CHAPTER XVIII.

_REPULSE OF GENERAL WHITELOCKE AT BUENOS AYRES._

1806-1807.

[Sidenote: 1805.]

Spain having taken part with Napoleon against the English, by granting

the former a monthly subsidy, gave the latter power to make reprisals on

the Spanish colonies. The first act of war was the seizure of four

transports coming from _La Plata_--an act which decided Charles IV. to

declare himself openly the ally of Napoleon in the war, which

declaration was followed by the destruction of the Spanish fleet by

Nelson at Trafalgar. To this disaster may in a great measure be traced

the facility with which the Spanish possessions in South America were

subsequently enabled to throw off the yoke of Spain.

At the time when Nelson and the waves were accomplishing their work of

destruction the English Government despatched to the Southern Atlantic a

force of six thousand six hundred and fifty men, under the orders of Sir

David Baird. The destination of this expedition was kept a secret, but

it took the direction of _Brazil_, then in alliance with England.

Sobremonte, the ninth Viceroy of _La Plata_, when he heard of the

arrival of this force at _Rio de Janeiro_, became alarmed for the safety

of the provinces under his charge, and judged it probable that the

English would in the first instance attack _Monte Video_. He therefore

transported thither all his available troops, abandoning _Buenos Ayres_

to the care of the local militia of that place; but scarcely had he

completed his preparations for the defence of the Uruguayan capital,

when he learnt that the English had turned their prows in the direction

of the Cape of Good Hope, which important position they wrested from

Holland. The Viceroy breathed again, and returned to _Buenos Ayres_.

It was at that time the prevailing opinion in England that the Spanish

colonies in the southern continent of America were as anxious to throw

off the yoke of the mother country as had been her own colonies on the

northern continent to free themselves from their connection with Great

Britain; and this opinion was confirmed by General Miranda, a native of

_New Granada_, who had been long resident in England. This officer, who

had been banished from France, succeeded in persuading the English

Government that they had only to show themselves on the Southern

Atlantic and Pacific to be hailed as liberators. The assurance was the

more welcome in that the spoil was tempting, for South America was still

the land of gold and silver.

From the Cape of Good Hope it seemed feasible enough to make a dash on

_La Plata_. Even should it not be successful, it would at any rate

create alarm in Spain, and compel that country to weaken its strength at

home by sending out reinforcements to its transatlantic dominions.

Accordingly Sir David Baird and Admiral Popham, who commanded the fleet,

resolved to send a limited force to _Buenos Ayres_, which place they

were assured by an American officer recently arrived from there was not

in a condition to offer resistance, since Sobremonte had removed the

garrison to _Monte Video_. Sir Home Popham took the command of the

flotilla, on which were embarked one thousand six hundred and

thirty-five men under the orders of General Beresford.

[Sidenote: 1806.]

On the 6th of June 1806, the squadron arrived at the mouth of the

_Plata_, which stream the vessels had some difficulty in ascending; and

it was only on the 25th that they were able to come to anchor near the

village of _Quilmes_, at a distance of fifteen miles to the south of

_Buenos Ayres_. The Viceroy had, on the 17th of the month, learned of

the presence of the fleet in the river, and he had forthwith commenced

his preparations for defence; but, owing to the impossibility of

communicating with _Monte Video_,--since the English were masters of the

river,--he could do no more than muster the militia and transport the

contents of the treasury to _Lujan_, a small town at some miles’

distance in the interior.

On the 25th, the English disembarked without resistance, and throughout

that night the alarm-bell at _Buenos Ayres_ sounded unceasingly. The

Viceroy, realizing the uselessness of resistance, now thought only of

preparing to depart; but at daybreak a body of seven hundred horsemen

with six pieces of artillery, hastily gathered together and badly armed,

advanced towards the hostile force. This demonstration, however, did not

survive the first fire of the English skirmishers; the seven hundred

horsemen dispersed, leaving half of their artillery behind them, and

Beresford met with no further resistance on his march to the suburb of

_Barracas_, where he encamped on the evening of the 26th.

On the same night the Viceroy abandoned the city and set out with his

family for the interior; when the remaining Spanish authorities thought

only of capitulating. General Quintana, who commanded the militia, drew

up some conditions which he sent to Beresford, whose troops were already

in movement, and who, without halting, replied verbally that he would

grant what was required of him after he had taken possession of the

town. At three o’clock in the afternoon his force occupied the principal

square and the fort, on which the English flag now replaced that of

Spain.

Next day the municipality received orders to hand over to the English

the public treasury as well as the money which the Viceroy had sent to

_Lujan_, the commander giving it to be understood that this treasure was

the price exacted for exempting _Buenos Ayres_ from pillage. With this

possibility before them, the municipality hastened to beg Sobremonte not

to prolong a useless resistance and to accept the terms offered. The

terms were accepted, and an English officer was sent with an escort to

_Lujan_, whence, on the 5th of July, he returned with four cars, bearing

half a million of silver pieces, which treasure was forthwith

transported on board the “Narcissus,” the flag-ship of Sir Home Popham.

This ransom money, together with all that found in the public offices,

was sent to London, and deposited with great ceremony in the Bank of

England.

The English general now announced the conditions to be granted to the

conquered, who were required, in the first instance, to swear allegiance

to George III. The Catholic religion might be freely professed; private

property would be respected; all merchant-ships taken in the port would

be restored; commerce would be free as in English colonies; and civil

and judicial authorities who should swear allegiance to England should

be permitted to retain their functions.

But, notwithstanding the seemingly complete submission, the great

majority of the people of _Buenos Ayres_ were not the mere passive

spectators which they appeared. The greater proportion of the public

_employés_ took the required oath of allegiance; the colonial society

opened its _salons_ to the English officers, and the _Porteña_ beauties

were not displeased to number them amongst their admirers; but the

townspeople in general could not tamely reconcile themselves to see

their city, with its seventy-two thousand inhabitants, at the mercy of a

paltry force of sixteen hundred men.

The Viceroy, Sobremonte, having tried in vain to assemble the militia,

set out for _Cordova_, to which place he announced he had transferred

the capital. General Beresford, on his part, was so sensible of the

weakness of his position that he lost no time in begging Sir David Baird

to send a reinforcement to enable him to retain his conquest. He

likewise thought of seizing _Monte Video_; but, as this place was

garrisoned by regular troops, he did not flatter himself with the idea

that it would fall into his hands as easily as had _Buenos Ayres_, the

malcontents of which latter place had a round-about means of

communication with the royal troops by way of _S. Fernando_, the islands

and the _Uruguay_.

The Spanish colonies of South America had been so treated throughout by

the mother country as mere political children, that the people of

_Buenos Ayres_, although they saw the disgrace of the position in which

they were placed, were almost incapable of the political vigour

necessary for the effort to escape from it. What they wanted above all

was a leader; and had they depended solely on colonial genius at this

juncture it is very unlikely that General Beresford would have been

disturbed in his possession, or at least that any local leader would

have been found with the necessary qualities to effect a successful

revolt. But the needful leading spirit was found in the person of a

Frenchman.

Jacques Liniers had been thirty years in the service of Spain. He had

for some time occupied the post of governor of _Misiones_, and at the

time of the English invasion was captain of the small port of

_Enseñada_. He was brave, active, and enterprising, but somewhat apt to

be carried away, and without much solidity of character. On learning the

triumph of the English, he had asked and had obtained permission to

visit his family at _Buenos Ayres_, but had declined to take the oath of

allegiance. It was easy for him to perceive that the common people did

not accept the foreign domination with the same resignation which was

displayed by the wealthier colonists, who had much to lose in the case

of a continuance of military operations; he likewise realized the fact

that the _gauchos_ of the surrounding _pampas_ might materially aid a

movement which should take the shape of partisan warfare in which they

might fight after their own loose fashion. By good luck and a little

daring he might easily get the better of an enemy so inconsiderable in

number.

Having arranged his plan of action, and acting in accord with _Señor_

Puirredon and other _Creole_ patriots, Liniers quietly quitted _Buenos

Ayres_ and made the journey to _Monte Video_, where he communicated his

project to General Huïdobro, who commanded there, and from whom he asked

some troops, by whose aid he assured him he would compel the English to

re-embark. Huïdobro was willing to aid these patriots with all the

resources in his power; and Puirredon and two others were sent into the

country in different directions to arrange for a rising. At the same

time a small force of regular soldiers, placed under the orders of

Liniers, marched for _Colonia_, opposite to _Buenos Ayres_, where it was

awaited by a flotilla of light boats such as might easily evade the

English vessels in the shallow waters of the _Plata_. Under a thick fog

the flotilla crossed to the right bank, and the men disembarked at

twenty-one miles to the north of the capital.

Meanwhile Puirredon with some raw forces had encountered the English. A

small column of five hundred men and three guns had been sent by

Beresford to drive the insurgents from _Moron_ and other small villages

where they had assembled. At the first fire the untrained levies were

scattered; but the practised horsemen merely continued to circle round

the enemy, and in this manner accidentally arrived near one of the

field-pieces, of which by a sudden charge they were able to obtain

possession. The English column returned to _Buenos Ayres_ much

chagrined at this misfortune at the hands of an enemy which they had no

means of overtaking.

When Liniers arrived at _San Fernando_ he found the _gauchos_ all

excitement at the piece of luck which had befallen them, and which

revealed to them their own value in partisan warfare against the

English. His small force was composed of sixty-six grenadiers, two

hundred and twenty-seven dragoons, a hundred and fifty-eight volunteers,

a hundred and forty Catalonians, a hundred artillerymen, three hundred

Spanish seamen, sixty seamen from the islands, and seventy-three men

belonging to a French privateer, who wished to take part in the affair;

in all, of eleven hundred and twenty-four men, with two large guns and

four small pieces. After the _gaucho_ success, however, he had good

reason to believe that he would be joined by numerous recruits, and he

therefore boldly marched on _Buenos Ayres_.

On the afternoon of the 10th of August he reached the northern suburb,

and with such despatch had his operations been conducted that up till

now the English had had no notice of his proceedings. His

prognostication had been correct as to his receiving recruits, for his

little army was already nearly tripled in number; but unfortunately most

of the new arrivals were without arms. Such volunteers, however, besides

giving his force the appearance of being more formidable than it really

was, were of use in the way of contributing to the transport.

On the morning of the 11th, Liniers sent a flag of truce to Beresford,

requiring him to surrender. On receiving his reply in the negative, the

colonists resolutely entered the town, and took possession of an edifice

in which they established their headquarters; and the English, beset on

all sides, were obliged to concentrate their defence in the central

square and the neighbouring streets. On the morning of the 12th the

Catalonian sharp-shooters, together with the men of the French

privateer, penetrated as far as the cathedral, the front of which looked

on the square. Then commenced a general street-fight, in which regular

troops are under many disadvantages. From the balconies and the

flat-roofs of the houses there rained on the English a shower of

missiles of all sorts. They were driven back into the square and were

forced to abandon the neighbouring streets.

Having thus cleared his way, Liniers was enabled to bring up his

artillery and to pour small shot into the English as they were packed

round the fort. It was then that Captain Kennet of the Engineers,

General Beresford’s secretary, fell at the side of his chief. The noise

of the firing and the cries of some fifteen thousand men who took part

in the struggle were so deafening as to prevent the orders of the

officers from being heard; and Beresford perceived that it was necessary

to retreat within the fort, which he was the last of his force to enter.

A well-sustained fusillade proved fatal to all such as showed themselves

above the ramparts, which in addition were commanded by the flat roofs

of the houses, whose inmates might fire in perfect safety on the devoted

English. Thus, seeing resistance useless, Beresford ordered a flag of

truce to be hoisted; but this signal not being understood or regarded by

the assailants, and the fire continuing, the Spanish flag was raised and

the future victor of Albuera, showing himself upon the rampart, flung

his sword into the ditch, whereupon the firing ceased.

Liniers readily granted his brave adversary all the honours of war. An

hour later the English general and his staff, together with the 71st

regiment, whose colours bore the names of various actions in the United

States and also of _Saint Jean d’Acre_, had to lay down their arms and

standards before the raw forces of the Gascon, by which they were

marched in line, and whose prisoners of war they remained. The English

occupation of _Buenos Ayres_ had lasted forty-seven days. Its abrupt

termination was chiefly due to the utter absence of any

intelligence-department in the occupying force. It is difficult to

attach blame to General Beresford in this or indeed in any other

respect. He had, in obedience to superior orders, undertaken an

enterprise for which the force at his disposal was utterly inadequate,

and so rapid were the movements of Liniers that he could not possibly

anticipate his coming at the head of an expedition capable of opposing

him. Even had he anticipated his arrival it is not easy to see what he

could have done, quartered as he was in a little fort commanded on three

sides by the houses of a hostile town, which had so well disguised its

hostility as to afford him no pretext for treating it in an unfriendly

manner. Had he adopted the alternative course of destroying all the

houses whose vicinity to the fort endangered his position, he would

have, doubtless, raised the population against him, and would have found

it impossible to obtain provisions for his troops. As it was, he saw the

insecurity of his position and had demanded succours from the Cape of

Good Hope; but the intelligence and activity of Liniers anticipated

their arrival.

This victory on the part of the inhabitants of a province, unaided by

Spain, had immense results, since it showed the colonists at the same

time their own strength and the inability of the mother country to

defend them. Liniers had in fact, to use the words of Mr. Canning,

called a new world into existence.

* * * * *

After the surrender of Beresford the city of _Buenos Ayres_ assumed

control of its own destinies. The fugitive Viceroy, Sobremonte, who, had

he acted from the first with decision, would have placed himself at the

head of the armed forces at _Monte Video_, and there raised the national

standard, had at length succeeded in assembling a militia force with

which he advanced to the capital. But his evident incapacity had made

him odious to the people of _Buenos Ayres_; and these, elated by their

triumph, resolved no longer to submit to his authority. The municipality

summoned the principal inhabitants for the purpose of choosing a new

government. On the 14th of August, two days after the surrender of

Beresford, the meeting took place. But the citizens had scarcely

assembled when the hall was crowded by the people, who with one voice

demanded the election of Liniers. This selection made, a commission was

appointed to notify to Sobremonte that he was no longer chief of the

provinces of _La Plata_.

Sobremonte, on receiving this information, had nothing better to do than

to betake himself to _Monte Video_, where his militia forces might be of

use in defending that place, which was still menaced by the fleet of

Admiral Popham. The representatives of _Buenos Ayres_, foreseeing the

probability of a future visit from the English, now decided that their

town should be put in a state of defence forthwith. The people had

already grasped the idea that they could govern themselves better than

could Spain, and likewise that they were better qualified to select a

suitable governor than was the court of Madrid. Nevertheless, as yet no

one thought of raising his voice in favour of a separation from the

mother country.

But Liniers was not long in realizing the fact that, although he had

been elected Viceroy, the people who had elected him were nevertheless

his masters; and he was compelled to withdraw the concessions which in a

spirit of soldier-like generosity he had granted to Beresford and his

men. When things had calmed down a little, the municipality had leisure

to reflect that it might be well to send some explanation to Spain

regarding the events which had occurred; and the envoy chosen for this

purpose was Puirredon, who could claim the honour of having captured

the first English piece of artillery taken. There were indeed already

two parties in _Buenos Ayres_; the one that of Liniers, who as Viceroy

represented the Spanish Government, and the other that of Puirredon, who

represented the colonial democracy; and this rivalry was sedulously

taken advantage of by those who aimed at the independence of the colony,

and whose spokesman was Moreno. These men suggested that the new

battalions to be enrolled for the defence of _Buenos Ayres_ should be

pledged to that province as a nationality. Four battalions of infantry

were formed, and amongst the local militia was a corps of mulattoes and

negroes, whilst there were six squadrons of _gaucho_ cavalry.

[Sidenote: 1806.]

Whilst thus in the lower Platine provinces all was preparation for the

struggle which every one foresaw, in England bright hopes were built on

the capture of the South-American city whose loss was not yet known. Sir

David Baird, who was still at the Cape of Good Hope, received orders to

reinforce Beresford with fourteen hundred men; and on the 11th of

October, 1806, a squadron, commanded by Admiral Sterling, and carrying

four thousand three hundred and fifty soldiers, under the orders of Sir

Samuel Auchmuty, set sail for the _Plata_. On the 12th of November,

another expedition of four thousand three hundred and ninety-one men,

under the command of General Crawford, set out for _Chili_. The fourteen

hundred men from the Cape of Good Hope reached the River _Plate_ after

the surrender of Beresford, and when Admiral Popham had realized that it

was of no use to think of retaking that town. Even _Monte Video_ was by

this time so well prepared that it was impossible for him to reduce that

place with the insufficient forces at his disposal. He therefore thought

fit to land at _Maldonado_, a small harbour on the left side of the

river, where he disembarked his men, and awaited an addition to his

strength.

No sooner was the defeat of Beresford known in England than the ministry

despatched a fast vessel from Portsmouth with orders to General Crawford

to join Sir Samuel Auchmuty; whilst, shortly afterwards, a third body,

consisting of sixteen hundred and thirty picked troops, set out under

the orders of Lieutenant-General John Whitelocke, who was to assume the

command-in-chief of the united English forces in _La Plata_, whose

number would amount to twelve thousand men, supported by a fleet of

eighteen men-of-war, together with eighty transports.

[Sidenote: 1807.]

General Auchmuty was the first to arrive. Taking with him the fourteen

hundred men whom Popham had landed at _Maldonado_, and likewise three

hundred men from the fleet, he invested _Monte Video_ on the 28th of

January. He was attacked by Sobremonte, with some mounted militia, but

who were quickly dispersed, and who retired to _Colonia_. Auchmuty then

established his batteries, and commenced to bombard _Monte Video_ from

the south. On the 2d of February the breach was declared practicable,

and at daylight on the 3d the general ordered an assault.

An English writer, who as a youth was present at the assault on _Monte

Video_, gives a vivid picture of the scene. Arriving with high hopes in

the river _Plata_, in December 1806, the author of “Letters on

_Paraguay_,” and his fellow-travellers, learned to their dismay that

_Buenos Ayres_ had been retaken by the Spaniards, and that General

Beresford and his army were prisoners. Sir Samuel Auchmuty was now

investing _Monte Video_, and, with the exception of the country

immediately around that town, there was no footing for Englishmen in

Spanish America. The “Enterprise” was ordered to proceed to the

roadstead, there, together with hundreds of other ships similarly

situated, to be under the orders of the English admiral.

_Monte Video_ was strongly and regularly fortified. Its harbour

presented a scene of the greatest animation; brigs-of-war were running

close under the walls, and bombarding the citadel from the sea, whilst

thousands of spectators on board ship were tracing, in breathless

suspense, the impression made by every shell upon the town, and by every

ball upon the breach. The frequent _sorties_ made by the Spanish troops,

and the repulses which they sustained, were watched with painful

interest.

At length, one morning before dawn, the breach was enveloped in one

mighty spread of conflagration. The roar of cannon was incessant, and

the atmosphere was one dense mass of smoke, impregnated with the smell

of gunpowder. By the aid of the night-glass, and by the flashes from the

guns, it might be seen that a deadly struggle was going forward on the

walls. It was succeeded by an awful pause; and presently the dawn of day

revealed the British ensign floating from the battlements. The sight was

received by a shout of triumph from the fleet.

That day the travellers might land, and might view the scene of the

terrible carnage which had ensued. The grenadier company of the 40th

regiment, missing the breach, had been annihilated. Colonel Vassall, of

the 38th regiment, had been the first to mount, and whilst waving his

sword had fallen, shot through the heart. The breach had been barricaded

again and again with piles of tallow in skins, and with bullocks’ hides,

which as they gave way carried the assailants with them on to the points

of the enemy’s bayonets. The carnage on both sides was dreadful and was

long uninterrupted; and piles of wounded, or of dead and dying, were to

be seen on every side, whilst sufferers were being conveyed on litters

to the hospitals and churches.

This writer bears the highest testimony to the discipline of the British

troops as well as to the energy and philanthropy of their general, owing

to which a speedy stop was put to the scenes of pillage which

invariably accompany the capture of a fortified city. But to those who

have witnessed the terrible effects produced by a bombardment, it is

astonishing how quickly its results may be made to disappear, and such

was now the case at _Monte Video_. In a week or two, says Mr. Robertson,

the more prominent ravages of war disappeared, and in a month after the

capture the inhabitants were getting as much confidence in their

invaders as could possibly be expected. This early confidence was mainly

attributable to the mild and equitable government of the

commander-in-chief, Sir Samuel Auchmuty, who permitted the civil

institutions of the country to remain unchanged, and who showed the

greatest affability to all classes. The hundreds of vessels in the

harbour now discharged their human freight, who were able somehow to

procure accommodation on shore; and _Monte Video_ soon began to have the

appearance of being an English town, since to its mixed population of

Spaniards, _Creoles_, and Mulattoes were added some four thousand

English soldiers, together with two thousand merchants, traders, and

adventurers of the same nation.

The loss of the Spaniards in the assault had been seven hundred men. The

garrison, together with its commander General Huïdobro, became

prisoners, six hundred of whom were despatched to England. The news of

the capture of _Monte Video_ produced such commotion in _Buenos Ayres_,

that the people who could not yet readily believe that they were not

invincible, chose to impute the blame to Sobremonte. He was accordingly

solemnly deposed by a popular vote, the chief authority being vested in

the High Court of Justice, pending the receipt of orders from Spain,

whither Sobremonte was sent. Thus the province of _Buenos Ayres_ was in

full course of revolution. It was the people who had taken the lead in

every movement which had followed the attack on Beresford; but as they

were acting against the enemies of the King of Spain, everything was

done in the name of that monarch, even to the degradation and dismissal

of his Viceroy. The High Court of Justice, to which was temporarily

confided the executive power, was composed exclusively of Spaniards. The

magistrates, though they did not fail to perceive the revolutionary

tendency of events, were yet aware that the _Creoles_ alone were in a

position to withstand the English; they therefore yielded to the

current. The leaders of the revolutionary party took advantage of the

complaisance of the Spanish authorities; and the municipality, who were

greatly influenced by popular meetings, assumed every day greater

importance.

On the capture of _Monte Video_ the English established themselves in

that most desirable place in a manner which showed that they had every

intention of retaining possession of it. Whilst General Auchmuty

occupied the chief city and likewise _Maldonado_, Colonel Pack had

driven the Spaniards from _Colonia_, and the side of the river _Plata_,

which to-day belongs to the Republic of _Uruguay_, was then in full

English possession. Already the merchant ships thronged the river-side,

carrying more goods than the people could afford to buy. In _Monte

Video_ goods were sold at a hundred per cent. less than the prices

which, owing to Custom-House exactions, they had hitherto commanded.

Even a half-English, half-Spanish journal, called the “The Southern

Star,” was set on foot under English auspices, with a view of

proclaiming the downfall of Spain.

General Whitelocke did not reach the _Plata_ until three months after

the capture of _Monte Video_. He was promptly joined by General

Crawford, who had been overtaken on the Atlantic by the despatch-boat

sent after him. With the united force at his disposal the reconquest of

_Buenos Ayres_ and its territory seemed to the commander-in-chief, as to

everybody else, a very simple affair, as indeed it was. It was

impossible to conceive that where a force of sixteen hundred men had in

the first instance succeeded, one of ten thousand of the same army

should fail. The reason, however, is not far to seek. It lay in the

difference between Beresford and Whitelocke.

The English force was divided into four brigades. The first, composed of

a battalion of rifles and one of infantry of the line, was commanded by

General Crawford; the second, composed of three battalions, was led by

Sir Samuel Auchmuty; the third, of two battalions and a regiment of

dismounted dragoons, was under General Lumley; the fourth, likewise of

two battalions and a regiment of dismounted dragoons, was under Colonel

Mahon. The mounted batteries were kept in reserve, under the immediate

orders of the commander-in-chief. The entire effective force amounted to

nearly ten thousand men, some two thousand having been left for the

defence of Monte Video, together with a small body of militia composed

of all the English residents.

The expedition set out amidst the cheers of the fleet, and on Sunday,

the 28th of June, the troops disembarked at the small port of

_Enseñada_, forty-eight miles south of _Buenos Ayres_. Why a spot so

distant from the city should have been selected it is not easy to

imagine; but this was in accordance with all the subsequent proceedings

of the general. Their landing was unopposed by the Spaniards, who, of

course, anticipated that it would be effected nearer the town, probably

at _Quilmes_, where Beresford had set foot. Without loss of time the

advanced guard, under General Levison Gower, the second in command, was

_en route_, and it was followed by the main body of the army, which

marched without opposition to _Quilmes_. So far, notwithstanding the low

marshy ground and the immense bogs and lakes which intervene between

_Enseñada_ and _Buenos Ayres_, all went well, and it seemed scarcely

possible to anticipate any but a favourable result of the enterprise. As

no communication could be kept between the naval and land forces, the

army had to encumber itself with the immense load of provisions

necessary for the subsistence of ten thousand men during one week. For

hours together the men were up to their middle in water, their artillery

being often swamped in the marshes. Their provisions were scanty and

wet; nor was there any shelter from the intense cold, even the supply of

wine and spirits running short. The troops marched through a desert, the

inhabitants having vanished, together with their horses and cattle.

_Buenos Ayres_ was no longer the timid colonial city which Beresford had

found it. The president of the municipality was _Señor_ Alzaga, an

energetic partisan of the King, and who carried great authority in the

city, where his fortune placed him in the front rank. The people were

armed. The national battalions were animated by the best spirit.

Liniers, always brave, had now to sustain his high reputation and to win

from the Crown the confirmation of the title which he had received from

the people. Their past success gave both chief and soldiers confidence.

They had seen what street-fighting was, and Whitelocke and his men would

have to run the gauntlet of armed streets before reaching the fort.

Such was the spirit by which the colonial forces were animated, when, on

the 1st of July, General Whitelocke reached the village of _Quilmes_,

fifteen miles to the south of the town. A force of six thousand eight

hundred and fifty men, with fifty-three guns, marched out of the town to

defend the passage of the _Riochuelo_. On the succeeding night the two

armies were encamped, respectively, on either bank of the stream which

separated them. Next morning at daybreak the Spaniards were drawn up in

battle order, anticipating an attack from the enemy; but General Gower,

after having exchanged some shots, moved his troops to the left, with

the intention of passing the _Riochuelo_, three miles higher up. Liniers

followed his movement, but he did not arrive in time to interfere with

his effecting the passage. He, however, succeeded in placing himself

between the enemy and the town, near the _Miserere_, on the south-west

of the city.

A combat now took place between the _Creole_ militia and the brigade of

General Crawford; but the discipline of the English troops and their

great superiority in artillery quickly decided the day in their favour.

The _Creoles_ abandoned the field, leaving the whole of their artillery

behind. The colonial force then became divided into two bodies. The

cavalry, passing the English left, gained the plains. Liniers, who now

gave up the town for lost, following the horsemen, gave them orders to

rendezvous at _Chacharita_, a well-known farm three miles to the English

rear. This was a wise measure on the part of the general; for had these

fugitives entered the town they would doubtless have added to the dismay

of the citizens, whilst from this position he could still annoy the

English. The infantry took refuge in _Buenos Ayres_, where the general

feeling had now undergone considerable revulsion. The night was cold and

wet; the fugitives, worn out by the fatigues of the preceding day, were

exhausted and beaten; the general was absent, no one knew where.

And here was renewed the series of infatuated mistakes committed by

General Whitelocke. Instead of pursuing the broken enemy and taking

advantage of their panic, he allowed them a night of repose, during

which the energy of Alzaga was able in a great measure to repair the

disastrous effects of the rout of _Miserere_. The chief of the

municipality had not allowed himself to be carried away by the despair

of the troops in the absence of the governor; he rather felt stimulated

to increased energy. By his orders the soldiers were carefully tended in

the municipality and in the barracks, and were cheered with the hope of

better fortune in the future. Alzaga likewise caused ditches to be dug

in the streets round the principal parade, facing the fort. He also sent

messengers to Liniers, who, making a long detour,

[Illustration: BUENOS-AYRES

1807.]

succeeded in throwing himself into the town together with his horsemen.

On the morning of the 2nd of July, _Buenos Ayres_ was already in a state

of defence. The troops were distributed on the roofs of the churches, on

the terraces of the houses, and on the balconies; whilst some pieces of

artillery were put in position behind the ditches and behind the

barricades which had been erected round the parade and round an open

space called the _Retiro_. Thus when General Gower, who led the advanced

guard, summoned the town to surrender, the aspect of affairs was

entirely changed from that of the preceding evening; confidence had

succeeded discouragement, and good hopes were entertained of yet saving

the town. Alzaga replied, that he would not listen to any proposition

for the surrender of the garrison.

Under these circumstances the English had to consider their mode of

attack, and they employed the following day in making their

preparations. On the 4th, the garrison made a _sortie_, and compelled

their assailants to abandon some houses in the suburbs where they had

taken shelter. There was also a slight encounter between the 88th

regiment and one of mulattoes. The result of these two slight affairs

did not fail to encourage the Spaniards.

_Buenos Ayres_, according to a plan before me, at that time consisted of

twenty-four square blocks of buildings of a hundred and fifty yards on

every side, to the east of the centre parade facing the fort, and of six

complete blocks of the same dimensions, together with a number of

incomplete ones, lying in the opposite direction. The back of the fort

faced the river, having six square blocks to the east and four to the

west. The city being laid out on a perfectly regular plan, was divided

by parallel streets cutting each other in prolonged lines between the

various square blocks of buildings. The central space in front of the

fort would have held four blocks; that is to say, it was about three

hundred and fifteen yards square. The city was entirely blockaded from

the side of the river, and General Whitelocke had the means at his

disposal of blockading it in like manner on the other three sides, and

thus of very quickly starving it into submission without striking a

blow. Since he had failed to take it by a _coup de main_ after the fight

of _Miserere_, this would have been his simplest plan, more especially

in view of Beresford’s disastrous experience of street-fighting. It

would likewise have had the advantage of being unattended by any

appreciable loss of life. He might, on the other hand, have bombarded

the town, since its garrison refused to surrender; or, he might have

advanced by degrees, clearing out each square block of houses as he

proceeded, and making each a ground from which to operate on the next.

But General Whitelocke seemed infatuated, and left no one thing undone

to play into the enemy’s hands. Having given orders that his troops

should not load their pieces, lest they might be tempted to delay for

the purpose of returning the enemy’s fire, he divided his entire force

into eight bodies, who should penetrate simultaneously into the town,

and, disregarding the street-fire which was sure to be poured upon them

from the tops of the flat-roofed houses, should make straight for the

river, whence, turning to the right and to the left, respectively, they

should make for the central parade and occupy the highest buildings.

In accordance with the above plan, the 45th regiment, which was on the

right, penetrated without difficulty to the _Residencia_, of which it

took possession. The light division, composed of rifles and light

infantry, notwithstanding a hail of balls which fell on it from the

balconies, windows and roofs, was able to arrive in front of the

Dominicans’ convent; and, breaking open the gates, the men penetrated

into the church, where they found the flags which had been taken from

the 71st in the previous year. Ascending the turrets, the rifles there

hoisted the same flags, and from this commanding position they directed

a very effective fire on the citizens who occupied the terraces of the

neighbouring houses. But the fort, perceiving the English flag on the

towers of the convent, directed towards it such a cannonade that the

English who were there shut up and who had been meanwhile cut off there

by the militia, were forced to surrender at discretion. One of the

prisoners was Colonel Pack, who had already been made prisoner with

Beresford, and who, having escaped, had joined in the attack on the

convent of _San Domingo_.

Another English column, under the orders of Colonel Cadogan, after

having lost a fourth of its number, was obliged to lay down its arms,

being enclosed in a circle of fire near the Jesuits’ college. A like

fate befell the 88th regiment under Duff, after it had penetrated by the

central streets to the parade. The 36th regiment, which had entered by

the streets of _Corrientes_ and of _Tucuman_, was compelled to fall back

on the _Retiro_, in spite of the heroic efforts of General Lumley. The

5th regiment, having suffered less, arrived at the convent of _St.

Catherine_, where it took up its quarters, to the scandal and terror of

the nuns.

The 87th regiment, under the orders of Auchmuty, had attacked the

_Retiro_ and had been cut up by the fire of the troops shut up in the

_Plaza de Tauros_; but Colonel Nugent, having seized a battery which

defended the approaches on this side, turned the guns against the

edifice occupied by the Spaniards, and the six hundred men who had

resisted the attack of Auchmuty, being crushed by the fire of Nugent,

were obliged to surrender.

Night put an end to the dismal combat. The 5th regiment remained in the

convent. Auchmuty and Whitelocke were besieged in the _Retiro_. The

greater part of the 45th occupied the _Residencia_ together with a

German battalion which had been left as a reserve. This fatal day had

cost the English 1130 men killed and wounded, amongst whom were seventy

officers. There were likewise made prisoners and shut up in the convents

and barracks, a hundred and twenty officers and fifteen hundred

soldiers, after having surrendered their arms and ammunition to the

local militia or the citizens.

On the morning of the 6th General Whitelocke had still at his disposal

some five thousand effective men. He placed himself in communication

with the fleet, from which he could receive provisions and

reinforcements, as well as big guns to use against the town.

Liniers seeing that it was still possible for either side to fight, and

wishing to avoid an unnecessary effusion of blood, took the bold step of

sending a flag of truce to the English general, with the proposal to

surrender all his prisoners, including those taken with Beresford,

providing he should consent to at once embark with all his forces, and

depart.

And now occurred an incident which, but for its grave consequences,

would border on the ludicrous. In drawing up his communication to the

English general, Liniers had merely stipulated that in return for his

prisoners, the latter should evacuate the territory of _Buenos Ayres_.

Being a brave officer himself, it never occurred to him that General

Whitelocke, who was still in possession of _Monte Video_, and at the

head of an army of seven thousand effective men, not to speak of the

fleet, could be asked to surrender his hold on _Uruguay_. But Alzaga

thought otherwise. He insisted that the terms of convention should

include the surrender of _Monte Video_. Liniers remonstrated that they

had not taken _Monte Video_, and that they might be quite satisfied by

obtaining the relief of _Buenos Ayres_. To this Alzaga replied that

there could be no harm in inserting a clause demanding the restoration

of _Monte Video_, since, at the worst, it could only be objected to. The

clause was accordingly inserted--and complied with without remonstrance.

When Whitelocke received the above proposals he at first rejected them;

but he nevertheless demanded an armistice of twenty-four hours to carry

away the wounded. Liniers, whose wounded were safely housed, replied by

reopening a fire on the _Retiro_. The English made a _sortie_, in which

they are said to have suffered even more than on the day preceding. The

Buenos Ayrian writers admit that the English troops, officers and

soldiers alike, penetrated through the deadly streets with the utmost

intrepidity; but their confidence was entirely broken, as well it might

be, when they saw themselves the victims of such a general. They fought

as it was their duty to fight, but not with the least hope of

conquering. The colonists, on the other hand, were full of confidence;

and Alzaga was more than ever determined that the terms of capitulation

should include _Monte Video_.

In the course of the afternoon General Gower presented himself at the

fort under a flag of truce. He was the bearer of propositions from

General Whitelocke almost identical with those that had been drawn up by

Liniers under the advice of Alzaga. The English plenipotentiary was

received by Liniers, by Generals Balbiana and Velasco, and by the Mayor

Alzaga. The proposals of General Whitelocke were accepted; forty-eight

hours were accorded to the English in which to evacuate _Buenos Ayres_,

and the term of two months for embarking from _Monte Video_, and

quitting every part of the _Plata_. The capitulation was ratified next

day (the 7th of July) by the English general, and the city of _Buenos

Ayres_ not unnaturally gave itself over to triumph when, on the

following day, it saw the English ships weigh anchor previous to their

departure.

In reviewing the series of events which sprang from the same cause that

produced the victory of Trafalgar, and which ended so ignominiously for

England, the result is to be traced wholly to the personal character of

three individuals--Liniers, Whitelocke, and Alzaga. But for the

sparkling Frenchman, who was in effect the father of the South-American

republics, it is probable that General Beresford would not have been

disturbed in his possession of _Buenos Ayres_ until he had been placed

in a position of security by the arrival of reinforcements from the Cape

of Good Hope, and that, therefore, the expedition of Whitelocke would

never have had its part to play. Next, but for the pitiable character of

that officer,[15] to which, rather than either to Liniers or to Alzaga,

was due the repulse of the English, it seemed scarcely possible that so

mighty a force should have failed to reduce a city defended only by a

single fort, and by troops that had been already vanquished. Lastly, but

for the pertinacity of Alzaga, _Monte Video_ and its charming

territories would in all probability have, like the Cape of Good Hope,

belonged to England at the present day. The latter result is especially

to be deplored; since _Uruguay_, which under English administration

might have proved an earthly paradise, and a pattern to other States on

the same continent, has been foremost amongst the South-American

republics as a standing piece of irony on the famous phrase of Canning.

As the further fate of General Whitelocke and his luckless command,

although interesting to Englishmen, does not properly belong to

South-American history, I reserve it for an appendix.

NOTE.--Chapter XVIII. is founded on “_La Plata_,” _par_ Santiago

Arcos; Paris: Michel Lévy Frères, 1865;

“Letters on _Paraguay_,” by J. P. and W. P. Robertson. John Murray,

London, 1839;

“Trial of General Whitelocke;” London, 1808;

“Whitelocke’s Expedition.” By an Officer. London, 1808.

APPENDIX.

I.

A general court-martial was held at Chelsea Hospital, on

Lieutenant-General Whitelocke, on January 28, 1808. Its members

included the conqueror of Agra and Lasswarree, and the future hero

of Coruña. They were General the Right Hon. Sir W. Medows, General

the Hon. Chapel Norton, General Viscount Lake, General Hulse,

General Ogilvie, General Cuyler, Lieutenant-General the Right Hon.

H. E. Fox, Lieutenant-General Sir James Duff, Knight;

Lieutenant-General Harris, Lieutenant-General Viscount Cathcart,

Lieutenant-General Dundas, Lieutenant-General Ross,

Lieutenant-General Pigot, Lieutenant-General Sir George Nugent,

Bart.; Lieutenant-General Loftus, Lieutenant-General Wilford,

Lieutenant-General Garth, Lieutenant-General Lloyd,

Lieutenant-General Stavely, Lieutenant-General Sir John Moore, K.B.

_First Charge._--That Lieutenant-General Whitelocke, having

received instructions from his Majesty’s Principal Secretary of

State to proceed for the reduction of the province of _Buenos

Ayres_, pursued measures ill calculated to facilitate that

conquest; that when the Spanish Commander had shown such symptoms

of a disposition to treat, as to express a desire to communicate

with Major-General Gower, the second in command, upon the subject

of terms, the said Lieutenant-General Whitelocke did return a

message, in which he demanded, amongst other articles, the

surrender of all persons holding civil offices in the government of

_Buenos Ayres_, as prisoners of war: that the said

Lieutenant-General Whitelocke, in making such an offensive and

unusual demand, tending to exasperate the inhabitants of _Buenos

Ayres_, to produce and encourage a spirit of resistance to his

Majesty’s arms, to exclude the hope of amicable accommodation, and

to increase the difficulties of the service with which he was

intrusted, acted in a manner unbecoming his duty as an officer,

prejudicial to military discipline, and contrary to the articles of

war.

_Second Charge._--That the said Lieutenant-General Whitelocke,

after the landing of the troops at _Enseñada_, and during the march

from thence to the town of _Buenos Ayres_, did not make the

military arrangements best calculated to ensure the success of his

operations against the town, and that having known, previously to

his attack upon the town of _Buenos Ayres_ upon the 5th July 1807,

as appears from his public despatch of the 10th of July, that the

enemy meant to occupy the flat roofs of the houses, he did

nevertheless, in the said attack, divide his forces into several

brigades and parts, and ordered the whole to be unloaded, and no

firing to be permitted on any account; and, under this order, to

march into the principal streets of the town unprovided with proper

and sufficient means for forcing the barricadoes, whereby the

troops were unnecessarily exposed to destruction, without the

possibility of making effectual opposition such conduct betraying

great professional incapacity on the part of the said

Lieutenant-General Whitelocke, tending to lessen the confidence of

the troops in the judgment of their officers, being derogatory to

the honour of His Majesty’s arms, contrary to his duty as an

officer, prejudicial to good order and military discipline, and

contrary to the articles of war.

_Third Charge._--That the said Lieutenant-General did not make,

although it was in his power, any effectual attempt by his own

personal exertion or otherwise, to co-operate with, or support, the

different divisions of the army under his command, when engaged

with the enemy in the streets of _Buenos Ayres_ on the 5th of July

1807; whereby those troops, after having encountered and surmounted

a constant and well-directed fire, and having effected the purport

of their orders, were left without aid and support, or further

orders, and considerable detachments under Lieutenant-Colonel Duff

and Brigadier-General Craufurd were thereby compelled to surrender;

such conduct on the part of the said Lieutenant-General Whitelocke

tending to the defeat and dishonour of his Majesty’s arms, to

lessen the confidence of the troops in the skill and courage of

their officers, being unbecoming and disgraceful to his character

as an officer, prejudicial to good order and military discipline,

and contrary to the articles of war.

_Fourth Charge._--That the said Lieutenant-General Whitelocke,

subsequent to the attack upon the town of _Buenos Ayres_, and at a

time when the troops under his command were in possession of posts

on each flank of the town, and of the principal arsenal, with a

communication open to the fleet, and having an effective force of

upwards of 5000 men, did enter into, and finally conclude a treaty

with the enemy, whereby he acknowledges in the public despatch of

the 10th of July 1807--“That he resolved to forego the advantages

which the bravery of his troops had obtained, and which advantages

had cost him about 2500 men in killed, wounded, and prisoners;” and

by such treaty he unnecessarily and shamefully surrendered all such

advantages, totally evacuated the town of _Buenos Ayres_, and

consented to deliver, and did shamefully abandon and deliver up to

the enemy the strong fortress of _Monte Video_, which had been

committed to his charge, and which, at the period of the treaty and

abandonment, was well and sufficiently garrisoned and provided

against attack, and which was not, at such period, in a state of

blockade or siege; such conduct on the part of the said

Lieutenant-General Whitelocke tending to the dishonour of his

Majesty’s arms, and being contrary to his duty as an officer,

prejudicial to good order and military discipline, and contrary to

the articles of war.

* * * * *

The proceedings of the court-martial on Lieutenant-General Whitelocke

fill a volume of 671 pages, from which I give the following extracts:--

In opening the case the Judge-Advocate described it as being “the

most important occasion, in the military history of the country,

that ever called for inquiry of a nature like the present.” The

expedition, he said, had not only totally failed, with the

lamentable loss of a great proportion of the gallant army engaged

in it, but it ended in the absolute surrender of those valuable

advantages which the valour of British troops under another

commander had previously acquired in the important post of _Monte

Video_. “By this most unfortunate event,” he said, “all the hopes

have been defeated which had been justly and generally entertained,

of discovering new markets for our manufactures, of giving a wider

scope to the spirit and enterprise of our merchants, of opening new

sources of treasure, and new fields for exertion in supplying

either the rude wants of countries emerging from barbarism, or the

artificial and increasing demands of luxury and refinement, in

those remote quarters of the globe. Important as these objects must

be at all times to this country, the state of Europe, and the

attempts that have been daily making to exclude us from our

accustomed intercourse with the Continent, have added to the

importance of these objects, and to the disappointment of these

hopes.

“The disappointment has been cruelly embittered by the disgrace

which such a failure, under all the circumstances, has attached to

the British arms. The diminution of our military fame must be felt

at all times as a great national calamity, but at no period so

severely as in this crisis of the world, when our military

character has become more essential than ever, not merely for our

honour or our glory, but for the independence, the liberties, the

existence of Great Britain. It is, however, a great consolation,

that whatever may have been the stain which our military renown has

received, the conduct of the troops has had no share in producing

it. I believe, the more this attack of the 5th of July is examined,

the more clearly it will be found that no troops ever showed more

courage; that no officers (with the exception of whatever may turn

out to be connected with the subject of these charges, and I hope

the result of this inquiry may prove the exception to be

undeserved), but, with that exception, that no officers ever

displayed more zeal, more conduct, more devotion of themselves to

the common cause in the course of the most triumphant engagement,

than was displayed by the British officers through the whole of

that destructive day.... But it is not upon reports that these

charges are founded; they rest upon better evidence. They are

taken, not from idle talk or vain rumour, but the orders and

despatches of General Whitelocke himself. There is not a fact

alleged against him which is not derived from his authority. The

character assigned to these facts does, indeed, invoke imputations

of the most grave and serious nature; but the facts themselves are

founded upon his own account of his own conduct; so much so, that I

might be well warranted in contenting myself, on the part of the

public, with laying the orders and the despatches of General

Whitelocke before you as documents, of themselves, and without any

other evidence, abundantly sufficient to call upon him for his

defence. He is his own accuser: he has furnished the strongest

testimony against himself.”

Copy of a letter from Lieutenant-General Whitelocke, to the Right

Honourable William Windham, dated Buenos Ayres, July 10th, 1807.

BUENOS AYRES, _July 10th, 1807_.

SIR,--I have the honour to acquaint you, for the information of his

Majesty, that upon being joined at Mount Video, on the 15th of

June, by the corps under Brigadier-General Craufurd, not one moment

was lost by Rear-Admiral Murray and myself, in making every

necessary arrangement for the attack of _Buenos Ayres_. After many

delays, occasioned by foul winds, a landing was effected, without

opposition, on the 28th of the same month, at the _Enseñada de

Barragon_, a small bay about 30 miles to the eastward of the town.

The corps employed on this expedition were--three brigades of light

artillery, under Captain Fraser; the 5th, 38th, and 87th regiments

of foot, under Brigadier-General Sir Samuel Achmuty; the 17th light

dragoons, 36th and 38th regiments, under Brigadier-General the

Honourable William Lumley; eight companies of the 95th regiment,

and nine light infantry companies, under Brigadier-General

Craufurd; four troops of the 6th dragoon guards; the 9th light

dragoons; 40th and 45th regiments of foot, under Colonel the

Honourable T. Mahon; all the dragoons being dismounted, except four

troops of the 17th, under Lieutenant-Colonel Lloyd.

After some fatiguing marches through a country much intersected by

swamps and deep muddy rivulets, the army reached _Reduction_, a

village about nine miles distant from the bridge over the _Rio

Chuello_, on the opposite bank of which the enemy had constructed

batteries, and established a formidable line of defence. I

resolved, therefore, to turn the position, by marching in two

columns from my left, and crossing the river higher up, where it

was represented fordable, to unite my force in the suburbs of

_Buenos Ayres_. I sent directions at the same time to Colonel

Mahon, who was bringing up the greater part of the artillery, under

the protection of the 17th light dragoons and 40th regiment, to

wait for further orders at _Reduction_. Major-General Levison Gower

having the command of the right column, crossed the river at a pass

called the _Passo Chico_, and falling in with a corps of the enemy,

gallantly attacked and defeated it; for the particulars of which

action I beg to refer you to the annexed report. Owing to the

ignorance of my guide, it was not until next day that I joined with

the main body of the army, when I formed my line by placing

Brigadier-General Sir Samuel Achmuty’s brigade upon the left,

extending it towards the convent of the _Recolleta_, from which it

was distant two miles, the 36th and 88th regiments being on its

right, Brigadier-General Craufurd’s brigade, occupying the central

and principal avenues of the town, being distant about three miles

from the great square and fort; and the 6th dragoon guards, 9th

light dragoons, and 45th regiment being upon his right, and

extending towards the _Residencia_. The town was thus nearly

invested; and this disposition of the army, and the circumstances

of the town and suburbs being divided into squares of 140 yards

each side, together with the knowledge that the enemy meant to

occupy the flat roofs of the houses, gave rise to the following

plan of attack:--Brigadier-General Sir Samuel Achmuty was directed

to detach the 38th regiment to possess itself of the _Plaza de

Tauros_ and the adjacent strong ground, and there take post. The

87th, 5th, 36th, and 88th regiments were each divided into wings,

and each wing ordered to penetrate into the street directly in its

front. The light battalion divided into wings, and each followed by

a wing of the 95th regiment and a 3-pounder, was ordered to proceed

down the two streets on the right of the central one, and the 45th

regiment down the two adjoining, and after clearing the streets of

the enemy, this latter regiment was to take post at the

_Residencia_. Two 6-pounders were ordered along the central street,

covered by the carabineers and three troops of the 9th light

dragoons, the remainder of which was posted as a reserve in the

centre. Each division was ordered to proceed along the street

directly in its front, till it arrived at the last square of

houses next the river _Plata_, of which it was to possess itself,

forming on the flat roofs, and there wait for further orders. The

95th regiment was to occupy two of the most commanding situations,

from which it could annoy the enemy. Two corporals, with tools,

were ordered to march at the head of each column, for the purpose

of breaking open the doors. The whole were unloaded, and no firing

was to be permitted until the columns had reached their final

points, and formed. A cannonade in the central streets was the

signal for the whole to move forward.

In conformity to this arrangement, at half-past six o’clock of the

morning of the 5th instant, the 38th regiment moving towards its

left, and the 87th straight to its front, approached the strong

post of the _Retiro_ and _Plaza de Tauros_; and, after a most

vigorous and spirited attack, in which these regiments suffered

much from grape-shot and musketry, their gallant commander,

Brigadier-General Sir Samuel Achmuty, possessed himself of the

post, taking 32 pieces of cannon, an immense quantity of

ammunition, and 600 prisoners. The 5th regiment, meeting with but

little opposition, proceeded to the river, and took possession of

the church and convent of Saint _Catalina_. The 36th and 88th

regiments, under Brigadier-General Lumley, moving in the appointed

order, were soon opposed by a heavy and continued fire of musketry

from the tops and windows of the houses, the doors of which were

barricaded in so strong a manner as to render them almost

impossible to force: the streets were intersected by deep ditches,

on the inside of which were planted cannon, pouring showers of

grape on the advancing columns. In defiance, however, of this

opposition, the 36th regiment, headed by the gallant general,

reached its final destination; but the 88th, being nearer to the

fort and principal defences of the enemy, were so weakened by his

fire as to be totally overpowered and taken. The flank of the 36th

being thus exposed, this regiment, together with the 5th, retired

upon Sir Samuel Achmuty’s post, at the _Plaza de Tauros_, not,

however, before Lieutenant-Colonel Burne, and the grenadier company

of the 36th regiment, had an opportunity of distinguishing

themselves, by charging about 500 of the enemy, and taking and

spiking two guns. The two 6-pounders moving up the central streets,

meeting with a very superior fire, the four troops of the

carabineers, led on by Lieutenant-Colonel Kington, advanced to

take the battery opposed to them; but this gallant officer being

unfortunately wounded, as well as Captain Burrell, next in command,

and the fire, both from the battery and houses, proving very

destructive, they retreated to a short distance, but continued to

occupy a position in the front of the enemy’s principal defences,

and considerably in advance of that which they had taken in the

morning.

The left division of Brigadier-General Craufurd’s brigade, under

Lieutenant-Colonel Pack, passed on nearly to the river, and,

turning to the left, approached the great square, with the

intention of possessing itself of the Jesuits’ college, a situation

which commanded the enemy’s principal line of defence; but, from

the very destructive nature of his fire, this was found

impracticable; and after sustaining a heavy loss, one part of the

division throwing itself into a house, which was afterwards not

found tenable, was shortly obliged to surrender, whilst the

remaining part, after enduring a dreadful fire with the greatest

intrepidity, Lieutenant-Colonel Pack, its commander, being wounded,

retired upon the right division, commanded by Brigadier-General

Craufurd himself. This division having passed quite through to the

river _Plata_, turned also to the left, to approach the great

square and fort, from the north-east bastion of which it was

distant about 400 yards, when Brigadier-General Craufurd, learning

the fate of his left division, thought it most advisable to take

possession of the convent of _Saint Domingo_, near which he then

was, intending to proceed onwards to the Franciscan church, which

lay still nearer the fort, if the attack or success of any other of

our columns should free him, in some measure, from the host of

enemies which surrounded him. The 45th regiment, being further from

the enemy’s centre, had gained the _Residencia_ without much

opposition; and Lieutenant-Colonel Guard, leaving it in possession

of his battalion companies, moved down with the grenadier company

towards the centre of the town, and joined Brigadier-General

Craufurd. The enemy, who now surrounded the convent on all sides,

attempting to take a 3-pounder which lay in the street, the

Lieutenant-Colonel with his company, and a few light infantry under

Major Trotter, charged them with great spirit: in an instant the

greater part of his company and Major Trotter were killed, but the

gun was saved. The Brigadier-General was now obliged to confine

himself to the defence of the convent, from which the riflemen

kept up a well-directed fire upon such of the enemy as approached

the post; but the quantity of round shot, grape, and musketry to

which they were exposed, at last obliged them to quit the top of

the building; and the enemy, to the number of 6000, bringing up

cannon to force the wooden gates which fronted the fort, the

Brigadier-General having no communication with any other columns,

and judging from the cessation of firing that those next him had

not been successful, surrendered at four o’clock in the afternoon.

The result of this day’s action had left me in possession of the

_Plaza de Tauros_, a strong post on the enemy’s right, and the

_Residencia_, another strong post, on his left, whilst I occupied

an advanced position opposite his centre. But these advantages had

cost about 2500 men in killed, wounded, and prisoners. The nature

of the fire to which the troops were exposed was violent in the

extreme. Grape-shot at the corners of all the streets, musketry,

hand-grenades, bricks and stones from the tops of all the houses.

Every householder, with his negroes, defended his dwelling, each of

which was in itself a fortress: and it is perhaps not too much to

say, that the whole male population of Buenos Ayres was employed in

its defence. This was the situation of the army on the morning of

the 6th instant, when General Liniers addressed a letter to me,

offering to give up all his prisoners taken in the late affair,

together with the 71st regiment, and others taken with

Brigadier-General Beresford, if I desisted from any further attack

on the town, and withdraw his Majesty’s forces from the river

_Plata_; intimating at the same time, that from the exasperated

state of the populace, he could not answer for the safety of the

prisoners, if I persisted in offensive measures. Influenced by this

consideration (which I knew, from better authority, to be founded

in fact), and reflecting of how little advantage would be the

possession of a country, the inhabitants of which were so

absolutely hostile, I resolved to forego the advantages which the

bravery of the troops had obtained, and acceded to the annexed

treaty, which I trust will meet the approbation of his Majesty.

I have nothing further to add, except to mention, in terms of the

highest praise, the conduct of Rear-Admiral Murray, whose cordial

co-operation has never been wanting whenever the army could be

benefited by his exertions; Captain Rowley, of the royal navy,

commanding the seamen on shore; Captain Bayntun, of his Majesty’s

ship “Africa,” who superintended the disembarkation; and Captain

Thomson, of the “Fly,” who had the direction of the gun-boats, and

had previously rendered me much service, by reconnoitering the

river, are all entitled to my best thanks.

As his character already stands so high, it is almost unnecessary

to state, that from my second in command, Major-General Levison

Gower, I have experienced every zealous and useful assistance. My

thanks are likewise due to Brigadier-Generals Sir Samuel Achmuty

and Lumley, and to Colonel Mahon, and to Brigadier-General

Craufurd, commanding brigades. I cannot sufficiently bring to

notice the uncommon exertions of Captain Fraser, commanding the

royal artillery, the fertility of whose mind, zeal and animation in

all cases, left difficulties behind. Captain Squire, of the royal

engineers, is also entitled to my best thanks. Nor should I omit

the gallant conduct of Major Nichols, of the 45th regiment, who, on

the morning of the 6th instant, being pressed by the enemy, near

the _Residencia_, charged them with great spirit, and took two

howitzers and many prisoners. Lieutenant-Colonel Bradford, Deputy

Adjutant-General, has likewise a great claim to my approbation, as

a gallant and promising officer. The officers of my personal staff,

Lieutenant-Colonel Torrens, military secretary, Captains Brown,

Foster, Douglas, and Whittingham, aides-de-camp, must also be

mentioned by me in terms of just regard. The knowledge which the

latter possesses of the Spanish language has been eminently useful

to me.

This despatch will be delivered to you by Lieutenant-Colonel

Bourke, Deputy-Quartermaster-General, who has afforded me that

assistance which might be looked for from an officer of his

military talents and attachment to the service; to whom I beg to

refer you for any further particulars respecting the military

operations in this part of the world.--I have the honour to be, &c.

(Signed) JOHN WHITELOCKE,

Lieutenant-General.

The Right Hon. W. Windham,

&c. &c. &c.

Copy of Letter from Lieutenant-General Whitelocke, to the Right

Honourable William Windham, dated July 10th, 1807.--Private.

BUENOS AYRES, _July 10th, 1807_.

SIR,--I have the honour to inform you, that immediately after my

arrival at _Monte Video_, on the 10th of May, I began to make every

possible preparation for the attack of this place, as the first and

most essential step towards the reduction of the province. For this

purpose sloops of war and other light vessels were sent to

reconnoitre the southern bank of the river, in order to fix upon

the precise point of debarkation. It was found that the water was

too shallow to admit of a landing, under cover of the ships of war,

anywhere to the westward of the town of _Buenos Ayres_, nor nearer

to it on the eastward than the _Enseñada_ of _Barragon_. This bay

was, therefore, fixed upon as the point of debarkation, and every

arrangement that could previously be made was pressed forward with

expedition, whilst I waited anxiously for the arrival of

Brigadier-General Craufurd’s corps, and the fleet with which I had

sailed from England.

On the 27th of May, Rear-Admiral Murray and Brigadier-General

Craufurd arrived at the mouth of the river; but owing to a

prevalence of contrary winds, the expedition did not reach Monte

Video until the 14th of June. I immediately determined not to wait

the arrival of the convoy from England, as by the general voice of

the inhabitants, and of those officers who had passed the winter in

the province, the months of July and August were represented as

most unfavourable to military operations, on account of the heavy

and continual rains which prevail at that season. Having fixed upon

_Colonia_ as the place of assembly from which the expedition was to

proceed, I sent the troops upwards, in small divisions, on account

of the intricate navigation, leaving at _Monte Video_ the 47th

regiment, the detachments of the 20th and 21st light dragoons, two

companies of the 38th regiment, and a corps of militia, formed by

the British merchants, in all composing a garrison of about 1300

men, under the command of Colonel Browne, of the 40th regiment; and

after much delay, caused by contrary winds, Rear-Admiral Murray and

myself arrived opposite the point of debarkation on the 28th

ultimo.

In the morning the fleet stood into the bay, and before night the

whole army, consisting as per margin,[16] was landed, without

opposition, on the enemy’s coast. The greater part of the next day

was occupied in landing artillery, horses, and stores. Immediately

on the landing of Brigadier-General Craufurd’s brigade, and the

38th and 87th regiments, I detached Major-General L. Gower with

this force and two 3-pounders, to occupy the heights in my front,

about five miles distant; and the next morning I proceeded to join

him with the rest of the army, four 6-pounders, and two 3-pounders,

the remainder of the artillery not being landed. The same day I

directed Major-General L. Gower to precede my march with his

advanced corps, substituting the 36th and 88th regiments, under

Brigadier-General Lumley, for the 38th and 87th regiments; and I

left Colonel Mahon, with four troops of the 17th light dragoons,

and the 40th regiment, to protect the guns when they should come

up, and cover the rear of the army, being principally induced to

break my force into these divisions, for the purpose of more

readily procuring cover and fuel. On the 1st of July the advanced

corps drove a small party of the enemy from the village of

_Reduction_, and took post about two miles beyond it, whilst I

occupied the village with the main body. I was now distant about

nine miles from the bridge over the _Rio Chuello_, on the opposite

bank of which I understood the enemy had constructed batteries, and

intended to make a stand. I determined, therefore, instead of

forcing the bridge, to turn the enemy’s line of defence, by

marching from our left, and crossing the river in two columns

higher up, where it was represented fordable, and continuing to

march until I should have got completely to the westward and

northward of the town, appuyed my left on the river _La Plata_, and

opened a communication with the fleet. On the 2nd instant, at nine

o’clock, Major-General L. Gower marched with his corps, which

should now be considered as the right column, and I marched myself

at ten, with the intention of uniting our forces that evening in

the suburbs of the town. Major-General L. Gower having crossed the

river, his leading brigade fell in with a considerable corps of the

enemy, under General Liniers himself, which he attacked with great

vivacity, completely overthrew it, taking ten pieces of cannon and

some prisoners. The Major-General halted on the ground from which

he had driven the enemy, waiting my arrival, and sending, at the

same time, a summons to General Liniers (No. 1), which was refused

on this occasion, as well as the following day, when I sent to him

myself (as per No. 2). Owing to the ignorance of my guide, who

conducted me by a considerable detour, I did not reach the

Major-General until the next day, when I formed my line by placing

one of my brigades under Sir Samuel Achmuty, on the left of

Brigadier-General Lumley’s, extending it towards the convent of the

_Recolleta_, distant about two miles; and another under

Lieutenant-Colonel Guard, on the right, towards the _Residencia_,

whilst Brigadier-General Craufurd’s brigade occupied the central

and principal avenues into the town, being distant about three

miles from the great square and the fort of _Buenos Ayres_. In

pursuance of my original design, I intended to march the next

morning by my left to the convent of _Recolleta_, which standing on

high ground immediately over the river, I could have communicated

with the fleet, and landed heavy guns for a vigorous attack of the

town, should General Liniers obstinately refuse to surrender it.

Upon consulting, however, with Major-General L. Gower, he submitted

to me another plan of attack, which as it promised a more

expeditious issue, inasmuch as it obviated the necessity of

marching to the left, and the delay which would be occasioned by

landing heavy guns and erecting batteries, a delay which I the more

dreaded on account of the rains having, to all appearance, set in,

and the men being in a great degree exposed to the severity of the

weather, from the impossibility of conveying camp equipage. I

consented, for these reasons, to change my plan, and adopt what

seemed to be generally approved by the general officers under me.

Besides, the measure of bombardment, or any other measure which

might occasion an indiscriminate loss of life, ruin the town, and

irritate the people, appeared to me, upon reflection, contrary both

to the letter and spirit of my instructions. I hoped also, by this

plan, to be able to dislodge those who opposed the progress of his

Majesty’s arms, and by driving them to the bottom of the town,

there make a number of prisoners, which might be, in our hands, so

many pledges for the return of the 71st regiment and the other

troops captured with Brigadier-General Beresford, whilst the

peaceable inhabitants, and those best disposed towards us, by

remaining quietly in their houses, might escape the danger of the

attack. The nature of this attack can be best explained by annexing

the General Order (No. 3). The result was successful in the

principal points, as I obtained possession of the _Plaza de

Tauros_, a strong post on the enemy’s right flank, 32 pieces of

ordnance, and a large depôt of ammunition and provisions, as well

as the _Residencia_, another strong post on the enemy’s left, and

four pieces of cannon which defended it. But these conquests were

purchased with the loss of 2500 men killed, wounded, and prisoners,

and amongst the latter Brigadier-General Craufurd and other

officers of rank. The conduct of both officers and men in this

action has been gallant in the highest degree, and the severity of

the loss occasioned solely by the obstinacy of the defence. The

enemy had dug ditches across the principal streets, and placed

cannon within them: he occupied the flat roofs of all the houses in

commanding situations, and from thence, and the windows, poured a

destructive fire of musketry, hand-grenades, fire-pots, &c. upon

the columns as they advanced; having likewise had the precaution to

barricade the doors in so strong a manner as to render them very

difficult to force, though the troops had been provided with

instruments for that purpose. Every householder, with his negroes,

defended his dwelling; and it is, perhaps, not too much to say,

that the whole male population of _Buenos Ayres_ was employed in

its defence, which very population in the field would probably not

have withstood the attack of two British regiments.

On the morning succeeding the attack I received a letter from

General Liniers, offering to give up all prisoners taken in the

late affair, as well as those taken with Major-General Beresford,

if I condescend to relinquish the attack, and withdraw his

Majesty’s forces from the province. A correspondence upon this took

place, which ended in the treaty I have the honour to transmit.

My reasons for acceding to this negotiation were briefly these:--I

had lost in the preceding attack ---- men, although I had gained a

strong post on the enemy’s right flank, from which I communicated

with the fleet, and from which it might be possible to fire heavy

cannon on the town, and otherwise annoy it. Yet the enemy’s chief

defences were too remote from this point, and too much covered by

houses to allow me to hope that I could, in any given time, destroy

them by cannon alone, even if the nature of my instructions had not

militated against such a measure. General Liniers had likewise

acquainted me in his letter, that he could not answer for the lives

of his prisoners, if the attack was persisted in; and from

everything I have since heard from the officers themselves, I have

reason to believe they would all have been sacrificed to the fury

of an exasperated rabble. Nothing, therefore, remained to be done

offensively, but another attack on the town, conducted in a manner

similar to the last; the event of which must have been doubtful, as

my force, when collected, did not reach 5000 men; and, if even

successful, my loss would probably have rendered that force

insufficient to keep the place when taken. If it was deemed

fruitless to attempt another attack, there yet remained two modes

of retreat, either by treaty, or re-embarking in the face of the

enemy. The latter measure would certainly have been attended with

additional loss, and the wounded and prisoners of the late affair,

as well as the 71st regiment, in all 4000 men, lost for ever to

Great Britain. In return for which I should have possessed but a

nominal command at _Monte Video_, a post which can never be

considered of any advantage whilst the capital of the province and

the great entrepôt of commerce remained in the hands of the enemy.

I determined, therefore, to accede to this treaty, by which I shall

be enabled to bring off my own army almost entire, and recover the

71st regiment, a point which my instructions has taught me to

consider as of the first importance; and I shall evacuate a

province which the force I was authorised to calculate upon could

never maintain, and which, from the very hostile disposition of its

inhabitants, was in truth not worth maintaining.

I shall dispose of the army in the manner pointed out in my

instructions, the particulars of which I shall detail to you from

_Monte Video_, by another man-of-war that will sail from thence

with duplicates of these despatches. Trusting that the conduct I

have pursued in this difficult situation may meet with the

gracious approval of his Majesty,--I have the honour to be, &c.

(Signed) JOHN WHITELOCKE,

Lieutenant-General.

This will be delivered to you by Lieutenant-Colonel Bourke, to

whom, as well as Sir Samuel Achmuty, I refer you for further

particulars.

(A true copy) E. COOKE.

Right Honourable William Windham,

&c. &c. &c.

TREATY.

A Definitive Treaty between the Generals in Chief of his Brittanic

Majesty and of his Catholic Majesty, as per the following articles:

1st. There shall be, from this time, a cessation of hostilities on

both sides of the river _Plate_.

2d. The troops of his Brittanic Majesty shall retain, for the

period of two months, the fortress and place of _Monte Video_; and,

as a neutral country: there shall be considered a line drawn from

_San Carlos_ on the west, to _Pando_ on the east, and there shall

not be on any part of that line hostilities committed on any side,

the neutrality being understood, only that the individuals of both

nations may live freely under their respective laws--the Spanish

subjects being judged by theirs, as the English by those of their

nation.

3d. There shall be on both sides a mutual restitution of prisoners,

including not only those which have been taken since the arrival of

the troops under Lieutenant-General Whitelocke, but also all those

his Britannic Majesty’s subjects captured in South America since

the commencement of the war.

4th. That, for the prompt despatch of the vessels and troops of his

Brittanic Majesty, there shall be no impediment thrown in the way

of the supplies of provision which may be requested for _Monte

Video_.

5th. A period of ten days, from this time, is given for the

re-embarkation of his Britannic Majesty’s troops, to pass to the

north side of the river _La Plata_, with the arms which may

actually be in their power, stores and equipage, at the most

convenient points which may be selected, and during this time

provisions may be sold to them.

6th. That at the time of the delivery of the place and fortress of

_Monte Video_, which shall take place at the end of the two months

fixed in the second article, the delivery will be made in the terms

it was found, and with the artillery it had when it was taken.

7th. Three officers of rank shall be delivered for and until the

fulfilment of the above articles by both parties; being well

understood, that his Britannic Majesty’s officers who have been on

their parole, cannot serve against South America until their

arrival in Europe.

Done at the Fort of _Buenos Ayres_, the seventh day of July, one

thousand eight hundred and seven, signing two of one tenor.

SANTIAGO LINIERS,

CASER BALBIANI,

BERNARDO VELASCOS,

JN. WHITELOCKE, Lieut.-Gen. Comm^g.

GEO. MURRAY, Rear-Admiral Comm^g.

(A True Copy) E. COOKE.

Major-General Gower to General Liniers, July 3.

CORAL DE MISERALA, BEFORE BUENOS AYRES,

_July 3, 1807_.

SIR,--Captain Roache, of the 17th dragoons, whom I had the honour

of sending unto you this morning, having informed me that you

wished to communicate with me on the subject of terms, I beg to

acquaint you, that his Excellency Lieutenant-General Whitelocke has

ordered me (from his sincere wish to spare an unnecessary effusion

of human blood) to intimate to you, that in the present situation

of affairs, if they do not proceed to further hostilities, he will

grant terms to the town of _Buenos Ayres_: that the following must

be the basis on which they are to be granted; but that any trifling

alteration which may make them more favourable, without altering

their original fundamental stipulations, may possibly be agreed

to:

1st. All British subjects detained in South America must be

delivered up, and sufficient hostages placed in the power of the

British Commander till their arrival at _Buenos Ayres_.

2d. That all persons holding civil offices dependent on the

government of _Buenos Ayres_, and all military officers and

soldiers, become prisoners of war.

3d. That all cannon, stores, arms, and ammunition, be delivered up

uninjured.

4th. That all public property, of every description, be delivered

up to the British Commanders.

5th. That the free and unrestrained exercise of the Roman Catholic

religion be granted to the inhabitants of _Buenos Ayres_.

6th. That all private property on shore shall be respected, and

secured to its owners.

Our force is so considerable that I believe, in candour, you cannot

doubt of the ultimate result. I trust you will believe me when I

assure you that a wish to avoid so dreadful a scene as that which a

town taken by assault always presents is the only thing which has

induced his Excellency Lieutenant-General Whitelocke to permit me

to address you.

(Signed) J. L. GOWER,

Major-General.

His Excellency Gen. Liniers,

&c. &c. &c.

(A true Copy) E. COOKE.

Major-General ELLIO’S Answer to Major-General GOWER.

_July 3, 1807._

SIR,--By orders of the Spanish General, _Don_ Santiago Liniers, I

answer to the letter brought by your flag of truce respecting the

surrender of this capital, by saying that nothing relative to

laying down our arms will be attended to--that the Spanish General

has a sufficient number of brave troops, commanded by brave chiefs,

full of desire to die in defence of their country, and that this is

the moment to show their patriotism.--I remain, &c.

(Signed) Major-General CALL. ELLIO.

Major-Gen. Levison Gower.

Plan of Attack.--Circular.

HEADQUARTERS, CAMP BEFORE BUENOS

AYRES, _July 4, 1807_.

SIR,--Herewith I have the honour to enclose instructions for the

attack of Buenos Ayres. The refusal of the Spanish General to

listen to terms, and the state of the army from fatigue and bad

weather, leaves but little choice as to the mode of accomplishing

our purpose; otherwise I should assuredly be disposed to adopt one

_equally calculated_[17] to secure to us possession of the place

without the probable chance of so much blood being spilt.

I therefore have to desire that you will impress upon the minds of

all officers acting under your immediate orders, the necessity of

preventing, in as great a degree as possible under such

circumstances, acts of violence on the persons of those who do not

carry arms, as well as women and children.--I have the honour to

be, &c.

(Signed) JOHN WHITELOCKE.

To Brigadiers.

COPY OF GENERAL ORDERS,

_4th July, 1807_.

Sir Samuel Achmuty to detach the 38th regiment, to possess itself

of the _Plaza de Tauros_ and the adjacent strong grounds, and there

post itself.

The 87th, 5th, 36th, and 88th regiments to be divided into wings,

and each wing is to penetrate into the street directly in its

front, in a column of sections right in front.

The light battalion to penetrate by wings into the second street,

on the right of that leading up from Mr. White’s house, and the

next to it, followed by the 95th regiment.

The left division of the 95th is to receive its orders from Colonel

Park, the right division from General Craufurd; two 3-pounders to

follow these columns, one each. The 45th to advance by wings, left

in front, up to the two next streets beyond the light battalion.

The carabineers to move up with the cover two 6-pounders, which

will be advanced up the street from Mr. White’s, and remain with

them.

The 9th light dragoons to move to the left, and take the ground of

the light battalion, at five o’clock, where they will receive

further orders.

Each officer commanding a division of the left wing, which is from

the 88th to 87th inclusively, to take care that he does not incline

to his right of the right wing, that is, light brigade and 45th

regiment to the left.

The cannonade in the centre to be the signal for the whole to rush

forward; and each division to go, if possible, straight down the

street before it, till it arrives at the last square of houses near

to the river _Plate_, of which they are to possess themselves, and

on the tops of which they are to form: if they find that they

suffer by any interior defences, to lodge themselves as far in

advance as they can. Two corporals, with tools, to be attached to

the head of each column. The whole to be unloaded, and no firing to

be allowed on any account.

When the business is over, the utmost exertion to be used to keep

the men collected and formed.

The regiments may leave their packs in their present cantonments,

with a subaltern’s guard, if they wish.

The cannonade will commence at 30 minutes past six o’clock

precisely.

(A true copy) E. COOKE.

Major-General Gower’s Orders.

Major-General Levison Gower, as second in command, will be occupied

in making the necessary arrangements relative to the executive

duties and localities of the situation, aided by Brigadier-General

Sir Samuel Achmuty; whose able assistance will also be brought in

aid of what may appertain to the many other points to which the

attention of the Commander of the forces must of course be

directed, in a command in its nature new and intricate.

The other appointments to the Staff will be communicated to the

army on the arrival of the additional force.

The 9th light dragoons to march to the left, and take the ground of

the light battalion at five o’clock, where they will remain till

further orders.

Lieutenant-General Whitelocke to General Liniers.

HEADQUARTERS BEFORE BUENOS AYRES,

_July 4, 1807_.

I beg you will do me the justice to impute to the principles of

humanity only, the information I give you of my arrival, having

joined the troops under the command of Major-General Levison Gower

with the principal column of the army. I dare say it is not unknown

to you that another column awaits my orders within little more than

a league from your capital.

I beg, therefore, only to be informed, if, after this faithful

communication, you still adhere to the answer given to the

Major-General in your letter of yesterday, who was authorized to

address you on this subject, in the event of his arrival before me.

The bearer, Captain Whittingham, has my orders to deliver this, and

to wait half an hour from that time for your answer, yes or no.

J. WHITELOCKE.

To General Liniers, &c.

General Liniers to Major-General Whitelocke.

SIR,--I have just received your Excellency’s letter of this date,

to the contents of which I have the honour to reply, that whilst I

have ammunition, and whilst the same spirit which now animates this

garrison and people shall continue to exist, I shall never think of

delivering up the post which has been confided to me: and I am

perfectly convinced, that I have more than sufficient means to

resist all the efforts which your Excellency can make to conquer

me.

The duties of humanity of which your Excellency speaks, will, I

conceive, be more wounded by your Excellency, who is the aggressor,

than by me. I merely do that duty which is prescribed to me by

honour and the just right of retaliation.--I have the honour to be,

&c.

(Signed) SANTIAGO LINIERS.

_July 4, 1807._

RIGHT

(A true Copy) E. COOKE.

CORAL OF MISERALA, _July 3, 1807_.

SIR,--I have the honour to report to you, for the information of

the Lieutenant-General Whitelocke, that the advanced corps under my

command, consisting of three companies of the 95th light battalion,

36th and 38th regiments, with two 3 and two 6-pounders, advanced

from the position I had taken up in front of the village of

Reduction; and, after making a considerable detour from the badness

of the roads, I crossed the _Chuello_ at the _Chico_ Pass; from

thence I continued my route, though very strongly enclosed, and

difficult ground, till the head of the column arrived at the

junction of two roads, about 500 yards from the Canal of

_Miserala_. At the same moment that we discovered the enemy, they

commenced a heavy, though, after the first round, not well-directed

fire of shot and shells, my artillery having been left in the rear,

under the protection of three companies of Brigadier-General

Lumley’s brigade, owing to the inability of the horses to bring it

up at the same rate at which the infantry marched. I directed an

immediate attack to be made on their left flank with the bayonet,

which was executed by Brigadier-General Craufurd in the most

perfect manner, with his brigade, and he was so well seconded by

the gallantry of Lieutenant-Colonel Pack and Major Travers, the

officers and men of the 95th, and light battalion, that in five

minutes the enemy’s force, though strongly posted behind hedges and

embankments, gave way, leaving about 60 killed and 70 prisoners,

with all their artillery, consisting of nine guns, one howitzer,

three tumbrels with limbers complete.

I beg to state that the conduct of every officer and soldier

engaged was admirable; and that I am also under great obligation to

Brigadier-General Lumley, for his exertions to take a share in the

action, but which alone the very exhausted state of his regiments,

from the severity of the march, prevented. Immediately after I

formed, I found that he had taken a good position on the right of

the light brigade, to support it in case of re-attack.

I am happy to add our loss has been but trifling, not exceeding 14

rank and file killed, 5 officers, and 25 rank and file wounded. The

exact returns I have not been able to obtain.--I have the honour to

be, &c.

(Signed) J. LEVISON GOWER,

Major-General.

Lieutenant-Colonel Torrens,

Military Secretary.

II.

Extract of a Letter from Sir S. Achmuty to Mr. Wyndham.

The escape of General Beresford, an event as pleasing and important

as it was unexpected, has put us in full possession of the views of

the leading men, and the real state of the country. He had been

ordered, immediately after the fall of _Monte Video_, to a town 300

leagues inland, and was already between forty and fifty leagues

from _Buenos Ayres_, when two Spanish officers, in the family of

the Governor, who had been endeavouring to enter into some

political negotiation with him, proposed to assist and accompany

him in making his escape, which, with great difficulty, was

effected; and the General, after being three successive days

secreted in _Buenos Ayres_, fortunately reached the ship with our

despatches.

Letter from General Liniers to Admiral Stirling and Sir Samuel Achmuty.

BUENOS AYRES, _March 2d, 1807_.

SIRS,--I am very sorry that the first time I have the honour to

write to your Excellencies, is on the unpleasant subject of

complaining of proceedings of officers of your nation.

Major-General Beresford and Lieutenant-Colonel Pack, of the 71st

regiment, forgetting every sentiment of honour, and in violation of

their word, and the oath which they had taken on the 6th of

September last, have absconded, and the first with the infamy of

having fomented an insurrection in this county, where the greatest

part of his vile accomplices, now under the lash of the law, will

soon pay for their horrid crime.

This violation of public faith and the law of nations, has,

however, only increased the enthusiasm of all the inhabitants of

this city, ever ready and disposed to bury themselves under the

ruins of their edifices sooner than give themselves up to any other

dominion than that of their lawful sovereign.

The pretext which Mr. Beresford makes use of, in alleging that

there was a pretended capitulation, your Excellencies will see by

the enclosed prints is without foundation, and it only remains with

me, conformably to the laws of war, to reclaim those two prisoners;

and I trust to your integrity that you will order them to be given

up: at all events I fulfil my duty in reclaiming them, and the

military world will decide on which side justice is.

I do not answer Mr. Beresford, not having anything to add to what I

now express to your Excellencies; and I have only further to

observe, that the determination of the people, as has been

represented by their magistrates, is irrevocable: they are resolved

to defend themselves to the last extremity, and prepared to make

their defence memorable.

Your Excellencies will, therefore, avoid making any further offers;

for be assured, that no answer will be returned, and that nothing

but force can decide our fate.

God preserve your Excellencies many years.

(Signed) SANTIAGO LINIERS.

To their Excellencies Sir C. Stirling

and Sir S. Achmuty.

CORAL DE MISERALA, _July 2, 1807_.

SIR,--I had the honour to report to you, for the information of the

Commander of the forces, that the advanced corps of the army now

occupy a position, the centre of which is across the prolongation

of the centre street of _Buenos Ayres_. I have taken most of the

cattle intended for the consumption of the city for this day, and

occupy the principal _coral_. I have secured 20,000 lbs. of

biscuit, and my corps is fully supplied with it; spirits I am

searching for, and I have hopes that I shall be able to secure

some; to what extent I do not yet know. I sent to report to you,

yesterday evening, immediately after the action, in which I stated

we had taken eight pieces of cannon, I now find it increased to

ten, many prisoners, and a great quantity of arms and ammunition.

General Liniers and Colonel Ellio were both present. Supposing that

a considerable impression may have been made by so complete a

defeat as this considerable portion of their force has sustained, I

have sent in a summons to General Liniers, at first verbally only,

to discover how they appeared to feel in the town. Colonel Ellio

met Brigade-Major Roache who went with the flag, and requested

that they might receive a written proposal. I have now, therefore,

sent one, founded on the instructions I received yesterday by

Colonel Bourke.

I believe it will not be difficult to, nearly if not entirely,

invest the town by placing about 1000 on my right towards the

_Chuello_, and all the rest on my left towards the Recollata,

having that in the rear. The centre of the town makes a salient

angle; it appears to me, therefore, that our centre should be a

little refused, and our flanks thrown forward, as the right will be

rested on the _Chuello_, and the left secured by the _Plata_; but

this of course must be regulated by the better judgment of the

Commander of the forces.--I have the honour to be, &c.

J. LEVISON GOWER,

Major-General.

Lieutenant-Colonel Torrens,

&c. &c. &c.

_Sentence._

The court-martial having duly considered the evidence given in

support of the charges against the prisoner, Lieutenant-General

Whitelocke, his defence, and the evidence he has adduced, are of

opinion that he is guilty of the whole of the said charges, with

the exception of that part of the second charge which relates to

the order that “the columns should be unloaded, and that no firing

should be permitted on any account.”

The court are anxious that it may be distinctly understood that

they attach no censure whatever to the precautions taken to prevent

unnecessary firing during the advance of the troops to the proposed

points of attack, and do therefore acquit Lieutenant-General

Whitelocke of that part of the said charge.

The court adjudge that the said Lieutenant-General Whitelocke be

cashiered, and declared totally unfit and unworthy to serve his

Majesty in any military capacity whatever.

PRINTED BY BALLANTYNE, HANSON AND CO.

EDINBURGH AND LONDON.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] About £50,000.

[2] = £240,000.

[3] = £4500.

[4] A _cruzado_ = nearly five shillings.

[5] Under £5.

[6] The _boucan_ was a wooden instrument used by Brazilian cannibals

for roasting their victims. Hence the word _buccaneer_.

[7] £1200.

[8] _Vide_ _Humboldt’s_ Researches.

[9] Frezier.

[10]

“And lo! deep in yon cave Honorius long did dwell,

In hopes to merit heaven by making earth a hell.”

--_Childe Harold._

[11] Hist. Novi Orbis, lib. III. c. 21.

[12] It is interesting to English readers to know that the high post

of Captain-General of _Chili_ was, in November 1787, confided to

_Don_ Ambrose Higgins, a native of Ireland, who was, two years later,

appointed Field Marshal of the Royal Armies.

[13] A cruzado = nearly five shillings.

[14] Condamine.

[15] The following was told me by a lady now in her eighty-first year,

as having been current in her youth:

“My first is an emblem of purity,

My second’s a thing of security;

My whole is a name, which if yours were the same,

You would blush to hand down to futurity.”

[16]

3 brigades artillery.

5th }

38th } Brigadier-General Sir S. Achmuty.

87th }

17th dragoons.

36th }

} Brigadier-General Lumley

88th }

95th }

} Brigadier-General Craufurd.

Light battalion }

4 troops 6th dragoon guards.

9th light dragoons.

40th }

} Colonel Mahon.

45th }

[17] The _Italics_ are the author’s.

* * * * *

Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber:

Count Daborre went before the wind=> Count Datorre went before the wind

{pg 31}

[Sidenote: 1776.]=> [Sidenote: 1676.] {pg 98}

Beckham, however, showed=> Beckman, however, showed {pg 102}

also to legislatiou=> also to legislation {pg 111}

_Curaçoa_=> _Curaçao_ {pg 156}

Bogota, 1850=> Bogotá, 1850 {pg 158}

_Don_ Antonia Gonzaga=> _Don_ Antonio Gonzaga {pg 164}

new governor, Gomes Freyre de Andrada=> new governor, Gomes Freyre de

Andrade {pg 188}

and of encourging them=> and of encouraging them {pg 231}

removal of Bishop Gardenas=> removal of Bishop Cárdenas {pg 247}

durch die Provinzeu von Rio=> durch die Provinzen von Rio {pg 270}

A well-sustained fusilade=> A well-sustained fusillade {pg 278}

up to there middle in water=> up to their middle in water {pg 287}

offensive and unusal demand=> offensive and unusual demand {pg 297}

estimated by Dean Fuñes=> estimated by Dean Funes {pg 210}