CHAPTER VII.

_BRAZIL; THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY._

1600-1700.

At the close of the seventeenth century the Portuguese race had

established themselves along the whole extent of the coasts of the vast

region which now forms the Brazilian Empire,--from _Pará_ in the north

to _Rio Grande Do Sul_ at the other extremity. Of the interior of these

immense provinces, extensive spaces--equal, indeed, to the size of

European kingdoms--were then, and are still, uninhabited. The clouds

driven westward by the periodical winds which prevail at certain seasons

on the Southern Atlantic, meeting the huge and unbroken barrier of the

_Andes_, are forced to discharge their contents in continuous deluges

over the entire area of Central _Brazil_, thus giving birth to the most

voluminous water-systems which the world contains. But this is not the

only result of the almost incessant downfall of waters which is

witnessed on the eastern slopes of the _Andes_. Another result is that

the superabundant moisture, falling upon a soil under the influence of a

burning sun, produces an extent and luxuriance of tropical vegetation

such as is nowhere else to be seen on the surface of the earth. This

vegetation has hitherto, throughout all ages, baffled the efforts of man

to contend with it; and ages will elapse ere the increase of the world’s

population will force mankind to bend themselves to the huge effort of

subduing this teeming virgin forest.

To give any clear idea of the mere extent of the region which now forms

the Empire of _Brazil_ is no trifling task. It is easy to say that it

extends from the fourth degree of northern latitude to about the

thirty-fourth degree of southern latitude, and that at its widest extent

it covers the space between the thirty-fourth and the seventy-third

degrees of western longitude. But it will give a far more accurate

estimate of the superficies of _Brazil_ if we compare its area with

something which we can realize. Its area is estimated at 8,515,848

geographical square _kilometres_, or 3,275,326 English square

miles,--the area of British India being 899,341 English square

miles;--that is to say, _Brazil_ has an extent equaling about three and

two-thirds that of British India. The area of France is 208,865 English

square miles, being considerably less than one-fifteenth of that of

_Brazil_. But perhaps the best way of estimating the extent of the

Brazilian provinces is to spread out a map of South America and compare

their united bulk with that of one of the adjoining countries even of

that colossal continent. The contiguous state of _Uruguay_, for

instance, covers 73,500 English square miles, being double the area of

Portugal; yet Uruguay would scarcely seem to add materially to the

superficies of the adjoining empire, of which in extent it forms less

than a forty-fourth part. Thus the little kingdom of Portugal annexed in

America alone an empire almost ninety times larger than itself.

It may be of interest to give a general idea of the progress which the

Portuguese race had made in effecting the conquest and civilization of

the regions lying along the immense line of coast indicated above during

the seventeenth century. _Maranham_ had now been in their undisputed

possession for seventy years, its seat of government being placed in the

island of the same name. The capital boasted three churches and four

convents; the European population of the State was estimated at the

middle of the century at about four hundred, a number which in ten years

had increased to seven hundred, whilst in 1685 there were more than a

thousand Portuguese in the city of _St. Luiz_ alone. The rank and

privileges of nobles were conferred upon all who had held a commission

even for a few months in the local militia; indeed at one place the

brotherhood of the _Misericordia_, which consisted of men of inferior

rank, could find no recruits, since, with their exception, the whole

population had become ennobled.

In order to reward the services of the inhabitants of _Maranham_ and

_Pará_, it was decreed that none of them should be put to the torture,

excepting in such cases as rendered torture applicable to _Fidalgos_;

they were likewise not to be imprisoned; but to be held on parole. They

received the privileges of the citizens of Lisbon, and were not liable

to be impressed either for land-service or for sea-service.

The revenue consisted for the most part of the tenths, which, about the

middle of the century, might average five thousand _cruzados_.[7] There

was a duty on wine; but little was imported, as the natives prepared a

spirit extracted from maize and from the sugar-cane. A fifth of the

slaves taken in lawful war belonged to the Crown. Some idea of the

vastness of these provinces may be conceived from the fact that the

voyage from _S. Luiz_ to _Belem_ occupied thirty days. In 1685 the

latter city contained about five hundred inhabitants, with a clerical

and monastic establishment out of all proportion to its numbers. The

tenths of _Pará_ and its subordinate captaincies amounted to about four

thousand _cruzados_; whilst the saltworks produced two thousand more,

and the fisheries an equal amount.

The salary of the Governor-General was three thousand _cruzados_; but on

the whole the salaries to the various public officers were so small as

almost to compel them to have recourse to other means of living. The

priests were said to be of the very lowest order, being chiefly engaged

in securing gain and in exciting discontent against the Jesuits, whose

mental acquirements and whose manner of life were alike a reproach to

their inferior brethren. The natives of _Brazil_ held in the utmost

horror and detestation the lot of slavery to which so many of them fell

heirs. It is even said that many captives preferred death to being

ransomed for the purpose of being thrown into perpetual captivity; and

instances are on record when slave-hunters in vain set fire to the

dwellings of Indians with a view to inducing them to come out and be

captured.

Slave-hunting in _Brazil_, independently of the miserable lot of the

captured victims, was attended by an enormous waste of life. Almost all

slaves were kidnapped; and great numbers perished before reaching the

Portuguese settlements. On their capture they were penned like cattle

until a sufficient number were collected, being shut up for months

together and exposed to the varying action of the elements. Such being

the case, it is not surprising that often but half their number arrived

at their destination. The Indians likewise who took part in the hunt, in

the service of the slave-dealers, suffered greatly in the expeditions;

while the Portuguese themselves returned in a wretched condition, after

having penetrated more than two thousand miles into the interior,

carrying devastation before them. The object of all this inhuman

exertion was, of course, gain--gain to be derived in the first instance

from the sale of the slaves, who were to become the means of gain to

others. The sole pretext which could be urged on behalf of the

slave-hunting was that it was a necessary evil, if such an expression

may be used with reference to what may be avoided, since it was

impossible for Europeans to perform the work of tilling the earth in

such a climate; but, as Southey very justly remarks, that men of

European stock are perfectly capable of all the labour which in such

climates is required for the well-being of man is abundantly proved by

the prodigious fatigues which the Portuguese underwent in seeking slaves

to do this “necessary” labour for them.

In _Maranham_ and _Pará_ the colonists occupied one of the numerous

islands per family, the country being so intersected by streams of all

descriptions that these became natural and convenient landmarks.

Inter-communication was carried on by water; and each family relied on

its own means for subsistence. Vegetation being too luxuriant to admit

of land for pasturage, game became the only animal food within reach of

the colonists, and this, as well as fish, was procured by means of their

Indians. This, however, formed but the smallest part of the slaves’

occupation, and it is stated that at this period the slaves in

_Maranham_ and _Pará_ were, literally, worked to death,--a statement

which is borne out by the fact of depopulation.

In addition to slave-hunting, there were other inducements for traders

in the interior. Sarsaparilla and other drugs were found in abundance,

as were cinnamon and nutmeg, the vanilla and indigo. Cacao grew in

plenty. Of the cultivated produce, cotton was the most important; the

cotton of _Maranham_ was at this time accounted the best in America.

Mandioc supplied the inhabitants with a satisfactory substitute for

wheat-flour. Tobacco was one of the branches of agriculture chiefly

cultivated in _Brazil_ from the first. At the time in question this

industry had grown into disuse in _Maranham_ from want of hands. As such

persons as were without a trade could only procure subsistence by means

of slaves, many families in _Maranham_ fell into distress owing to their

not being able to procure the latter. The Portuguese had grown so

accustomed to depend on slave-labour, that they allowed themselves to

fall into destitution rather than work for their families; it was

thought dishonourable for free men to cultivate the soil.

In strange contradistinction to the apathy of the Portuguese with

respect to engaging in agriculture, was the eagerness with which they

embarked in commerce. It was found necessary to restrain the civil and

judicial officers by means of statute; whilst the clergy showed equal

readiness to join in speculations. Still, in spite of every

disadvantage, the provinces of _Pará_ and _Maranham_ gradually, though

slowly, acquired population and importance. Such, however, could not be

said of the adjoining captaincy of _Ceará_, which possesses neither

river nor harbour, and is the least fertile portion of _Brazil_, being

subject to fatal droughts. Owing, nevertheless, to the disadvantages

which this captaincy possessed for colonization, its native inhabitants

were free from the molestations which beset those of _Maranham_ and

_Pará_.

The settlement of the neighbouring captaincy of _Rio Grande do Norte_

dates from the commencement of the seventeenth century. In this

province, whilst it was under the Dutch, great efforts were made for

exploring the country, civilizing the _Tapuyas_, and improving the

general condition of the people. The palace of Maurice of Nassau,

together with the buildings and public works erected under his auspices,

are solid mementoes of his administration, which is still further

commemorated in the history of _Barlæus_. During the government of this

Viceroy an attempt was undertaken to discover the vestiges of some

people who had possessed the country before the race of savages then

existing, an attempt which has left the race in question a subject of

curious speculation to the learned in such matters.[8]

Great efforts were made during the administration of Count Maurice to

promote the reformed religion throughout the territories under his

government. The Protestant missionaries were, it is said, regarded with

much jealousy by Vieyra and his brethren. They are reputed to have

succeeded to a considerable extent in imparting to the Indians the arts

of civilization; but the efforts of the Dutch towards civilizing and

humanizing the natives and negroes was confined entirely to the

government and the clergy. Nothing could exceed the barbarity of these

invaders, on the whole, towards both races. Their privateers freely

seized such Indians as they could entrap on the rivers or on the coasts,

and sold them as slaves; whilst of their imported negroes the excessive

mortality was imputed by Nassau himself to unwholesome food and physical

suffering. It was no unusual thing for these slaves to commit suicide

after attempting in vain to kill their masters.

The Dutch conquerors introduced into their Brazilian provinces that

almost excessive domestic cleanliness for which their country is

remarkable; whilst they increased the pleasures of life by the attention

which they, in accordance with their national habits, did not fail to

bestow upon horticulture. They reared vines with great success, and from

which a wine was made that was much esteemed. Being accustomed to plains

and swamps, they did not take advantage of the higher lands in forming

their settlements; but the malaria and damp had less evil consequences

than might have been anticipated, from the fact of the men being

addicted to the free use of wine and tobacco. The Dutch women, however,

who were without these counteractants, suffered much from the climate.

The country possessed by Holland was only cultivated to an extent of

some twelve or fifteen miles inland from the shore. The native industry

of the Dutch had not sufficient time to display itself; and the almost

continuous hostilities prevented the development of the fisheries.

Although the invaders from Holland were in _Brazil_ for five-and-twenty

years there was very little mixture of races between them and the

Portuguese; the difference of religion was an almost insuperable

barrier; and when they departed they left little or no trace behind them

either in religion, language, or manners.

The population of _Bahia_ and the surrounding coast is said to have

numbered, in the middle of the seventeenth century, some three thousand

five hundred souls, not including a garrison of two thousand five

hundred. A few years later, however, _Bahia_ is described as having fine

streets, grand squares, well-built houses, and splendid churches. At the

close of the century it is said to have possessed two thousand houses,

built of stone. It owed its prosperity, amongst other causes, to its

being a place of safety for the new-Christians, who were persecuted with

such cruelty in Portugal and Spain. Superstitious as were the

Brazilians, even they successfully resisted the establishment of the

Inquisition amongst them. If the new Christians were, in _Brazil_, a

despised race, they could at any rate count on opportunities of gaining

wealth and of retaining it when gained. _Bahia_ possessed abundant

sources of riches; amongst others its whale fishery, which at one time

was considered the most important in the world. At the close of the

century it was rented by the Crown for thirty thousand dollars. The

staple commodity was sugar.

In general, a scanty population was scattered along the shores and in

the islands; and here and there we read of a place, such as _Porto

Seguro_, possessing a population of fifty inhabitants. The numbers, on

the whole, are so scanty that it seems strange that the Portuguese could

have at the same time contended successfully with a foreign invader and

with hostile tribes in the interior. _Espirito Santo_ had five hundred

Portuguese in its district; whilst the population of _Rio de Janeiro_

was estimated at five times that number, exclusive of a garrison of six

hundred. As a city it was inferior to _Bahia_; it was, however,

advancing rapidly in wealth. It owed the eminence which it soon

attained, and which it retains amongst the cities of _Brazil_, to its

situation relatively to the mines which were soon to be discovered.

_Ilha Grande_ and the island of _S. Sebastian_ possessed, in the middle

of the century, no more than one hundred and fifty inhabitants each; the

population of _Santos_ was rather greater. _S. Paulo_ boasted some seven

hundred inhabitants; its neighbourhood, however, must have contained a

considerable number, amongst whom were enlisted the terrible bands of

freebooters, who carried desolation and destruction to the frontiers of

_Paraguay_, and one band of whom penetrated as far as to the province of

_Quito_, where, having encountered the Spaniards, they escaped down the

_Amazons_ on rafts. The earliest gold found in _Brazil_ was gathered at

_S. Vicente_ in 1655, where it was coined. _S. Vicente_, at this time,

had two thousand inhabitants. To the south of this place there was a

small settlement at _Cananea_, and a still smaller one at _Santa

Catalina_.

It was commonly reported that Indian spices were indigenous in _Brazil_,

and that their culture had been prohibited by the Government, lest it

should interfere with the Indian trade. Whether this were so or not, an

order was given by Joam IV. that every ship touching at _Brazil_ on its

way from India should bring with it spice plants. These were placed in

the garden of the Jesuits at _Bahia_, and two persons were brought from

_Goa_ who understood the management of cinnamon and pepper plants. But,

although the attempt promised success, it was not persevered in; and the

subsequent discovery of mines diverted attention from this possible

source of wealth. Previously to the finding of the precious metals, the

production of sugar was the main object of the inhabitants of the coast.

A sugar-producing _engenho_ implied the presence of various artisans,

necessary for the continuous work of the machinery belonging to it. That

is to say, it was a village-community in itself, more populous than many

of the towns so-called then existing. It comprised in general an area of

some eight square miles, the condition attached to the holding of this

land being settlement and the cultivation of the necessary canes, which

were to be sold at a fair price. From fifty to a hundred negroes were

employed in each _engenho_; a circumstance which, owing to the great

cultivation of sugar in the province, had a marked influence on the

population of _Bahia_. A French traveller[9] estimated the proportion of

negroes to the white population as twenty to one; but this is probably

the highest proportion which it assumed in _Brazil_. The negroes,

according to his account, were exposed to purchase, exactly like beasts

at our own cattle fairs, being entirely naked, being handled, as animals

are, to test their muscle, and being obliged to show their paces.

The costume of the inhabitants of _civilized Brazil_ during the period

of which we treat comprised every conceivable variety, from that of the

almost entirely nude slave to that of the lady dressed according to the

latest fashion from Lisbon. In the more flourishing settlements, such as

_Olinda_ and _Bahia_, nothing could exceed the luxury of the female

costume, the wives of the planters being attired in silks and satins

covered with the richest embroidery, with pearls, rubies, and emeralds.

Black was the prevailing colour, and the use of gold and silver lace was

forbidden by a sumptuary law. In describing the results of holding

slaves, it is necessary for the historian to state, with whatsoever

reluctance, that the ladies of _Bahia_, even those the most

distinguished amongst them, and who passed for being the most virtuous,

did not, according to the direct statement of the French traveller above

referred to, scruple to adorn their female slaves to the utmost extent,

with the object of participating with them in the profits of their

prostitution. This particular form of highborn depravity is, in so far

as I am aware, peculiar to _Brazil_ in the annals of history. The ladies

of _Bahia_ were so indolent of habit that on going abroad they had to

lean on their pages lest they should fall. Even the men,--if men they

might be called,--were unable to descend the declivity on which _Bahia_

stands, and were carried down on a contrivance called the serpentine,

that is to say, a hammock suspended from a pole, a slave attending

meanwhile with a parasol. Each lady on going from home was attended by

two negresses.

The Portuguese in _Brazil_ were exceedingly prone to jealousy, and it

has been concluded that, as the punishment for convicted unfaithfulness

was assured death, it is impossible to believe the often-repeated

statement that connubial infidelity on the part of women was remarkably

common; but the experience of many countries has shown that neither

certainty of punishment nor the probability of detection can be relied

upon as preventives of a breach of the marriage law; whilst it is

likewise not the less certain that the risk incurred may add to the zest

of the crime.

As might be anticipated from the fact that criminals were, from an early

period, sent to _Brazil_ to swell the ranks of the settlers, the police

records of the various settlements are not gratifying reading. In the

first place, the courts of justice were, in certain quarters,

notoriously corrupt; robberies were committed in open day; whilst

quarrels not unfrequently terminated in death. In short, the lives of

the Christian settlers were certainly, as a whole, the reverse of being

calculated to serve as examples to the heathen whom their missionaries

were employed in converting. The very ships which brought out the

Fathers too often carried out a supply of criminals whose lives serve as

a practical antidote to their doctrines.

Much has been written, and probably with justice, concerning the apathy,

the corruption, the extreme superstition, and the dissolute nature of

the lives of the clergy in _Brazil_; but, taking them as they were, it

is somewhat difficult to realize the picture of what the Portuguese

transatlantic possessions would have become had they possessed no Church

establishment. From the King down to the lowest peasant, the Portuguese

of that age were deeply imbued with faith in the doctrines of

Christianity; and, however much they might, in their practice, diverge

from its precepts, they were ever ready to compound for their sins by

liberal donations to the Church and to charitable establishments. The

Church, on its side, however irregular might be the lives of the clergy

in general, was bound to keep up a certain degree of outward discipline

and of attention to the good works for which it sought donations;

whilst, from time to time, a luminary, such as Nobrega and Vieyra, arose

in its ranks, stimulating to good works.

We have endeavoured in the preceding pages faithfully to record in so

far as our limits permitted, the devotion and extraordinary achievements

of such men as Nobrega, Anchieta, and Vieyra: it is but fitting to

complete the picture of the remarkable ecclesiastics of the century by

taking one from an opposite category. The Father Joam de Almeida, who

had sat at the feet of Anchieta, is said originally to have been called

John Martin, and to have been a subject of Queen Elizabeth; but, in the

seventeenth year of his age, he found himself under the care of the

Jesuits in _Brazil_. We are told of an Indian captive, who not only

showed no impatience under the torments inflicted upon him by his

captors, but who, when offered to be relieved of them, replied that he

wished they were greater, in order that his enemies might see how

thoroughly he despised them. In somewhat of a similar spirit John

Martin, or Almeida, seemed not only to be indifferent to pain, but

almost to revel in it. Such a character is not unfamiliar to Portuguese

ecclesiastical annals. Those who have visited Cintra will remember the

cave of the hermit Honorius, in which he dwelt for fourteen years, and

which was of such dimensions as not to admit of his standing

upright.[10] The unfortunate person of Almeida was regarded by him, in

his mental capacity, as a natural enemy, which was only to be kept in

subjection by perpetual scourgings, which were inflicted by a liberal

assortment of implements; but notwithstanding which, he survived to the

age of eighty-two. From this fact it must not be inferred that there was

anything of evasiveness in his self-inflicted castigations. His

constitution had grown accustomed to a form of suffering which his

abstemious manner of living rendered possible, and which won for him the

reverence of the superstitious population amongst whom he dwelt. On his

demise, everything in any way connected with him became inordinately

precious. The possession of portions of his autograph was almost too

much good fortune to befall any one; but the porter of his convent was

enabled to benefit himself and others by distributing drops of his blood

and such articles as might have come in contact with the body of the

dying saint. Nobrega and Vieyra, having done their work, had been

allowed to sink into their rest, comparatively unobserved; but the death

of the ascetic Martin created as much agitation as would have been

produced by an earthquake. His funeral was attended by the whole

population, from the governor downwards, and the multitude would not be

persuaded to disperse until each one of them had kissed and embraced the

corpse. Here it might have been thought his adoration might have been

allowed to end; but it was even found necessary to set a guard over him

at night, in order to protect his remains from the depredation of his

pious votaries. The guard, however, would seem to have been insufficient

for the purpose; since it was ascertained in the morning that one of the

shoes of the anchorite was no longer to be found, whilst his pillow had

likewise disappeared.

When the corpse of Martin had been committed to its coffin and confined

to the grave, it might have been reasonably hoped that it would be

allowed to rest in peace, or at least that the devotion of his admirers

would cease to be expressed by aggressive acts. Such an idea, however,

would betray ignorance of the inventiveness of superstition; since by

night the grave was opened, and, the body having been removed, the

precious hair was shaved off by a razor, whilst the remaining shoe and

stockings were secured.

Spanish and Portuguese South America during the Colonial Period; Vol. 2 of 2 · 第 7 / 18 章