
brought forth but the fewest products suited for the sustenance and
comfort of man--while the severity of their climates created and
stimulated the greatest number and the most imperious urgency of
physical wants--surfaces the most rugged and intractable, and least
blessed with natural facilities of communication, have been brought in
modern times to yield and distribute all that supplies the material
necessities, all that contributes to the sensuous enjoyments and
conveniences of civilized life. The Scythia, the Thule, the Britain, the
Germany, and the Gaul which the Roman writers describe in such
forbidding terms, have been brought almost to rival the native
luxuriance and easily won plenty of Southern Italy; and, while the
fountains of oil and wine that refreshed old Greece and Syria and
Northern Africa have almost ceased to flow, and the soils of those fair
lands are turned to thirsty and inhospitable deserts, the hyperborean
regions of Europe have learnod to conquer, or rather compensate, the
rigors of climate, and have attained to a material wealth and variety of
product that, with all their natural advantages, the granaries of the
ancient world can hardly be said to have enjoyed.
Observation of Nature.
In these pages it is my aim to stimulate, not to satisfy, curiosity, and
it is no part of my object to save my readers the labor of observation
or of thought. For labor is life, and Death lives where power lives
unused. [Footnote: Verses addressed by G. C. to Sir Walter
Raleigh.--Haklutt, i., p. 608.]
Self is the schoolmaster whose lessons are best worth his wages; and
since the subject I am considering has not yet become a branch of formal
instruction, those whom it may interest can, fortunately, have no
pedagogue but themselves. To the natural philosopher, the descriptive
poet, the painter, the sculptor, and indeed every earnest observer, the
power most important to cultivate, and, at the same time, hardest to
acquire, is that of seeing what is before him. Sight is a faculty;
seeing, an art. The eye is a physical but not a self-acting apparatus,
and in general it sees only what it seeks. Like a mirror, it reflects
objects presented to it; but it may be as insensible as a mirror, and
not consciously perceive what it reflects. [Footnote: --I troer, at
Synets Sands er lagt i Oiet, Mens dette kun er Redskab. Synet strommer
Fra Sjaelens Dyb, og Oiets fine Nerver Gaae ud fra Hjernens hemmelige
Vaerksted. Henrik Hertz, Kong Rene's Datter, sc. ii.
In the material eye, you think, sight lodgeth! The EYE is but an organ.
SEEING streameth from the soul's inmost depths. The fine perceptive
Nerve springeth from the brain's mysterious workshop.]
It has been maintained by high authority, that the natural acuteness of
our sensuous faculties cannot be heightened by use, and hence, that the
minutest details of the image formed on the retina are as perfect in the
most untrained as in the most thoroughly disciplined organ. This may be
questioned, and it is agreed on all hands that the power of multifarious
perception and rapid discrimination may be immensely increased by
well-directed practice. [Footnote: Skill in marksmanship, whether with
firearms or with other projectile weapons, depends more upon the
training of the eye than is generally supposed, and I have often found
particularly good shots to possess an almost telescopic vision. In the
ordinary use of the rifle, the barrel is guided by the eye, but there
are sportemen who fire with the butt of the gun at the hip. In this
case, as in the use of the sling, the lasso, and the bolas, in hurling
the knife (see Babinet, Lectures, vii., p. 84), in throwing the
boomerang, the javelin, or a stone, and in the employment of the
blowpipe and the bow, the movements of the hand and arm are guided by
that mysterious sympathy which exists between the eye and the unseeing
organs of the body. "Some men wonder whye, in casting a man's eye at the
marke, the hand should go streighte. Surely if he considered the nature
of a man's eye he would not wonder at it: for this I am certaine of,
that no servaunt to his maister, no childe to his father, is so
obedient, as every joynte and peece of the bodye is to do whatsover the
eye biddes."--Roger Ascham, Taxophilus, Book ii.
In shooting the tortoises of the Amazon and its tributaries, the Indians
use an arrow with a long twine and a float attached to it. Ave-Lallemant
(Die Benutzung der Palmen am Amazonenstrom, p. 32) thus describes their
mode of aiming: "As the arrow, if aimed directly at the floating
tortoise, would strike it at a small angle and glance from its fiat and
wet shell, the archers have a peculiar method of shooting. They are able
to calculate exactly their own muscular effort, the velocity of the
stream, the distance and size of the tortoise, and they shoot the arrow
directly up into the air, so that it falls almost vertically upon the
shell of the tortoise, and sticks in it." Analogous calculations--if
such physico-mental operations can property be so called--are made in
the use of other missiles; for no projectile flies in a right line to
its mark. But the exact training of the eye lies at the bottom of them
all, and marksmanship depends almost wholly upon the power of that
organ, whose directions the blind muscles implicitly follow. Savages
accustomed only to the use of the bow become good shots with firearms
after very little practice. It is perhaps not out of place to observe
here that our English word aim comes from the Latin aestimo, I calculate
or estimate. See Wedgwood's Dictionary of English Etymology, and the
note to the American edition, under Aim.
Another proof of the control of the limbs by the eye has been observed
in deaf-and-dumb schools, and others where pupils are first taught to
write on large slates or blackboards. The writing is in large
characters, the small letters being an inch or more high. They are
formed with chalk or a slate pencil firmly grasped in the fingers, and
by appropriate motions of the wrist, elbow, and shoulder, not of the
finger joints. Nevertheless, when a pen is put into the hand of a pupil
thus taught, his handwriting, though produced by a totally different set
of muscles and muscular movements, is identical in character with that
which he has practised on the blackboard. For a very remarkable account
of the restoration of vision impaired from age, by judicious training,
see Lessons in Life, by Timothy Titcomb, lesson xi. It has been much
doubted whether the artists of the classic ages possessed a more perfect
light than those of modern times, or whether, in executing their minute
mosaics and gem engravings, they need magnifiers. Glasses ground convex
have been found at Pompeii, but they are too rudely fashioned and too
imperfectly polished to have been of any practical use for optical
purposes. But though the ancient artists may have had a microscopic
vision, their astronomers cannot have had a telescopic power of sight;
for they did not discover the satellites of Jupiter, which are often
seen with the naked eye at Oormeeah, in Persia, and sometimes, as I can
testify by personal observation, at Cairo.]
This exercise of the eye I desire to promote, and, next to moral and
religious doctrine, I know no more important practical lessons in this
earthly life of ours--which, to the wise man, is a school from the
cradle to the grave--than those relating to the employment of the sense
of vision in the study of nature.
The pursuit of physical geography, embracing actual observation of
terrestrial surface, affords to the eye the best general training that
is accessible to all. The majority of even cultivated men have not the
time and means of acquiring anything beyond a very superficial
acquaintance with any branch of physical knowledge.
Natural science has become so vastly extended, its recorded facts and
its unanswered questions so immensely multiplied, that every strictly
scientific man must be a specialist, and confine the researches of a
whole life within a comparatively narrow circle. The study I am
recommending, in the view I propose to take of it, is yet in that
imperfectly developed state which allows its votaries to occupy
themselves with broad and general views attainable by every person of
culture, and it does not now require a knowledge of special details
which only years of application can master. It may be profitably pursued
by all; and every traveller, every lover of rural scenery, every
agriculturist, who will wisely use the gift of sight, may add valuable
contributions to the common stock of knowledge on a subject which, as I
hope to convince my readers, though long neglected, and now
inartificially presented, is not only a very important but a very
interesting field of inquiry.
Measurement of Man's Influence.
The exact measurement of the geographical and climatic changes hitherto
effected by man is impracticable, and we possess, in relation to them,
the means of only qualitative, not quantitative analysis. The fact of
such revolutions is established partly by historical evidence, partly by
analogical deduction from effects produced, in our own time, by
operations similar in character to those which must have taken place in
more or less remote ages of human action. Both sources of information
are alike defective in precision; the latter, for general reasons too
obvious to require specification; the former, because the facts to which
it bears testimony occurred before the habit or the means of rigorously
scientific observation upon any branch of physical research, and
especially upon climatic changes, existed.
UNCERTAINTY OF OUR HISTORICAL CONCLUSIONS ON ANCIENT CLIMATES.
The invention of measures of heat and of atmospheric moisture, pressure,
and precipitation, is extremely recent. Hence, ancient physicists have
left us no thermometric or barometric records, no tables of the fall,
evaporation, and flow of waters, and even no accurate maps of coast
lines and the course of rivers. Their notices of these phenomena are
almost wholly confined to excessive and exceptional instances of high or
of low temperatures, extraordinary falls of rain and snow, and unusual
floods or droughts. Our knowledge of the meteorological condition of the
earth, at any period more than two centuries before our own time, is
derived from these imperfect details, from the vague statements of
ancient historians and geographers in regard to the volume of rivers and
the relative extent of forest and cultivated land, from the indications
furnished by the history of the agriculture and rural economy of past
generations, and from other almost purely casual sources of information.
[Footnote: The subject of climatic change, with and without reference to
human action as a cause, has been much discussed by Moreau de Jonnes,
Dureau de la Malle, Arago, Humboldt, Fuster, Gasparin, Becquerel,
Schleiden, and many other writers in Europe, and by Noah Webster, Forry,
Drake, and others in America. Fraas has endeavored to show, by the
history of vegetation in Greece, not merely that clearing and
cultivation have affected climate, but that change of climate has
essentially modified the character of vegetable life. See his Klima und
Pflansenwelt in der Zeit.]
Among these latter we must rank certain newly laid open fields of
investigation, from which facts bearing on the point now under
consideration have been gathered. I allude to the discovery of
artificial objects in geological formations older than any hitherto
recognized as exhibiting traces of the existence of man; to the ancient
lacustrine habitations of Switzerland and of the terremare of Italy,
[Footnote: See two learned articles by Pigorini, in the Nuova Antologia
for January and October, 1870.] containing the implements of the
occupants, remains of their food, and other relics of human life; to the
curious revelations of the Kjokkenmoddinger, or heaps of kitchen refuse,
in Denmark and elsewhere, and of the peat mosses in the same and other
northern countries; to the dwellings and other evidences of the industry
of man in remote ages sometimes laid bare by the movement of sand dunes
on the coasts of France and of the North Sea; and to the facts disclosed
on the tide-washed flats of the latter shores by excavations in Halligs
or inhabited mounds which were probably raised before the era of the
Roman Empire. [Footnote: For a very picturesque description of the
Halligs, see Pliny, N.H., Book xvi, c. 1.] These remains are memorials
of races which have left no written records, which perished at a period
beyond the reach of even historical tradition. The plants and animals
that furnished the relics found in the deposits were certainly
contemporaneous with man; for they are associated with his works, and
have evidently served his uses. In some cases, the animals belonged to
species well ascertained to be now altogether extinct; in some others,
both the animals and the vegetables, though extant elsewhere, have
ceased to inhabit the regions where their remains are discovered. From
the character of the artificial objects, as compared with others
belonging to known dates, or at least to known periods of civilization,
ingenious inferences have been drawn as to their age; and from the
vegetable remains which accompany them, as to the climates of Central
and Northern Europe at the time of their production.
There are, however, sources of error which have not always been
sufficiently guarded against in making these estimates. When a boat,
composed of several pieces of wood fastened together by pins of the same
material, is dug out of a bog, it is inferred that the vessel, and the
skeletons and implements found with it, belong to an age when the use of
iron was not known to the builders. But this conclusion is not warranted
by the simple fact that metals were not employed in its construction;
for the Nubians at this day build boats large enough to carry half a
dozen persons across the Nile, out of small pieces of acacia wood pinned
together entirely with wooden bolts, and large vessels of similar
construction are used by the islanders of the Malay archipelago. Nor is
the occurrence of flint arrow heads and knives, in conjunction with
other evidences of human life, conclusive proof as to the antiquity of
the latter. Lyell informs us that some Oriental tribes still continue to
use the same stone implements as their ancestors, "after that mighty
empires, where the use of metals in the arts was well known, had
flourished for three thousand years in their neighborhood;" [Footnote:
Antiquity of Man, p. 377.] and the North American Indians now
manufacture weapons of stone, and even of glass, chipping them in the
latter case out of the bottoms of thick bottles, with great facility.
[Footnote: "One of the Indians seated himself near me, and made from a
fragment of quartz, with a simple piece of round bone, one end of which
was hemispherical, with a small crease in it (as if worn by a thread)
the sixteenth of an inch deep, an arrow head which was very sharp and
piercing, and such as they use on all their arrows. The skill and
rapidity with which it was made, without a blow, but by simply breaking
the sharp edges with the creased bone by the strength of his hands--for
the crease merely served to prevent the instrument from slipping,
affording no leverage--was remarkable."--Reports of Explorations and
Surveys for Pacific Railroad, vol. ii., 1855, Lieut. Beckwith'S Report,
p. 43. See also American Naturalist for May, 1870, and especially
Stevens, Flint Chips, London, 1870, pp. 77 et seq.
Mariette Bey lately saw an Egyptian barber shave the head of an Arab
with a flint razor.]
We may also be misled by our ignorance of the commercial relations
existing between savage tribes. Extremely rude nations, in spite of
their jealousies and their perpetual wars, sometimes contrive to
exchange the products of provinces very widely separated from each
other. The mounds of Ohio contain pearls, thought to be marine, which
must have come from the Gulf of Mexico, or perhaps even from California,
and the knives and pipes found in the same graves are often formed of
far-fetched material, that was naturally paid for by some home product
exported to the locality whence the material was derived. The art of
preserving fish, flesh, and fowl by drying and smoking is widely
diffused, and of great antiquity. The Indians of Long Island Sound are
said to have carried on a trade in dried shell fish with tribes residing
very far inland. From the earliest ages, the inhabitants of the Faroe
and Orkney Islands, and of the opposite mainland coasts, have smoked
wild fowl and other flesh. Hence it is possible that the animal and the
vegetable food, the remains of which are found in the ancient deposits I
am speaking of, may sometimes have been brought from climates remote
from that where it was consumed.
The most important, as well as the most trustworthy conclusions with
respect to the climate of ancient Europe and Asia, are those drawn from
the accounts given by the classical writers of the growth of cultivated
plants; but these are by no means free from uncertainty, because we can
seldom be sure of an identity of species, almost never of an identity of
race or variety, between vegetables known to the agriculturists of
Greece and Rome and those of modern times which are thought most nearly
to resemble them. Besides this, there is always room for doubt whether
the habits of plants long grown in different countries may not have been
so changed by domestication or by natural selection, that the conditions
of temperature and humidity which they required twenty centuries ago
were different from those at present demanded for their advantageous
cultivation. [Footnote: Probably no cultivated vegetable affords so good
an opportunity of studying the law of acclimation of plants as maize or
Indian corn. Maize is grown from the tropics to at least lat. 47 degrees
in Northeastern America, and farther north in Europe. Every two or three
degrees of latitude brings you to a new variety with new climatic
adaptations, and the capacity of the plant to accommodate itself to new
conditions of temperature and season seems almost unlimited.
Many persons now living remember that, when the common tomato was first
introduced into Northern New England, it often failed to ripen; but, in
the course of a very few years, it completely adapted itself to the
climate, and now not only matures both its fruit and its seeds with as
much certainty as any cultivated vegetable, but regularly propagates
itself by self-sown seed. Meteorological observations, however, do not
show any amelioration of the summer climate in those States within that
period.
It may be said that these cases--and indeed all cases of a supposed
acclimation consisting in physiological changes--are instances of the
origination of new varieties by natural selection, the hardier maize,
tomato, and other vegetables of the North, being the progeny of seeds of
individuals endowed, exceptionally, with greater power of resisting cold
than belongs in general to the species which produced them. But, so far
as the evidence of change of climate, from a difference in vegetable
growth, is concerned, it is immaterial whether we adopt this view or
maintain the older and more familiar doctrine of a local modification of
character in the plants in question.
Maize and the tomato, if not new to human use, have not been long known
to civilization, and were, very probably, reclaimed and domesticated at
a much more recent period than the plants which form the great staples
of agricultural husbandry in Europe and Asia. Is the great power of
accommodation to climate possessed by them due to this circumstance
There is some reason to suppose that the character of maize has been
sensibly changed by cultivation in South America; for, according to
Tschudi, the ears of this grain found in old Peruvian tombs belong to
varieties not now known in Peru.--Travels in Peru, chap. vii. See
important observations in Schubeler, Die Pflanzenwelt Norwegans
(Allgemeiner Theil), Christinania, 1873, 77 and following pp.] Even if
we suppose an identity of species, of race, and of habit to be
established between a given ancient and modern plant, the negative fact
that the latter will not grow now where it flourished two thousand years
ago does not in all cases prove a change of climate. The same result
might follow from the exhaustion of the soil, [Footnote: The cultivation
of madder is said to have been introduced into Europe by an Oriental in
the year 1765, and it was first planted in the neighborhood of Avignon.
Of course, it has been grown in that district for less than a century;
but upon soils where it has been a frequent crop, it is already losing
much of its coloring properties.--Lavergne, Economic Rurale de la
France, pp. 250-201.
I believe there is no doubt that the cultivation of madder in the
vicinity of Avignon is of recent introduction; but it is certain that it
was grown by the ancient Romans, and throughout nearly all Europe in the
middle ages. The madder brought from Persia to France, may belong to a
different species, or at least variety.] or from a change in the
quantity of moisture it habitually contains. After a district of country
has been completely or even partially cleared of its forest growth, and
brought under cultivation, the drying of the soil, under favorable
circumstances, goes on for generations, perhaps for ages. [Footnote: In
many parts of New England there are tracts, many square miles in extent
and presenting all varieties of surface and exposure, which were
partially cleared sixty or seventy years ago, and where little or no
change in the proportion of cultivated ground, pasturage, and woodland
has taken place since. In some cases, these tracts compose basins
apparently scarcely at all exposed to any local influence in the way of
percolation or infiltration of water towards or from neighboring
valleys. But in such situations, apart from accidental disturbances, the
ground is growing drier and drier from year to year, springs are still
disappearing, and rivulets still diminishing in their summer supply of
water. A probable explanation of this is to be found in the rapid
drainage of the surface of cleared ground, which prevents the
subterranean natural reservoirs, whether cavities or merely strata of
bibulous earth, from filling up. How long this process is to last before
an equilibrium is reached, none can say. It may be, for years; it may
be, for centuries.
Livingstone states facts which strongly favor the supposition that a
secular desiccation is still going on in central Africa, and there is
reason to suspect that a like change is taking place in California. When
the regions where the earth is growing drier were cleared of wood, or,
indeed, whether forests ever grew there, we are unable to say, but the
change appears to have been long in progress. A similar revolution
appears to have occurred in Arabia Petraea. In many of the wadis, and
particularly in the gorges between Wadi Feiran and Wadi Esh Sheikh,
there are water-worn banks showing that, at no very remote period, the
winter floods must have risen fifty feet in channels where the growth of
acacias and tamarisks and the testimony of the Arabs concur to prove
that they have not risen six feet within the memory or tradition of the
present inhabitants. Recent travellers have discovered traces of
extensive ancient cultivation, and of the former existence of large
towns in the Tih desert, in localities where all agriculture is now
impossible for want of water. Is this drought due to the destruction of
ancient forests or to some other cause?
For important observations on supposed changes of climate in our Western
prairie region, from cultivation of the soil and the introduction of
domestic cattle, see Bryant's valuable Forest Trees, 1871, chapter v.,
and Hayden, Preliminary Report on Survey of Wyoming, p. 455. Some
physicists believe that the waters of our earth are, from chemical of
other less known causes, diminishing by entering into new inorganic
combinations, and that this element will finally disappear from the
globe.]
In other cases, from injudicioua husbandry, or the diversion or choking
up of natural water-courses, it may become more highly charged with
humidity. An increase or diminution of the moisture of a soil almost
necessarily supposes an elevation or a depression of its winter or its
summer heat, and of its extreme if not of its mean annual temperature,
though such elevation or depression may be so slight as not sensibly to
raise or lower the mercury in a thermometer exposed to the open air. Any
of these causes, more or less humidity, or more or less warmth of soil,
would affect the growth both of wild and of cultivated vegetation, and
consequently, without any appreciable change in atmospheric temperature,
precipitation, or evaporation, plants of a particular species might
cease to be advantageously cultivated where they had once been easily
reared. [Footnote: The soil of newly subdued countries is generally
highly favorable to the growth of the fruits of the garden and the
orchard, but usually becomes much less so in a very few years. Plums, of
many varieties, were formerly grown, in great perfection and abundance,
in many parts of New England where at present they can scarcely be
reared at all; and the peach, which, a generation or two ago, succeeded
admirably in the southern portion of the same States, has almost ceased
to be cultivated there. The disappearance of these fruits is partly due
to the ravages of insects, which have in later years attacked them; but
this is evidently by no means the sole, or even the principal cause of
their decay. In these cases, it is not to the exhaustion of the
particular acres on which the fruit trees have grown that we are to
ascribe their degeneracy, but to a general change in the condition of
the soil or the air; for it is equally impossible to rear them
successfully on absolutely new land in the neighborhood of grounds
where, not long since, they bore the finest fruit.
I remember being told, many years ago, by intelligent early settlers of
the State of Ohio, that the apple trees raised there from seed sown soon
after the land was cleared, bore fruit in less than half the time
required to bring to bearing those reared from seed gown when the ground
had been twenty years under cultivation. Analogous changes occur slowly
and almost imperceptibly even in spontaneous vegetation. In the peat
mosses of Denmark, Scotch firs and other trees not now growing in the
same localities, are found in abundance. Every generation of trees
leaves the soil in a different state from that in which it found it;
every tree that springs up in a group of trees of another species than
its own, grows under different influences of light and shade and
atmosphere from its predecessors. Hence the succession of crops, which
occurs in all natural forests, seems to be due rather to changes of
condition than of climate. See chapter iii., post.]
Uncertainty of Modern Meteorology.
We are very imperfectly acquainted with the present mean and extreme
temperature, or the precipitation and the evaporation of any extensive
region, even in countries most densely peopled and best supplied with
instruments and observers. The progress of science is constantly
detecting errors of method in older observations, and many laboriously
constructed tables of meteorological phenomena are now thrown aside as
fallacious, and therefore worse than useless, because some condition
necessary to secure accuracy of result was neglected, in obtaining and
recording the data on which they were founded.
To take a familiar instance: it is but recently that attention has been
drawn to the great influence of slight differences in station upon the
results of observations of temperature and precipitation. Two
thermometers hung but a few hundred yards from each other differ not
unfrequently five, sometimes even ten degrees in their readings;
[Footnote: Tyndall, in a lecture on Radiation, expresses the opinion
that from ten to fifteen per cent. of the heat radiated from the earth
is absorbed by aqueous vapor within ten feet of the earth's
surface.--Fragments of Science, 3d edition, London, 1871, p. 203.
Thermometers at most meteorological stations, when not suspended at
points regulated by the mere personal convenience of the observer, are
hung from 20 to 40 feet above the ground. In such positions they are
less exposed to disturbance from the action of surrounding bodies than
at a lower level, and their indications are consequently more uniform;
but according to Tyndall's views they do not mark the temperature of the
atmospheric stratum in which nearly all the vegetables useful to man,
except forest trees, bud and blossom and ripen, and in which a vast
majority of the ordinary operations of material life are performed. They
give the rise and fall of the mercury at heights arbitrarily taken,
without reference to the relations of temperature to human interests, or
to any other scientific consideration than a somewhat less liability to
accidental disturbance.] and when we are told that the annual fall of
rain on the roof of the observatory at Paris is two inches less than on
the ground by the side of it, we may see that the height of the
rain-gauge above the earth is a point of much consequence in making
estimates from its measurements. [Footnote: Careful observations by the
late lamented Dallas Bache appeared to show that there is no such
difference in the quantity of precipitation falling at slightly
different levels as has been generally supposed. The apparent difference
was ascribed by Prof. Bache to the irregular distribution of the drops
of rain and flakes of snow, exposed, as they are, to local disturbances
by the currents of air around the corners of buildings or other
accidents of the surface. This consideration much increases the
importance of great care in the selection of positions for rain-gauges.
But Mr. Bache's conclusions seem not to be accepted by late
experimenters in England. See Quarterly Journal of Science for January,
1871, p. 123.]
The data from which results have been deduced with respect to the
hygrometrical and thermometrical conditions, to the climate in short, of
different countries, have very often been derived from observations at
single points in cities or districts separated by considerable
distances. The tendency of errors and accidents to balance each other
authorizes us, indeed, to entertain greater confidence than we could
otherwise feel in the conclusions drawn from such tables; but it is in
the highest degree probable that they would be much modified by more
numerous series of observations, at different stations within narrow
limits. [Footnote: The nomenclature of meteorology is vague and
sometimes equivocal. Not long since, it was suspected that the observers
reporting to a scientific institution did not agree in their
understanding of the mode of expressing the direction of the wind
prescribed by their instructions. It was found, upon inquiry, that very
many of them used the names of the compass-points to indicate the
quarter FROM which the wind blew, while others employed them to signify
the quarter TOWARDS which the atmospheric currents were moving. In some
instances, the observers were no longer within the reach of inquiry, and
of course their tables of the wind were of no value. "Winds," says Mrs.
Somerville, "are named from the points whence they blow, currents
exactly the reverse. An easterly wind comes from the east; whereas on
easterly current comes from the west, and flows towards the
east."--Physical Geography, p. 229.
There is no philological ground for this distinction, and it probably
originated in a confusion of the terminations -WARDLY and -ERLY, both of
which are modern. The root of the former ending implies the direction TO
or TO-WARDS which motion is supposed. It corresponds to, and is probably
allied with, the Latin VERSUS. The termination -ERLY is a corruption or
softening of -ERNLY, easterly for easternly, and many authors of the
nineteenth century so write it. In Haklnyt (i., p. 2), EASTERLY is
applied to place, "EASTERLY bounds," and means EASTERN. In a passage in
Drayton, "EASTERLY winds" must mean winds FROM the east; but the same
author, in speaking of nations, uses NORTHERLY for NORTHERN. Lakewell
says: "The sonne cannot goe more SOUTHERNLY from us, nor come more
NORTHERNLY towards us." Holland, in his translation of Pliny, referring
to the moon, has: "When shee is NORTHERLY," and "shee is gone
SOUTHERLY." Richardson, to whom I am indebted for the above citations,
quotes a passage from Dampier where WESTERLY is applied to the wind, but
the context does not determine the direction. The only example of the
termination -WARDLY given by this lexicographer is from Donne, where it
means TOWARDS the west.
Shakespeare, in Hamlet(v., ii.), uses NORTHERLY wind for wind FROM the
north. Milton does not employ either of these terminations, nor were
they known to the Anglo-Saxons, who, however, had adjectives of
direction in -AN or -EN, -ern and -weard, the last always meaning the
point TOWARDS which motion in supposed, the others that FROM which it
proceeds. The vocabulary of science has no specific name for one of the
most important phenomena in meteorology--I mean for watery vapor
condensed and rendered visible by cold. The Latins expressed this
condition of water by the word vapor. For INVISIBLE vapor they had no
name, because they did not know that it existed, and Van Helmont was
obliged to invent a word, gas, as a generic name for watery and other
fluids in the invisible state. The moderns have perverted the meaning of
the word vapor, and in science its use is confined to express water in
the gaseous and invisible state. When vapor in rendered visible by
condensation, we call it fog or mist--between which two words there is
no clearly established distinction--if it is lying on or near the
surface of the earth or of water; when it floats in the air we call it
cloud. But these words express the form and position of the humid
aggregation, not the condition of the water-globules which compose it.
The breath from our mouths, the steam from an engine, thrown out into
cold air, become visible, and consist of water in the same state as in
fog or cloud; but we do not apply those terms to these phenomena. It
would be an improvement in meteorological nomenclature to restore vapor
to its original meaning, and to employ a new word, such for example as
hydrogas, to explain the new scientific idea of water in the invisible
state.]
There is one branch of research which is of the utmost importance in
reference to these questions, but which, from the great difficulty of
direct observation upon it, has been less successfully studied than
almost any other problem of physical science. I refer to the proportions
between precipitation, superficial drainage, absorption, and
evaporation. Precise actual measurement of these quantities upon even a
single acre of ground is impossible; and in all cabinet experiments on
the subject, the conditions of the surface observed are so different
from those which occur in nature, that we cannot safely reason from one
case to the other. In nature, the inclination and exposure of the
ground, the degree of freedom or obstruction of the flow of water over
the surface, the composition and density of the soil, the presence or
absence of perforations by worms and small burrowing quadrupeds--upon
which the permeability of the ground by water and its power of absorbing
and retaining or transmitting moisture depend--its temperature, the
dryness or saturation of the subsoil, vary at comparatively short
distances; and though the precipitation upon very small geographical
basins and the superficial flow from them may be estimated with an
approach to precision, yet even here we have no present means of knowing
how much of the water absorbed by the earth is restored to the
atmosphere by evaporation, and how much carried off by infiltration or
other modes of underground discharge. When, therefore, we attempt to use
the phenomena observed on a few square or cubic yards of earth, as a
basis of reasoning upon the meteorology of a province, it is evident
that our data must be insufficient to warrant positive general
conclusions. In discussing the climatology of whole countries, or even
of comparatively small local divisions, we may safely say that none can
tell what percentage of the water they receive from the atmosphere is
evaporated; what absorbed by the ground and conveyed off by subterranean
conduits; what carried down to the sea by superficial channels; what
drawn from the earth or the air by a given extent of forest, of short
pasture vegetation, or of tall meadow-grass; what given out again by
surfaces so covered, or by bare ground of various textures and
composition, under different conditions of atmospheric temperature,
pressure, and humidity; or what is the amount of evaporation from water,
ice, or snow, under the varying exposures to which, in actual nature,
they are constantly subjected. If, then, we are so ignorant of all these
climatic phenomena in the best-known regions inhabited by man, it is
evident that we can rely little upon theoretical deductions applied to
the former more natural state of the same regions--less still to such as
are adopted with respect to distant, strange, and primitive countries.
STABILITY OF NATURE.
Nature, left undisturbed, so fashions her territory as to give it almost
unchanging permanence of form, outline, and proportion, except when
shattered by geologic convulsions; and in these comparatively rare cases
of derangement, she sets herself at once to repair the superficial
damage, and to restore, as nearly as practicable, the former aspect of
her dominion. In new countries, the natural inclination of the ground,
the self-formed slopes and levels, are generally such as best secure the
stability of the soil. They have been graded and lowered or elevated by
frost and chemical forces and gravitation and the flow of water and
vegetable deposit and the action of the winds, until, by a general
compensation of conflicting forces, a condition of equilibrium has been
readied which, without the action of main, would remain, with little
fluctuation, for countless ages. We need not go far back to reach a
period when, in all that portion of the North American continent which
has been occupied by British colonization, the geographical elements
very nearly balanced and compensated each other. At the commencement of
the seventeenth century, the soil, with insignificant exceptions, was
covered with forests; [Footnote: I do not here speak of the vast prairie
region of the Mississippi valley, which cannot properly said ever to
have been a field of British colonization; but of the original colonies,
and their dependencies in the territory of the present United States,
and in Canada. It is, however, equally true of the Western prairies as
of the Eastern forest land, that they had arrived at a state of
equilibrium, though under very different conditions.] and whenever the
Indian, in consequence of war or the exhaustion of the beasts of the
chase, abandoned the narrow fields he had planted and the woods he had
burned over, they speedily returned, by a succession of herbaceous,
arborescent, and arboreal growths, to their original state. Even a
single generation sufficed to restore them almost to their primitive
luxuriance of forest vegetation. [Footnote: The great fire of Miramichi
in 1825, probably the most extensive and terrific conflagration recorded
in authentic history, spread its ravages over nearly six thousand square
miles, chiefly of woodland, and was of such intensity that it seemed to
consume the very soil itself. But so great are the recuperative powers
of nature, that, in twenty-five years, the ground was thickly covered
again with tree of fair dimensions, except where cultivation and
pasturage kept down the forest growth.]
The unbroken forests had attained to their maximum density and strength
of growth, and, as the older trees decayed and fell, they were succeeded
by new shoots or seedlings, so that from century to century no
perceptible change seems to have occurred in the wood, except the slow,
spontaneous succession of crops. This succession involved no
interruption of growth, and but little break in the "boundless
contiguity of shade;" for, in the husbandry of nature, there are no
fallows. Trees fall singly, not by square roods, and the tall pine is
hardly prostrate, before the light and heat, admitted to the ground by
the removal of the dense crown of foliage which had shut them out,
stimulate the germination of the seeds of broad-leaved trees that had
lain, waiting this kindly influence, perhaps for centuries.
FORMATION OF BOGS.
Two natural causes, destructive in character, were, indeed, in operation
in the primitive American forests, though, in the Northern colonies, at
least, there were sufficient compensations; for we do not discover that
any considerable permanent change was produced by them. I refer to the
action of beavers and of fallen trees in producing bogs, [Footnote: The
English nomenclature of this geographical feature does not seem well
settled. We have bog, swamp, marsh, morass, moor, fen, turf-moss,
peat-moss, quagmire, all of which, though sometimes more or less
accurately discriminated, are often used interchangeably, or are perhaps
employed, each exclusively, in a particular district. In Sweden, where,
especially in the Lappish provinces, this terr-aqueous formation is very
extensive and important, the names of its different kinds are more
specific in their application. The general designation of all soils
permanently pervaded with water is Karr. The elder Laestadius divides
the Karr into two genera: Myror (sing. myra), and Mossar (sing. mosse).
"The former," he observes, "are grass-grown, and overflowed with water
through almost the whole summer; the latter are covered with mosses and
always moist, but very seldom overflowed." He enumerates the following
species of Myra, the character of which will perhaps be sufficiently
understood by the Latin terms into which he translates the vernacular
names, for the benefit of strangers not altogether familiar with the
language and the subject: 1. Homyror, paludes graminosae. 2. Dy, paludes
profundae. 3. Flarkmyror, or proper karr, paludes limosae. 4.
Fjalimyror, paludes uliginosae. 5. Tufmyror, paludes caespitosae. 6.
Rismyror, paludes virgatae. 7. Starrangar, prata irrigata, with their
subdivisions, dry starrungar or risangar, wet starrangar and
frakengropar. 8. Polar, lacunae. 9. Golar, fossae inundatae. The Mossar,
paludes turfosae, which are of great extent, have but two species: 1.
Torfmossar, called also Mossmyror and Snottermyror, and, 2. Bjornmossar.
The accumulations of stagnant or stagnating water originating in bogs
are distinguished into Trask, stagna, and Tjernar or Tjarnar (sing.
Tjern or Tjarn), stagnatiles. Trask are pools fed by bogs, or water
emanating from them, and their bottoms are slimy; Tjernar are small
Trask situated within the limits of Mossar.--L.L. Laestadius, om
Mojligheten af Uppodlingar i Lappmarken, pp. 23, 24.
Although the quantity of bog land in New England is less than in many
other regions of equal area, yet there is a considerable extent of this
formation in some of the Northeastern States. Dana (Manual of Geology,
p. 614) states that the quantity of peat in Massachusetts is estimated
at 120,000,000 cords, or nearly 569,000,000 cubic yards, but he does not
give either the area or the depth of the deposits. In any event,
however, bogs cover but a small percentage of the territory in any of
the Northern States, while it is said that one tenth of the whole
surface of Ireland is composed of bogs, and there are still extensive
tracts of undrained marsh in England. The amount of this formation in
Great Britain is estimated at 6,000,000 acres, with an average depth of
twelve feet, which would yield 21,600,000 tons of air-dried
peat.--Asbjornsen, Tore og Torodrift, Christiania, 1868, p. 6. Peat beds
have sometimes a thickness of ten or twelve yards, or even more. A depth
of ten yards would give 48,000 cubic yards to the acre. The greatest
quantity of firewood yielded by the forests of New England to the acre
is 100 cords solid measure, or 474 cubic yards; but this comprises only
the trunks and larger branches. If we add the small branches and twigs,
it is possible that 600 cubic yards might, in some cases, be cut on an
acre. This is only one eightieth part of the quantity of peat sometimes
found on the same area. It is true that a yard of peat and a yard of
wood are not the equivalents of each other, but the fuel on an acre of
deep peat is worth much more than that on an acre of the best woodland.
Besides this, wood is perishable, and the quantity of an acre cannot be
increased beyond the amount just stated; peat is indestructible, and the
beds are always growing. See post, Chap. IV. Cold favors the conversion
of aquatic vegetables into peat. Asbjornsen says some of the best peat
he has met with is from a bog which is frozen for forty weeks in the
year.
The Greeks and Romans were not acquainted with the employment of peat as
fuel, but it appears from a curious passage which I have already cited
from Pliny, N. H., book xvi., chap. 1, that the inhabitants of the North
Sea coast used what is called kneaded turf in his time. This is the
finer and more thoroughly decomposed matter lying at the bottom of the
peat, kneaded by the hands, formed into small blocks and dried. It is
still prepared in precisely the same way by the poorer inhabitants of
those shores.
But though the Low German tribes, including probably the Anglo-Saxons,
have used peat as fuel from time immemorial, it appears not to have been
known to the High Germans until a recent period. At least, I can find
neither in Old nor in Middle High German lexicons and glossaries any
word signifying peat. Zurb indeed is found in Graff as an Old High
German word, but only in the sense of grass-turf, or greensward. Peat
bogs of vast extent occur in many High German localities, but the former
abundance of wood in the same regions rendered the use of peat
unnecessary.] and of smaller animals, insects, and birds, in destroying
the woods. [Footnote: See Chapter II., post.]
Bogs generally originate in the checking of watercourses by the falling
of timber or of earth and rocks, or by artificial obstructions across
their channels. If the impediment is sufficient to retain a permanent
accumulation of water behind it, the trees whose roots are overflowed
soon perish, and then by their fall increase the obstruction, and, of
course, occasion a still wider spread of the stagnating stream. This
process goes on until the water finds a new outlet, at a higher level,
not liable to similar interruption. The fallen trees not completely
covered by water are soon overgrown with mosses; aquatic and semiaquatic
plants propagate themselves, and spread until they more or less
completely fill up the space occupied by the water, and the surface is
gradually converted from a pond to a quaking morass. The morass is
slowly solidified by vegetable production and deposit, then very often
restored to the forest condition by the growth of black ashes, cedars,
or, in southern latitudes, cypresses, and other trees suited to such a
soil, and thus the interrupted harmony of nature is at last
reestablished. [Footnote: "Aquatic plants have a utility in raising the
level of marshy grounds, which renders them very valuable, and may well
be called a geological function. The engineer drains ponds at a great
expense by lowering the surface of the water; nature attains the same
end, gratuitously, by raising the level of the soil without depressing
that of the water; but she proceeds more slowly. There are, in the
Landes, marshes where this natural filling has a thickness of four
metres, and some of them, at first lower than the sea, have been thus
raised and drained so as to grow summer crops, such, for example, as
maize."--Boitel, Mise en valeur des Terres pauvres, p. 227.
The bogs of Denmark--the examination of which by Steenstrap and Vaupell
has presented such curious results with respect to the natural
succession of forest trees--appear to have gone through this gradual
process of drying, and the birch, which grow freely in very wet soils,
has contributed very effectually by its annual deposits to raise the
surface above the water level, and thus to prepare the ground for the
oak.--Vaupell, Bogens Indvandring, pp. 39, 40.
The growth of the peat not unfrequently raises the surface of bogs
considerably above the level of the surrounding country, and they
sometimes burst and overflow lower grounds with a torrent of mud and
water as destructive as a current of lava.]
In countries somewhat further advanced in civilization than those
occupied by the North American Indians, as in mediaeval Ireland, the
formation of bogs may be commenced by the neglect of man to remove, from
the natural channels of superficial drainage, the tops and branches of
trees felled for the various purposes to which wood is applicable in his
rude industry; and, when the flow of the water is thus checked, nature
goes on with the processes I have already described. In such
half-civilized regions, too, windfalls are more frequent than in those
where the forest is unbroken, because, when openings have been made in
it for agricultural or other purposes, the entrance thus afforded to the
wind occasions the sudden overthrow of hundreds of trees which might
otherwise have stood for generations and have fallen to the ground, only
one by one, as natural decay brought them down. [Footnote: Careful
examination of the peat mosses in North Sjaelland--which are so abundant
in fossil wood that, within thirty years, they have yielded above a
million of trees--shows that the trees have generally fallen from age
and not from wind. They are found in depressions on the declivities of
which they grew, and they lie with the top lowest, always falling
towards the bottom of the valley.--Vaupell, Bogens Indvandring i de
Danske Skove, pp. 10,14.] Besides this, the flocks bred by man in the
pastoral state keep down the incipient growth of trees on the half-dried
bogs, and prevent them from recovering their primitive condition. Young
trees in the native forest are sometimes girdled and killed by the
smaller rodent quadrupeds, and their growth is checked by birds which
feed on the terminal bud; but these animals, as we shall see, are
generally found on the skirts of the wood only, not in its deeper
recesses, and hence the mischief they do is not extensive.
In fine, in countries untrodden by man, the proportions and relative
positions of land and water, the atmospheric precipitation and
evaporation, the thermometric mean, and the distribution of vegetable
and animal life, are maintained by natural compensations, in a state of
approximate equilibrium, and are subject to appreciable change only from
geological influences so slow in their operation that the geographical
conditions may be regarded as substantially constant and immutable.
NATURAL CONDITIONS FAVORABLE TO GEOGRAPHICAL CHANGE.
There are, nevertheless, certain climatic conditions and certain forms
and formations of terrestrial surface, which tend respectively to impede
and to facilitate the physical degradation both of new countries and of
old. If the precipitation, whether great or small in amount, be equally
distributed through the seasons, so that there are neither torrential
rains nor parching droughts, and if, further, the general inclination of
ground be moderate, so that the superficial waters are carried off
without destructive rapidity of flow, and without sudden accumulation in
the channels of natural drainage, there is little danger of the
degradation of the soil in consequence of the removal of forest or other
vegetable covering, and the natural face of the earth may be considered
as virtually permanent. These conditions are well exemplified in
Ireland, in a great part of England, in extensive districts in Germany
and France, and, fortunately, in an immense proportion of the valley of
the Mississippi and the basin of the great American lakes, as well as in
many parts of the continents of South America and of Africa, and it is
partly, though by no means entirely, owing to topographical and climatic
causes that the blight, which has smitten the fairest and most fertile
provinces of Imperial Rome, has spared Britannia, Germania, Pannonia,
and Moesia, the comparatively inhospitable homes of barbarous races,
who, in the days of the Caesars, were too little advanced in civilized
life to possess either the power or the will to wage that war against
the order of nature which seems, hitherto, an almost inseparable
condition precedent of high social culture, and of great progress in
fine and mechanical art. Destructive changes are most frequent in
countries of irregular and mountainous surface, and in climates where
the precipitation is confined chiefly to a single season, and where, of
course, the year is divided into a wet and a dry period, as is the case
throughout a great part of the Ottoman empire, and, indeed, in a large
proportion of the whole Mediterranean basin. In mountainous countries
various causes combine to expose the soil to constant dangers. The rain
and snow usually fall in greater quantity, and with much inequality of
distribution; the snow on the summits accumulates for many months in
succession, and then is not unfrequently almost wholly dissolved in a
single thaw, so that the entire precipitation of months is in a few
hours hurried down the flanks of the mountains, and through the ravines
that furrow them; the natural inclination of the surface promotes the
swiftness of the gathering currents of diluvial rain and of melting
snow, which soon acquire an almost irresistible force and power of
removal and transportation; the soil itself is less compact and
tenacious than that of the plains, and if the sheltering forest has been
destroyed, it is contined by few of the threads and ligaments by which
nature had bound it together, and attached it to the rocky groundwork.
Hence every considerable shower lays bare its roods of rock, and the
torrents sent down by the thaws of spring, and by occasional heavy
discharges of the summer and autumnal rains, are seas of mud and rolling
stones that sometimes lay waste and bury beneath them acres, and even
miles, of pasture and field and vineyard. [Footnote: The character of
geological formation is an element of very great importance in
determining the amount of erosion produced by running water, and, of
course, in measuring the consequences of clearing off the forests. The
soil of the French Alps yields very readily to the force of currents,
and the declivities of the northern Apennines, as well as of many minor
mountain ridges in Tuscany and other parts or Italy, are covered with
earth which becomes itself almost a fluid when saturated with water.
Hence the erosion of such surfaces is vastly greater than on many other
mountains of equal steepness of inclination. The traveller who passes
over the route between Bologna and Florence, and the Perugia and the
Siena roads from the latter city to Rome, will have many opportunities
of observing such localities.]
Destructiveness of Man.
Man has too long forgotten that the earth was given to him for usufruct
alone, not for consumption, still less for profligate waste. Nature has
provided against the absolute destruction of any of her elementary
matter, the raw material of her works; the thunderbolt and the tornado,
the most convulsive throes of even the volcano and the earthquake, being
only phenomena of decomposition and recomposition. But she has left it
within the power of man irreparably to derange the combinations of
inorganic matter and of organic life, which through the night of aeons
she had been proportioning and balancing, to prepare the earth for his
habitation, when in the fulness of time his Creator should call him
forth to enter into its possession.
Apart from the hostile influence of man, the organic and the inorganic
world are, as I have remarked, bound together by such mutual relations
and adaptations as secure, if not the absolute permanence and
equilibrium of both, a long continuance of the established conditions of
each at any given time and place, or at least, a very slow and gradual
succession of changes in those conditions. But man is everywhere a
disturbing agent. Wherever he plants his foot, the harmonies of nature
are turned to discords. The proportions and accommodations which insured
the stability of existing arrangements are overthrown. Indigenous
vegetable and animal species are extirpated, and supplanted by others of
foreign origin, spontaneous production is forbidden or restricted, and
the face of the earth is either laid bare or covered with a new and
reluctant growth of vegetable forms, and with alien tribes of animal
life. These intentional changes and substitutions constitute, indeed,
great revolutions; but vast as is their magnitude and importance, they
are, as we shall see, insignificant in comparison with the contingent
and unsought results which have flowed from them.
The fact that, of all organic beings, man alone is to be regarded as
essentially a destructive power, and that he wields energies to resist
which Nature--that nature whom all material life and all inorganic
substance obey--is wholly impotent, tends to prove that, though living
in physical nature, he is not of her, that he is of more exalted
parentage, and belongs to a higher order of existences, than those which
are born of her womb and live in blind submission to her dictates.
There are, indeed, brute destroyers, beasts and birds and insects of
prey--all animal life feeds upon, and, of course, destroys other
life,--but this destruction is balanced by compensations. It is, in
fact, the very means by which the existence of one tribe of animals or
of vegetables is secured against being smothered by the encroachments of
another; and the reproductive powers of species, which serve as the food
of others, are always proportioned to the demand they are destined to
supply. Man pursues his victims with reckless destructiveness; and,
while the sacrifice of life by the lower animals is limited by the
cravings of appetite, he unsparingly persecutes, even to extirpation,
thousands of organic forms which he cannot consume. [Footnote: The
terrible destructiveness of man is remarkably exemplified in the chase
of large mammalia and birds for single products, attended with the
entire waste of enormous quantities of flesh, and of other parts of the
animal which are capable of valuable uses. The wild cattle of South
America are slaughtered by millions for their hides and hairs; the
buffalo of North America for his skin or his tongue; the elephant, the
walrus, and the narwhal for their tusks; the cetacen, and some other
marine animals, for their whalebone and oil; the ostrich and other large
birds, for their plumage. Within a few years, sheep have been killed in
New England, by whole flocks, for their pelts and suet alone, the flesh
being thrown away; and it is even said that the bodies of the same
quadrupeds have been used in Australia as fuel for limekilns. What a
vast amount of human nutriment, of bone, and of other animal products
valuable in the arts, is thus recklessly squandered! In nearly all these
cases, the part which constitutes the motive for this wholesale
destruction, and is alone saved, is essentially of insignificant value
as compared with what is thrown away. The horns and hide of an ox are
not economically worth a tenth part as much as the entire carcass.
During the present year, large quantities of Indian corn have been used
as domestic fuel, and even for burning lime, in Iowa and other Western
States. Corn at from fifteen to eighteen cents per bushel is found
cheaper than wood at from five to seven dollars per cord, or coal at six
or seven dollars per ton.-Rep. Agric. Dept., Nov. and Dec., 1872, p.
487.
One of the greatest benefits to be expected from the improvement
civilization is, that increased facilities of communication will render
it possible to transport to places of consumption much valuable material
that is now wasted because the price at the nearest market will not pay
freight. The cattle slaughtered in South America for their hides would
feed millions of the starving population of the Old World, if their
flesh could be economically preserved and transported across the ocean.
This, indeed, is already done, but on a scale which, though absolutely
considerable, is relatively insignificant. South America sends to Europe
a certain quantity of nutriment in the form of meat extracts, Liebig's
and others; and preserved flesh from Australia is beginning to figure in
the English market. We are beginning to learn a better economy in
dealing with the inorganic world. The utilization--or, as the Germans
more happily call it, the Verwerthung, the BEWORTHING--of waste from
metallurgical, chemical, and manufacturing establishments, is among the
most important results of the application of science to industrial
purposes. The incidental products from the laboratories of manufacturing
chemists often become more valuable than those for the preparation of
which they were erected. The slags front silver refineries, and even
from smelting houses of the coarser metals, have not unfrequently
yielded to a second operator a better return than the first had derived
from dealing with the natural ore; and the saving of lead carried off in
the smoke of furnaces has, of itself, given a large profit on the
capital invested in the works. According to Ure's Dictionary of Arts,
see vol. ii., p. 832, an English miner has constructed flues five miles
in length for the condensation of the smoke from his lead-works, and
makes thereby an annual saving of metal to the value of ten thousand
pounds sterling. A few years ago, an officer of an American mint was
charged with embezzling gold committed to him for coinage. He insisted,
in his defence, that much of the metal was volatilized and lost in
refining and melting, and upon scraping the chimneys of the melting
furnaces and the roofs of the adjacent houses, gold enough was found in
the soot to account for no small part of the deficiency.
The substitution of expensive machinery for manual labor, even in
agriculture--not to speak of older and more familiar applications--besides
being highly remunerative, has better secured the harvests, and it is
computed that the 230,000 threshing machines used in the United States
in 1870 obtained five per cent. more grain from the sheaves which passed
through them than could have been secured by the use of the flail.
The cotton growing States in America produce annually nearly three
million tons of cotton seed. This, until very recently, has been thrown
away as a useless incumbrance, but it is now valued at ten or twelve
dollars per ton for the cotton fibre which adheres to it, for the oil
extracted from it, and for the feed which the refuse furnishes to
cattle. The oil--which may be described as neutral--is used very largely
for mixing with other oils, many of which bear a large proportion of it
without injury to their special properties.
There are still, however, cases of enormous waste in many mineral and
mechanical industries. Thus, while in many European countries common
salt is a government monopoly, and consequently so dear that the poor do
not use as much or it as health requires, in others, as in Transylvania,
where it is quarried like stone, the large blocks only are saved, the
fragments, to the amount of millions of hundred weights, being thrown
away.--Bonar, Transylvania, p. 455, 6.
One of the most interesting and important branches of economy at the
present day is the recovery of agents such as ammonia and ethers which
had been utilized in chemical manufactures, and re-employing them
indefinitely afterwards in repeating the same process.
Among the supplemental exhibitions which will be formed in connection
with the Vienna Universal Exhibition is to be one showing what steps
have been taken since 1851 (the date of the first London Exhibition) in
the utilization of substances previously regarded as waste. On the one
hand will be shown the waste products in all the industrial processes
included in the forthcoming Exhibition; on the other hand, the useful
products which have been obtained from such wastes since 1851. This is
intended to serve as an incentive to further researches in the same
important direction.]
The earth was not, in its natural condition, completely adapted to the
use of man, but only to the sustenance of wild animals and wild
vegetation. These live, multiply their kind in just proportion, and
attain their perfect measure of strength and beauty, without producing
or requiring any important change in the natural arrangements of
surface, or in each other's spontaneous tendencies, except such mutual
repression of excessive increase as may prevent the extirpation of one
species by the encroachments of another. In short, without man, lower
animal and spontaneous vegetable life would have been practically
constant in type, distribution, and proportion, and the physical
geography of the earth would have remained undisturbed for indefinite
periods, and been subject to revolution only from slow development, from
possible, unknown cosmical causes, or from geological action.
But man, the domestic animals that serve him, the field and garden
plants the products of which supply him with food and clothing, cannot
subsist and rise to the full development of their higher properties,
unless brute and unconscious nature be effectually combated, and, in a
great degree, vanquished by human art. Hence, a certain measure of
transformation of terrestrial surface, of suppression of natural, and
stimulation of artificially modified productivity becomes necessary.
This measure man has unfortunately exceeded. He has felled the forests
whose network of fibrous roots bound the mould to the rocky skeleton of
the earth; but had he allowed here and there a belt of woodland to
reproduce itself by spontaneous propagation, most of the mischiefs which
his reckless destruction of the natural protection of the soil has
occasioned would have been averted. He has broken up the mountain
reservoirs, the percolation of whose waters through unseen channels
supplied the fountains that refreshed his cattle and fertilized his
fields; but he has neglected to maintain the cisterns and the canals of
irrigation which a wise antiquity had constructed to neutralize the
consequences of its own imprudence. While he has torn the thin glebe
which confined the light earth of extensive plains, and has destroyed
the fringe of semi-aquatic plants which skirted the coast and checked
the drifting of the sea sand, he has failed to prevent the spreading of
the dunes by clothing them with artificially propagated vegetation. He
has ruthlessly warred on all the tribes of animated nature whose spoil
he could convert to his own uses, and he has not protected the birds
which prey on the insects most destructive to his own harvests.
Purely untutored humanity, it is true, interferes comparatively little
with the arrangements of nature, [Footnote: It is an interesting and not
hitherto sufficiently noticed fact, that the domestication of the
organic world, so far as it has yet been achieved, belongs, not indeed
to the savage state, but to the earliest dawn of civilization, the
conquest of inorganic nature almost as exclusively to the most advanced
stages of artificial culture. Civilization has added little to the
number of vegetable or animal species grown in our fields or bred in our
folds--the cranberry and the wild grape being almost the only plants
which the Anglo-American has reclaimed out of our most native flora and
added to his harvests--while, on the contrary, the subjugation of the
inorganic forces, and the consequent extension of man's sway over, not
the annual products of the earth only, but her substance and her springs
of action, is almost entirely the work of highly refined and cultivated
ages. The employment of the elasticity of wood and of horn, as a
projectile power in the bow, is nearly universal among the rudest
savages. The application of compressed air to the same purpose, in the
blowpipe, is more restricted, and the use of the mechanical powers, the
inclined plane, the wheel and axle, and even the wedge and lever, seems
almost unknown except to civilized man. I have myself seen European
peasants to whom one of the simplest applications of this latter power
was a revelation.
It is familiarly known to all who have occupied themselves with the
psychology and habits of the ruder races, and of persons with
imperfectly developed intellects in civilized life, that although these
humble tribes and individuals sacrifice, without scruple, the lives of
the lower animals to the gratification of their appetites and the supply
of their other physical wants, yet they nevertheless seem to cherish
with brutes, and even with vegetable life, sympathies which are much
more feebly felt by civilized men. The popular traditions of the simpler
peoples recognize a certain community of nature between man, brute
animals, and even plants; and this serves to explain why the apologue or
fable, which ascribes the power of speech and the faculty of reason to
birds, quadrupeds, insects, flowers, and trees, is one of the earliest
forms of literary composition.
In almost every wild tribe, some particular quadruped or bird, though
persecuted as a destroyer of other animals more useful to man, or hunted
for food, is regarded with peculiar respect, one might almost say,
affection. Some of the North American aboriginal nations celebrate a
propitiatory feast to the manes of the intended victim before they
commence a bear hunt; and the Norwegian peasantry have not only retained
an old proverb which ascribes to the same animal "ti Maends Styrke og
tolo Maends Vid," ten men's strength and twelve men's cunning, but they
still pay to him something of the reverence with which ancient
superstition invested him. The student of Icelandic literature will find
in the saga of Finnbogi hinn rami a curious illustration of this
feeling, in an account of a dialogue between a Norwegian bear and an
Icelandic champion--dumb show on the part of Bruin, and chivalric words
on that of Finnbogi--followed by a duel, in which the latter, who had
thrown away his arms and armor in order that the combatants might meet
on equal terms, was victorious. See also Friis, Lappisk Mythologi,
Christiania, 1871, section 37, and the earlier authors there cited.
Drummond Hay's very interesting work on Morocco contains many amusing
notices of a similar feeling entertained by the Moors towards the
redoubtable enemy of their flocks--the lion.
This sympathy helps us to understand how it is that most if not all the
domestic animals--if indeed they ever existed in a wild state--were
appropriated, reclaimed and trained before men had been gathered into
organized and fixed communities, that almost every known esculent plant
had acquired substantially its present artificial character, and that
the properties of nearly all vegetable drugs and poisons were known at
the remotest period to which historical records reach. Did nature bestow
upon primitive man some instinct akin to that by which she has been
supposed to teach the brute to select the nutritious and to reject the
noxious vegetables indiscriminately mixed in forest and pasture?
This instinct, it must be admitted, is far from infallible, and, as has
been hundreds of times remarked by naturalists, it is in many cases not
an original faculty but an acquired and transmitted habit. It is a fact
familiar to persons engaged in sheep husbandry in New England--and I
have seen it confirmed by personal observation--that sheep bred where
the common laurel, as it is called, Kalmia angustifolia, abounds, almost
always avoid browsing upon the leaves of that plant, while those brought
from districts where laurel is unknown, and turned into pastures where
it grows, very often feed upon it and are poisoned by it. A curious
acquired and hereditary instinct, of a different character, may not
improperly be noticed here. I refer to that by which horses bred in
provinces where quicksands are common avoid their dangers or extricate
themsleves from them. See Bremontier, Memoire sur les Dunes, Annales des
Ponts et Chaussees, 1833; premier semestre, pp. 155-157.
It is commonly said in New England, and I believe with reason, that the
crows of this generation are wiser than their ancestors. Scarecrows
which were effectual fifty yeara ago are no longer respected by the
plunderers of the cornfield, and new terrors must from time to time be
invented for its protection.
Schroeder van der Kolk, in Het Verschil tusschen den Psychischen, Aanleg
van het Dier en van den Mensch, cites many interesting facts respecting
instincts lost, or newly developed and become hereditary, in the lower
animals, and he quotes Aristotle and Pliny as evidence that the common
quadrupeds and fowls of our fields and our poultry yards were much less
perfectly domesticated in their times than long, long ages of servitude
have now made them.
Among other inntances of obliterated instincts, this author states that
in Holland, where, for centuries, the young of the cow has been usually
taken from the dam at birth and fed by hand, calves, even if left with
the mother, make no attempt to suck; while in England, where calves are
not weaned until several weeks old, they resort to the udder as
naturally as the young of wild quadrupeds.-Ziel en Ligchaam, p. 128. n.
Perhaps the half-wild character ascribed by P. Laestadius and other
Swedish writers to the reindeer of Lapland, may be in some degree due to
the comparative shortness of the period during which he has been
partially tamed. The domestic swine bred in the woods of Hungary and the
buffalo of Southern Italy are so wild and savage as to be very dangerous
to all but their keepers. The former have relapsed into their original
condition, the latter, perhaps, have never been fully reclaimed from
it.] and the destructive agency of man becomes more and more energetic
and unsparing as he advances in civilization, until the impoverishment
with which his exhaustion of the natural resources of the soil is
threatening him, at last awakens him to the necessity of preserving what
is left, if not of restoring what has been wantonly wasted. The
wandering savage grows no cultivated vegetable, fells no forest, and
extirpates no useful plant, no noxious weed. If his skill in the chase
enables him to entrap numbers of the animals on which he feeds, he
compensates this loss by destroying also the lion, the tiger, the wolf,
the otter, the seal, and the eagle, thus indirectly protecting the
feebler quadrupeds and fish and fowls, which would otherwise become the
booty of beasts and birds of prey. But with stationary life, or at
latest with the pastoral state, man at once commences an almost
indiscriminate warfare upon all the forms of animal and vegetable
existence around him, and as he advances in civilization, he gradually
eradicates or transforms every spontaneous product of the soil he
occupies. [Footnote: The difference between the relations of savage
life, and of incipient civilization, to nature, is well seen in that
part of the valley of the Mississippi which was once occupied by the
mound builders and afterwards by the far less developed Indian tribes.
When the tillers of the fields, which must have been cultivated to
sustain the large population that once inhabited those regions,
perished, or were driven out, the soil fell back to the normal forest
state, and the savages who succeeded the more advanced race interfered
very little, if at all, with the ordinary course of spontaneous nature.]
Human and Brute Action Compared.
It is maintained by authorities as high as any known to modern science,
that the action of man upon nature, though greater in DEGREE, does not
differ in KIND from that of wild animals. It is perhaps impossible to
establish a radical distinction in genere between the two classes of
effects, but there is an essential difference between the motive of
action which calls out the energies of civilized man and the mere
appetite which controls the life of the beast. The action of man,
indeed, is frequently followed by unforeseen and undesired results, yet
it is nevertheless guided by a self-conscious will aiming as often at
secondary and remote as at immediate objects. The wild animal, on the
other hand, acts instinctively, and, so far as we are able to perceive,
always with a view to single and direct purposes. The backwoodsman and
the beaver alike fell trees; the man that he may convert the forest into
an olive grove that will mature its fruit only for a succeeding
generation, the beaver that he may feed upon the bark of the trees or
use them in the construction of his habitation. The action of brutes
upon the material world is slow and gradual, and usually limited, in any
given case, to a narrow extent of territory. Nature is allowed time and
opportunity to set her restorative powers at work, and the destructive
animal has hardly retired from the field of his ravages before nature
has repaired the damages occasioned by his operations. In fact, he is
expelled from the scene by the very efforts which she makes for the
restoration of her dominion. Man, on the contrary, extends his action
over vast spaces, his revolutions are swift and radical, and his
devastations are, for an almost incalculable time after he has withdrawn
the arm that gave the blow, irreparable. The form of geographical
surface, and very probably the climate of a given country, depend much
on the character of the vegetable life belonging to it. Man has, by
domestication, greatly changed the habits and properties of the plants
he rears; he has, by voluntary selection, immensely modified the forms
and qualities of the animated creatures that serve him; and he has, at
the same time, completely rooted out many forms of animal if not of
vegetable being. [Footnote: Whatever may be thought of the modification
of organic species by natural selection, there is certainly no evidence
that animals have exerted upon any form of life an influence analogous
to that of domestication upon plants, quadrupeds, and birds reared
artificially by man; and this is as true of unforeseen as of purposely
effected improvements accomplished by voluntary selection of breeding
animals.
It is true that nature employs birds and quadrupeds for the
dissemination of vegetable and even of animal species. But when the bird
drops the seed of a fruit it has swallowed, and when the sheep
transports in its fleece the seed-vessel of a burdock from the plain to
the mountain, its action is purely mechanical and unconscious, and does
not differ from that of the wind in producing the same effect.] What is
there, in the influence of brute life, that corresponds to this We have
no reason to believe that, in that portion of the American continent
which, though peopled by many tribes of quadruped and fowl, remained
uninhabited by man or only thinly occupied by purely, savage tribes, any
sensible geographical change had occurred within twenty centuries before
the epoch of discovery and colonization, while, during the same period,
man had changed millions of square miles, in the fairest and most
fertile regions of the Old World, into the barrenest deserts. The
ravages committed by man subvert the relations and destroy the balance
which nature had established between her organized and her inorganic
creations, and she avenges herself upon the intruder, by letting loose
upon her defaced provinces destructive energies hitherto kept in check
by organic forces destined to be his best auxiliaries, but which he has
unwisely dispersed and driven from the field of action. When the forest
is gone, the great reservoir of moisture stored up in its vegetable
mould is evaporated, and returns only in deluges of rain to wash away
the parched dust into which that mould has been converted. The
well-wooded and humid hills are turned to ridges of dry rock, which
encumbers the low grounds and chokes the watercourses with its debris,
and--except in countries favored with an equable distribution of rain
through the seasons, and a moderate and regular inclination of
surface--the whole earth, unless rescued by human art from the physical
degradation to which it tends, becomes an assemblage of bald mountains,
of barren, turfless hills, and of swampy and malarious plains. There are
parts of Asia Minor, of Northern Africa, of Greece, and even of Alpine
Europe, where the operation of causes set in action by man has brought
the face of the earth to a desolation almost as complete as that of the
moon; and though, within that brief space of time which we call "the
historical period," they are known to have been covered with luxuriant
woods, verdant pastures, and fertile meadows, they are now too far
deteriorated to be reclaimable by man, nor can they become again fitted
for human use, except through great geological changes, or other
mysterious influences or agencies of which we have no present knowledge,
and over which we have no prospective control. The earth is fast
becoming an unfit home for its noblest inhabitant, and another era of
equal human crime and human improvidence, and of like duration with that
through which traces of that crime and that improvidence extend, would
reduce it to such a condition of impoverished productiveness, of
shattered surface, of climatic excess, as to threaten the depravation,
barbarism, and perhaps even extinction of the species. [Footnote:
---"And it may be remarked that, as the world has passed through these
several stages of strife to produce a Christendom, so by relaxing in the
enterprises it has learnt, does it tend downwards, through inverted
steps, to wildness and the waste again. Let a people give up their
contest with moral evil; disregard the injustice, the ignorance, the
greediness, that may prevail among them, and part more and more with the
Christian element of their civilization; and in declining this battle
with sin, they will inevitably get embroiled with men. Threats of war
and revolution punish their unfaithfulness; and if then, instead of
retracing their steps, they yield again, and are driven before the
storm, the very arts they had created, the structures they had raised,
the usages they had established, are swept away; 'in that very day their
thoughts perish.' The portion they had reclaimed from the young earth's
ruggedness is lost; and failing to stand fast against man, they finally
get embroiled with nature, and are thrust down beneath her ever-living
hand .-Martineau's Sermon, "The Good Soldier of Jesus Christ."]
Physical Improvement.
True, there is a partial reverse to this picture. On narrow theatres,
new forests have been planted; inundations of flowing streams restrained
by heavy walls of masonry and other constructions; torrents compelled to
aid, by depositing the slime with which they are charged, in filling up
lowlands, and raising the level of morasses which their own overflows
had created; ground submerged by the encroachments of the ocean, or
exposed to be covered by its tides, has been rescued from its dominion
by diking; swamps and even lakes have been drained, and their beds
brought within the domain of agricultural industry; drifting coast dunes
have been checked and made productive by plantation; seas and inland
waters have been repeopled with fish, and even the sands of the Sahara
have been fertilized by artesian fountains. These achievements are more
glorious than the proudest triumphs of war, but, thus far, they give but
faint hope that we shall yet make full atonement for our spendthrift
waste of the bounties of nature. [Footnote: The wonderful success which
has attended the measures for subduing torrents and preventing
inundations employed in Southern France since 1863 and described in
Chapter III., post, ought to be here noticed as a splendid and most
encouraging example of well-directed effort in the way of physical
restoration.]
Limits Of Human Power.
It is on the one hand, rash and unphilosophical to attempt to set limits
to the ultimate power of man over inorganic nature, and it is
unprofitable, on the other, to speculate on what may be accomplished by
the discovery of now unknown and unimagined natural forces, or even by
the invention of new arts and new processes. But since we have seen
aerostation, the motive power of elastic vapors, the wonders of modern
telegraphy, the destructive explosiveness of gunpowder, of
nitro-glycerine, and even of a substance so harmless, unresisting, and
inert as cotton, there is little in the way of mechanical achievement
which seems hopelessly impossible, and it is hard to restrain the
imagination from wandering forward a couple of generations to an epoch
when our descendants shall have advanced as far beyond us in physical
conquest, as we have marched beyond the trophies erected by our
grandfathers. There are, nevertheless, in actual practice, limits to the
efficiency of the forces which we are now able to bring into the field,
and we must admit that, for the present, the agencies known to man and
controlled by him are inadequate to the reducing of great Alpine
precipices to such slopes as would enable them to support a vegetable
clothing, or to the covering of large extents of denuded rock with
earth, and planting upon them a forest growth. Yet among the mysteries
which science is hereafter to reveal, there may be still undiscovered
methods of accomplishing even grander wonders than these. Mechanical
philosophers have suggested the possibility of accumulating and
treasuring up for human use some of the greater natural forces, which
the action of the elements puts forth with such astonishing energy.
Could we gather, and bind, and make subservient to our control, the
power which a West Indian hurricane exerts through a small area in one
continuous blast, or the momentum expended by the waves in a tempestuous
winter, upon the breakwater at Cherbourg, [Footnote: In heavy storms,
the force of the waves as they strike against a sea-wall is from one and
a half to two tons to the square foot, and Stevenson, in one instance at
Skerryvore and in another at the Bell Rock lighthouse, found this force
equal to nearly three tons per foot. The seaward front of the breakwater
at Cherbourg exposes a surface about 2,500,000 square feet. In rough
weather the waves beat against this whole face, though at the depth of
twenty-two yards, which is the height of the breakwater, they exert a
very much less violent motive force than at and near the surface of the
sea, because this force diminishes in geometrical, and the distance
below the surface increases in arithmetical, proportion. The shock of
the waves is received several thousand times in the course of twenty
four hours, and hence the sum of impulse which the breakwater resists in
one stormy day amounts to many thousands of millions of tons. The
breakwater is entirely an artificial construction. If then man could
accumulate and control the forces which he is able effectually to
resist, he might be said to be physically speaking, omnipotent.] or the
lifting power of the tide, for a month, at the head of the Bay of Fundy,
or the pressure of a square mile of sea water at the depth of five
thousand fathoms, or a moment of the might of an earthquake or a
volcano, our age--which moves no mountains and casts them into the sea
by faith alone--might hope to scarp the ragged walls of the Alps and
Pyrenees and Mount Taurus, robe them once more in a vegetation as rich
as that of their pristine woods, and turn their wasting torrents into
refreshing streams. [Footnote: Some well-known experiments show that it
is quite possible to accumulate the solar heat by a simple apparatus,
and thus to obtain a temperature which might be economically important
even in the climate of Switzerland. Saussure, by receiving the sun's
rays in a nest of boxes blackened within and covered with glass, raised
a thermometer enclosed in the inner box to the boiling point; and under
the more powerful sun of the Cape of Good Hope, Sir John Hershel cooked
the materials for a family dinner by a similar process, using however,
but at single box, surrounded with dry sand and covered with two
glasses. Why should not so easy a method of economizing fuel be resorted
to in Italy, in Spain, and even in more northerly climate The
unfortunate John Davidson records in his journal that he saved fuel in
Morocco by exposing his teakettle to the sun on the roof of his house,
where the water rose to the temperature of one hundred and forty
degrees, and, of course, needed little fire to bring it to boil. But
this was the direct and simple, not the concentrated or accumulated heat
of the sun.
On the utilizing of the solar heat, simply as heat, see the work of
Mouchot, La Chaleur solaire et ses applications industrielles. Paris,
1860.
The reciprocal convertibility of the natural forces has suggested the
possibility of advantageously converting the heat of the sun into
mechanical power. Ericsson calculates that in all latitudes between the
equator and 45 degrees, a hundred square feet of surface exposed to the
solar rays develop continuously, for nine hours a day on an average,
eight and one fifth horse-power.
I do not know that any attempts have been made to accumulate and store
up, for use at pleasure, force derived from this powerful source.] Could
this old world, which man has overthrown, be rebuilded, could human
cunning rescue its wasted hillsides and its deserted plains from
solitude or mere nomade occupation, from barrenness, from nakedness, and
from insalubrity, and restore the ancient fertility and healthfulness of
the Etruscan sea coast, the Campagna and the Pontine marshes, of
Calabria, of Sicily, of the Peloponnesus and insular and continental
Greece, of Asia Minor, of the slopes of Lebanon and Hermon, of
Palestine, of the Syrian desert, of Mesopotamia and the delta of the
Euphrates, of the Cyrenaica, of Africa proper, Numidia, and Mauritania,
the thronging millions of Europe might still find room on the Eastern
continent, and the main current of emigration be turned towards the
rising instead of the setting sun.
But changes like these must await not only great political and moral
revolutions in the governments and peoples by whom these regions are now
possessed, but, especially, a command of pecuniary and of mechanical
means not at present enjoyed by these nations, and a more advanced and
generally diffused knowledge of the processes by which the amelioration
of soil and climate is possible than now anywhere exists. Until such
circumstances shall conspire to favor the work of geographical
regeneration, the countries I have mentioned, with here and there a
local exception, will continue to sink into yet deeper desolation, and
in the meantime the American continent, Southern Africa, Australia, New
Zealand, and the smaller oceanic islands, will be almost the only
theatres where man is engaged, on a great scale, in transforming the
face of nature.
IMPORTANCE OF PHYSICAL CONSERVATION, AND RESTORATION.
Comparatively short as is the period through which the colonization of
foreign lands by European emigrants extends, great and, it is to be
feared, sometimes irreparable injury has already been done in the
various processes by which man seeks to subjugate the virgin earth; and
many provinces, first trodden by the homo sapiens Europae within the
last two centuries, begin to show signs of that melancholy dilapidation
which is now driving so many of the peasantry of Europe from their
native hearths. It is evidently a matter of great moment, not only to
the population of the states where these symptoms are manifesting
themselves, but to the general interests of humanity, that this decay
should be arrested, and that the future operations of rural husbandry
and of forest industry, in districts yet remaining substantially in
their native condition, should be so conducted as to prevent the
widespread mischiefs which have been elsewhere produced by thoughtless
or wanton destruction of the natural safeguards of the soil. This can be
done only by the diffusion of knowledge on this subject among the
classes that, in earlier days, subdued and tilled ground in which they
had no vested rights, but who, in our time, own their woods, their
pastures, and their ploughlands as a perpetual possession for them and
theirs, and have, therefore, a strong interest in the protection of
their domain against deterioration.
PHYSICAL RESTORATION.
Many circumstances conspire to invest with great present interest the
questions: how far man can permanently modify and ameliorate those
physical conditions of terrestrial surface and climate on which his
material welfare depends; how far he can compensate, arrest, or retard
the deterioration which many of his agricultural and industrial
processes tend to produce; and how far he can restore fertility and
salubrity to soil which his follies or his crimes have made barren or
pestilential. Among these circumstances, the most prominent, perhaps, is
the necessity of providing new homes for a European population which is
increasing more rapidly than its means of subsistence, new physical
comforts for classes of the people that have now become too much
enlightened and have imbibed too much culture to submit to a longer
deprivation of a share in the material enjoyments which the privileged
ranks have hitherto monopolized.