_BRAZIL; CONCLUSION OF THE DUTCH WAR._
1646-1661.
Haus, with the wreck of his army, continued his retreat throughout the
night, never halting until seven leagues’ distance lay between him and
the scene of his defeat. He then awaited his wounded and stragglers,
whilst he sent to _Recife_ for immediate assistance. Succours reached
him the same day, sufficient to secure his further retreat, but not to
enable him to resume offensive operations. The Council now distinctly
perceived their danger; and they had reasons to distrust the professions
of the governor of _Bahia_. Three weeks before the battle Hogstraten and
another deputy had been sent to _Bahia_ to express the belief of the
Dutch Government that Camaram and Diaz were not authorized in their
proceedings by the Portuguese governor, and to request that they might
be recalled, or, in the event of their disobedience, be declared enemies
of the Portuguese Crown. Telles persevered in his previous line of
conduct, putting off the Dutch with vague professions. He taunted them
in turn with their acts of aggression at _Angola_, at _St. Thomas_, and
at _Maranham_. He further indicated that Camaran and Diaz were not men
to be restrained by any words of his; and he pleaded that the Portuguese
had been driven into insurrection by false accusations on the part of
untrustworthy persons. Finally, he offered to act as mediator.
Hogstraten now repeated his offer to deliver _Nazareth_ into the power
of the governor, a proposal which he said he had already imparted to
Joam Fernandes. His offer was accepted; and as he was somewhat afraid
lest his conference with the Portuguese authorities might excite
suspicion in the breast of his fellow-deputy, he had the audacity to
tell him that they were tampering with him for the betrayal of his fort,
and that he pretended to listen to them in order the better to thwart
them. On his return to _Recife_ he repeated the same tale, adding that
the governor merely awaited some ships from _Rio de Janeiro_ before
attacking the Dutch possessions. Two regiments were now embarked at
_Bahia_, and were to be landed at _Tamandare_. They were to be escorted
by the homeward-bound fleet of thirty-seven ships.
It was arranged that, on the two regiments being landed at _Tamandare_,
their commander, _Payva_, should proceed to _Recife_ with letters for
the Council, in which the Governor-General should state that he had sent
two officers to remonstrate with the insurgents, and that, should
remonstrances fail, he would compel them to return to their duty. Whilst
this farce was being enacted, the Dutch commandant at _Serinhaem_ had
received instructions to disarm the Portuguese in that district. The
Portuguese, however, declined to be disarmed, and the fort being
surrounded and its water cut off, was compelled to surrender, the Indian
allies of the Dutch being given up to the Portuguese.
Joam Fernandes had remained for seven days upon the scene of his victory
at the _Monte das Tabocas_, when he was informed of the arrival of the
troops from _Bahia_. Camaran and Diaz, the two partisan leaders,
likewise reached the _Monte das Tabocas_ about the same time. On meeting
the troops from _Bahia_, after some formal words, Fernandes was joined
by the whole Portuguese force; after which his first act was to send a
detachment to reduce the fort of _Nazareth_.
Blaar was now sent to take possession of all the Portuguese women who
might be found in the _Varzea_ or open country behind _Olinda_, to hold
as hostages. A number were taken, and were conveyed to the headquarters
of Haus. This intelligence was speedily conveyed by a chaplain to
Fernandes, and the army, being naturally roused by a desire to rescue
the women, was put in motion for this purpose. By midnight they reached
some sugar-works. Remaining there for three hours, they were roused by
Fernandes, who announced that the wonderful _St. Anthony_ had appeared
to him, and had reproved him for his ill-timed delay. Once more being
put in motion, the troops at daybreak reached the _Capivaribe_, which
they crossed with considerable difficulty.
Having accomplished this passage without opposition from the enemy, they
ere long came in sight of the headquarters of Haus, when they sent
forward a party who succeeded in capturing some Dutch sentinels. From
those they learned that the officers were at their morning meal, on the
conclusion of which they were to march off with their prisoners. They
were roused by the dread signal by which Camaram summoned his Indians.
Their men were driven in, and no way of retreat was left to them, whilst
the Portuguese poured in a steady fire upon them from their shelter. In
this emergency the Dutch brought out the Portuguese women, and exposed
them at the windows to receive the fire. This artifice brought a flag of
truce from the assailants; but the besieged were so confident in their
newly-found resource that they fired upon the flag, killing the ensign
who bore it; they at the same time took aim at the Portuguese general,
Vidal, who had approached under the protection of the flag. Enraged at
this conduct, the Portuguese forgot the women, and proceeded to set the
whole place on fire; which brought the enemy to their senses. It
required all the authority of Vidal to induce his soldiers to spare the
cowards who had so nearly taken his life.
The enemy now surrendered on the bare condition that their lives should
be spared; they were not, however, able to procure the same terms for
their Indian allies. More than two hundred Dutch were made prisoners in
this affair, which, according to the Portuguese writers, was, of course,
not accomplished without the aid of miracles. Joam Fernandes was now
master of the field; and he conducted a triumphal procession to one of
his own chapels to return thanks to his patron saint. The prisoners were
sent to _Bahia_, Blaar being assassinated on the way. About the same
time _Olinda_ fell into the hands of a party of Pernambucan youths;
whilst the traitor, Hogstraten, was as good as his word in delivering
_Nazareth_ to the patriots. The Dutch regiment which had garrisoned it
entered the service of the Portuguese.
Whilst the troops sent from _Bahia_, nominally to aid in suppressing the
insurrection, were thus taking an active part in extending it, the farce
which the governor had commenced to play was continued by the Admiral
Correa, who, according to his instructions, proceeded to _Recife_ with
the homeward-bound fleet. The Dutch authorities at that place, who may
be excused for preferring to judge of the Governor-General’s intentions
by acts rather than by words, were naturally not a little alarmed at the
arrival of a fleet of such formidable dimensions. Correa, however, who
was unaware of the recent occurrences on land, proceeded to execute the
instructions which had been given him at _Bahia_, and with the utmost
courtesy not only placed his own services at the disposal of the
Council, but likewise offered them those of Vidal and his troops, which
were at that moment most actively employed against them.
The Council, naturally enraged at this transparent duplicity, at first
proposed to arrest the messengers of Correa; but, on the reflection that
their own fleet was not in a condition to meet that of the enemy, they
wisely sent a courteous reply, declining the services of the Admiral; on
receiving which Correa, still wholly unaware of what was passing on
shore, immediately set sail for Europe. Relieved from this danger, the
Council lost no time in ordering Lichthart to get his ships ready with
all speed, and to do the utmost damage to the Portuguese, an order which
he obeyed to the letter.
Meanwhile Payva was with his two regiments on board of eight ships in
the Bay of _Tamandare_. Letters had been written to advise him to put
into the port of _Nazareth_, since it was known that the Dutch fleet was
in search of him; but these warning despatches were intercepted, and he
fell an easy prey to the squadron of Lichthart. Of his eight vessels one
reached _Bahia_; two were abandoned and set on fire; two others ran
aground, whilst three were taken by the enemy. The Portuguese are said
to have lost seven hundred men in the action.
Whilst these events were passing in _Pernambuco_, the Portuguese were
not less active in the other ceded provinces. Fernandes and Vidal sent
officers to _Paraïba_ to head the insurgents; whilst the Indians and
Negroes were headed by officers sent respectively from the regiments of
Camaram and Henrique Diaz, the result being that the Portuguese were
soon masters of the captaincy. The Dutch were likewise in turn compelled
to abandon Fort _Mauritz_ on the _San Francisco_. It was soon razed to
the ground, there being then no obstacle to prevent the free passage of
the Portuguese from _Bahia_ into the province of _Pernambuco_.
Fernandes now pitched his camp upon the neck of sand which divides the
river from the sea about a league from _Recife_, commanding the
communication of that place with _Olinda_, and on this locality he
erected a fort to secure his ammunition and stores. To this fort was
given the name which had been applied to the camp, _Bom Jesus_, and a
small town soon grew up under its shelter.
The Dutch beheld with consternation the near approach of the enemy; and
the splendid out-houses and gardens, which had been laid out by Nassau,
as well as the bridge of _Boavista_, were destroyed by the people of
_Recife_, in order to facilitate the defence of that town. The new town
of _Mauritias_ was likewise demolished. So great was the anxiety of the
people that the Council found it advisable to communicate to them the
contents of their latest despatches to Amsterdam, in order to convince
them that their critical situation had been duly represented.
On the advice of Hogstraten an expedition was now organized against the
island of _Itamaraca_, on which the enemy had to rely for grain. After
three attacks, the assailants, under Fernandes and Vidal, forced their
way into the town, and had actually secured their victory, when it was
lost through their rapacity and cruelty. The troops from _Bahia_ showed
an example of plundering which was not thrown away upon the Dutch
deserters of Hogstraten’s regiment; and Cardozo had given orders to put
all the Indians to the sword, the result being that the Portuguese had
to retire with loss and disgrace. They, however, fortified _Garassu_,
and secured all the roads by which the enemy from _Itamaraca_ could
molest them.
For some time after this expedition the Portuguese were kept inactive by
a strange infectious disease, which seemed only to yield to the
treatment of bleeding, and which filled the hospitals, until Joam
Fernandes hit upon the expedient of setting up certain images of saints,
before whom mass was daily performed. To their intercession the
cessation of the scourge was ascribed. At the same time that the main
body of the Portuguese insurgents were suffering from this cause, their
countrymen in _Rio Grande_ were massacred by the _Tapuyas_, in revenge
for the execution of the Indians at _Serinhaem_. This slaughter had,
however, the effect of convincing the Portuguese who had not yet taken
up arms of the uselessness of neutrality.
Meanwhile the action of the two forces at _Recife_ was confined to
isolated attacks, the besiegers not being provided with the means either
of properly besieging the place or of blockading it. Every day or night
witnessed some sally or skirmish, and many dashing but unimportant deeds
are recorded. The general conviction, however, gained ground that the
Portuguese would eventually win the day; and many slaves deserted to
them whilst there was still some merit to be gained by doing so.
The Dutch at this time hoped to effect a diversion in their favour by
means of Hogstraten’s regiment of deserters. Although he himself was a
traitor beyond redemption, it was rightly believed that most, if not
all, of his men had taken service with the Portuguese on compulsion, and
would be glad of an opportunity to return to their natural service. In
this belief, communication was opened with the regiment; and it was
arranged that a sally was to be made from the city in order to
facilitate their desertion. This measure was only thwarted by a chance
movement of the Portuguese commander. The backwardness of the would-be
deserters, however, could not escape notice. Their captain, named
Nicholson, demanded an opportunity of clearing their fame, which, being
granted, he and seventy of his men succeeded in effecting their purpose,
and reached _Recife_ in safety. After this, the remaining Dutch were
disarmed and sent to _Bahia_.
Meanwhile massacre and counter-massacre, on the part of the respective
Indian allies on either side, took place in the captaincy of _Paraïba_;
and the Dutch became seriously alarmed for their supplies. They
resolved, in desperation, to make a vigorous attack against Camaran.
They were no match, however, for that active and able leader; and the
Dutch commander was compelled to retreat, with the loss of many men,
besides the whole of his baggage. The Portuguese cause at this time
suffered a serious loss, in consequence of an ill-timed order from
_Bahia_ that the sugar-plantations of _Pernambuco_ should be destroyed.
The Governor-General, when issuing this edict, was not aware that these
plantations were now in the hands of his countrymen. The unhappy
Fernandes, while protesting against this measure, had to destroy his own
canes to the value of two hundred thousand _cruzados_.[1]
[Sidenote: 1646.]
The Dutch now became so greatly distressed for provisions that the
Indians were only kept in their service by the opinion which was
propagated, that every deserter to the enemy met with torture and death.
The besiegers, too, began to suffer from want of provisions; but the
form which discontent took in this case was desertion to _Bahia_, and
severe measures had to be adopted by the Governor-General to put a stop
to this practice. The Dutch, having made an attempt in force to
intercept a convoy of cattle from _Paraïba_, were defeated with
considerable loss at _S. Lourenço_.
Shortly after the above-mentioned event, there arrived at the camp two
Jesuits, sent by the Governor-General, and who were the bearers of an
astounding mandate from the King of Portugal, to the effect that his
generals, Vidal and Martim Soares, should retire forthwith to _Bahia_,
leaving _Pernambuco_ in the possession of the Dutch. The reason of this
order will presently be explained. In the meantime it is to be shown in
what manner it was received. The two generals, or camp-masters as they
were called, were at first so taken aback that they knew not how to
reply. To yield up the country which they had won step by step with such
difficulty, and to leave in possession a heretical enemy whom they
detested, was naturally abhorrent to their feelings as soldiers, as
patriots, and as Catholics. On Joam Fernandes, who had risked all on the
insurrection, the blow fell yet more heavily. He was, however, the first
to rally; when he declared that the King’s orders, having been issued in
ignorance of the actual situation, ought not to be obeyed without a
further reference to his Majesty.
This opinion prevailed, and was accordingly referred to the
Governor-General at _Bahia_. He, however, having received positive
orders, declined to take any responsibility upon himself should they be
disobeyed. Upon this Martim Soares gave up his command, and sailed soon
afterwards for Lisbon. Vidal and Joam Fernandes, however, remained true
to their first resolution.
The orders from Lisbon had not been issued without great reluctance. The
Duke of Braganza did not feel secure of his throne, and was apprehensive
lest Holland should ally herself with Spain against him. He was at this
time represented at The Hague by Francisco de Sousa Coutinho, an
ambassador of great ability, which was in no small degree essential to
his country, seeing the difficult part he had to play. De Sousa saw from
the first that the West India Company were not equal to carrying on the
expensive war in which they were embarked; and he accordingly advised
his master to give the insurgents effective though unavowed assistance.
When it became evident in Holland that the Portuguese authorities of
_Bahia_ put forth no effort to suppress the insurrection, the States
retaliated by giving orders to seize all vessels coming from
_Pernambuco_, a measure which was made a pretext for seizing Portuguese
shipping in general. In short, Holland and Portugal were gradually
drifting into open war; and, as has been said, the fear of an alliance
being formed between the States and Spain had weighed with the King to
send orders for the evacuation of _Pernambuco_.
It will be remembered that at the commencement of the insurrection there
were many murmurs and menaces directed against Joam Fernandes; it had
been even necessary to take special precautions against his being
assassinated. In face of his brilliant successes, all murmurs against
him had been silenced, and he was rightly regarded as the hero of a
successful revolution for the liberation of his province. Now, however,
that he was known to be acting in contravention of the express orders of
his sovereign, the clamour against him recommenced. He was repeatedly
warned that his life was in danger, and he received the names of
nineteen persons who were engaged in a conspiracy against him. These
communications producing no effect, the writer called upon Fernandes,
and remonstrated with him; but he had the mortification of finding
himself looked upon as a calumniator. With Vidal, however, he had more
success; in so far that his story was at least believed, and an attempt
was made to bring the conspirators to reason.
Not long afterwards, however, Fernandes, in coming from one of his
sugar-works, having outridden his bodyguard, was attacked by three
_Mamelucos_, one of whom shot him through the shoulder. One of the
assassins was cut to pieces by his guard; the other two escaped through
the canes. Fernandes, although he was aware of the conspirator who had
set on the assassins, was magnanimous enough not to denounce him.
After this escape, Fernandes and Vidal organized a daring expedition
against the island of _Itamaraca_. It was not successful in winning Fort
_Orange_; but the rest of the island fell into the hands of the
Portuguese, the Dutch having previously expelled from it their Indian
allies.
The distress in _Recife_ now reached the length of famine. The city was
searched for food, and all that could be found was put into a common
stock, one pound of bread per week being allowed for each soldier and
citizen. But even this scanty allowance had soon to be withheld from the
townspeople, in order that that of the soldiers might be doubled; for
the latter now began to listen to the suggestions of the enemy. Horses,
dogs, cats, and rats were greedily devoured; and many slaves died of
inanition. Neither courage nor ingenuity could avail to procure food;
whilst to venture beyond the works was certain death at the hands of
Diaz and his negroes.
Months had elapsed since the dangerous position of the city had been
known in Holland, but still no reinforcements arrived. Things had now
come to such a pass that a capitulation or a complete surrender could no
longer be delayed; for there was but food left for two days more. It is
strange that at this critical moment the stoutest defenders of _Recife_
should have been the Jews. Were the place rendered up to the Portuguese,
they could hope to avoid death by apostasy alone; they had resolved,
therefore, to perish by the sword rather than to surrender, and they had
even induced the Council seriously to consider a plan for a general
sally of the whole besieged population. Such was the result of the
intolerant bigotry of the Portuguese.
At this supreme moment what were the feelings of the starving crowd when
they beheld two vessels bearing towards the port under full sail, and
carrying the Dutch colours? Casting anchor, they saluted with three
guns, thus denoting that they were from Holland. They were the advanced
guard of a convoy which might hourly be expected. It is here necessary
to state the circumstances under which this fleet sailed, and also those
which led to its tardy arrival.
It has been mentioned above that the interests of Portugal were at this
time watched over at the Hague by a most astute diplomatist. The
professional morality of European diplomacy has become considerably
stricter in the course of late years than it was in the year of which we
write, namely, 1646. Francisco de Sousa must be judged, therefore, as to
his diplomatic conduct, by the ethics of his own age rather than by
those of the present time. He had a most difficult part to play; and,
being a thorough patriot as well as doubtless a devout Catholic, he held
that the interests of his country, if not those of his faith, justified
him in any amount of dissimulation, in order to secure them. His
judgment both as to the importance of the Portuguese settlements in
Northern _Brazil_ to his country and as to the practicability of
recovering them, was sound, as was proved by the event; but, as has
been said, there were imperious reasons to make the court of Lisbon
dread an open rupture with Holland. Under the circumstances the
ambassador had the courage to take upon himself the entire
responsibility of negotiating with the Dutch, leaving it to his master
to disavow his proceedings should it prove necessary for the public
well-being so to do. He was well aware that he was fully trusted; but he
could not foresee all the possibilities of the future.
The Dutch statesmen, although they were slow at arriving at conclusions,
could not but perceive that the Portuguese diplomatist had been merely
seeking to gain time. They therefore called upon him to give a
categorical statement of the intentions of his government with reference
to _Brazil_. He replied in a note, in which he asserted that he had
instructions to treat with them respecting the affairs of _Pernambuco_;
and he requested that a conference might take place in time to save them
the expense of fitting out an unnecessary armament. The Dutch
Government, perceiving that he was only renewing his former practices,
declined his proposal; whereupon De Sousa, being hard pressed, offered
to communicate the instructions on which he was to act. This was a bold
step; for it required the exercise of some creative genius on his part.
He had, however, with him some blank despatches from his Government
already signed, and one of these he filled up so as to suit the moment.
The result was that the Dutch, being deceived, suspended their naval
preparations.
The ambassador, however, although he had tricked the States, was
perfectly open in his communications with his own Government; and he
suggested to his sovereign to order his own disgrace or punishment
should it be necessary to disavow the act which, according to his
knowledge of the existing circumstances, he had judged best for the
public interests. His action was secretly approved; but the Portuguese
Government had sufficient decency to refrain from any open commendation
of the ambassador’s conduct, nor did they confer upon him any reward.
The King now assured the States that the insurgents in _Pernambuco_
disregarded his authority, and that, therefore, they were justified in
making war upon them. The Dutch naval preparations were therefore
resumed; but they had been delayed for several months. It was November
1645 before the fleet was ready to sail; the frost delayed it at
Flushing three months longer, and six months were consumed upon the
voyage. Had the insurgents possessed the means of pressing the siege of
_Recife_ with vigour, the convoy would have arrived to find that place
in the possession of the Portuguese.
As it was, the arrival of the fleet had the effect of prolonging this
lingering war for years still to come. With the fleet arrived five new
members of the Council, with six thousand troops, besides seamen and
volunteers, all under the command of the experienced Schoppe. The first
attempt of the new general was to regain possession of _Olinda_; but in
this he was defeated. As, however, he had now a superior force in the
field, the insurgents thought it advisable to evacuate _Paraïba_, and
accordingly sent orders to Camaram to withdraw from that captaincy.
The Dutch leader next made a descent upon the northern captaincies, in
which he made preparations for the future supplies of provisions for
_Recife_. He sent also a considerable force to the river _San Francisco_
for the purpose of cutting off the source from which the Portuguese were
nourished; but in this latter attempt he was not so successful, and lost
a hundred and fifty men. He next secretly fitted out a naval expedition
with which he set sail to surprise _Bahia_. Landing upon the island of
_Itaparica_, he established himself upon a commanding position, which he
fortified. The Governor-General, being taken completely unawares,
thought only of protecting the city; and meanwhile the invaders
devastated the _Reconcave_ unopposed. On this the Governor-General
determined to attack the Dutch position--an unsuccessful enterprise--in
which six hundred men were sacrificed. After this, Schoppe, who had only
meant to effect a diversion in favour of _Recife_, returned to that
place.
The Portuguese were now, in turn, considerably straitened for supplies;
and Vidal had to proceed on foraging expeditions to _Paraïba_ and to the
_Potengi_. The insurgent leaders, however, were buoyed up by the hope
which they entertained of assistance from Portugal. So strongly indeed
did they entertain this hope that they concerted measures for the
co-operation with them of the fleet which was to arrive; and a battery
which was now erected caused much trouble to _Recife_. As it commanded
the harbour as well as the streets, the Dutch were compelled to remove
their vessels. In one of the sallies made by the Portuguese, the palace
built by Count Nassau was sacked.
[Sidenote: 1647.]
The convenient pretence that Portugal and the States were still at peace
was abandoned, in so far as South America was concerned, after the
attack by the Dutch on _Bahia_. The order of the Jesuits in _Rio de
Janeiro_ contributed to the insurgent cause a ship-load of supplies. A
new Governor-General now arrived at _Bahia_ in the person of the Count
of Villa Pouca, who brought out with him reinforcements in twelve ships,
three of which were unsuccessful in a conflict with the Dutch. The
arrival of this fleet without any considerable succours for _Pernambuco_
was a sore trial to the patriots of that province. The fleet brought
them, however, a new commander, Francisco Barreto, with the rank of
Campmaster-General. He had with him an escort of three hundred men,
together with arms and ammunition. The Dutch, having information of his
sailing, intercepted his ships off _Paraïba_, and Barreto was carried
prisoner into _Recife_. After nine months’ captivity he effected his
escape and joined the insurgents.
It certainly seemed a measure little calculated for insuring success to
supersede at this juncture two such capable and efficient commanders as
Fernandes and Vidal, who had hitherto headed the insurrection with such
vigour, and who were so thoroughly acquainted with the country in which
they had to operate. Such, however, was their thorough loyalty, and such
the good sense of Barreto in conforming to their advice, that no ill
effects resulted from this change in the command. In the course of the
insurrection, Vidal and Vernandes had overrun one hundred and eighty
leagues of country, from _Ceará_ to the _San Francisco_; they had
captured eighty pieces of cannon; and they now delivered up to the new
commander two months’ provisions for the army, twenty-four _contos_[2]
in specie, and the value of eighteen thousand _cruzados_.[3]
[Sidenote: 1648.]
Soon after this event a fresh fleet arrived from Holland, bringing out
six thousand men, which placed the Dutch at an unmistakable advantage in
the field, compelling the Portuguese to contract the limits of their
operations. The insurgent leaders, with this view, called in their
troops from various out-stations, and evacuated _Olinda_, confining
themselves between _Serinhaem_ and _Moribeca_. All of the inhabitants of
the _Varzea_, capable of bearing arms, were ordered to repair to the
camp. Upon a muster being taken, the entire insurgent force was found to
number only three thousand two hundred men. Its quality, however, made
up for its deficiency in quantity.
In describing the details of this long and tedious colonial war, one is
glad to arrive at a point which, though it did not mark its conclusion,
was nevertheless decisive as to its result. Such a point is the first
battle of _Guararapes_. The Dutch commander had determined to take
possession of the small town of _Moribeca_, from which place he could
co-operate with the fleet destined for _Nazareth_. With this view he
attacked the _estancia_ of _Barreta_, making prisoner of Soares, the
officer in command. A range of hills, called the _Guararapes_, rises
between three or four leagues south of _Recife_, its skirts extending to
within three miles of the sea, the intervening space being swampy. Where
the range most nearly approaches the ocean there is only a narrow slip
of land between the hills and the swamp--the entrance to the pass being
between a lake and a thicket. Of this pass the Portuguese took
possession, being protected by the wood from the view of an approaching
enemy.
On the morning on which the Dutch were to enter the pass, the officer
above-named, who had been captured at _Barreta_, contrived to make his
escape, and his countrymen were thus well informed as to the disposition
and strength of the enemy. A skirmishing party was sent out to decoy
them onwards; and the Dutch thus suddenly found themselves in a position
where their numbers were of little avail. After the first discharge of
firearms the fight was hand to hand. It was well contested. Vidal had
two horses killed under him; whilst the charger which Joam Fernandes
rode on this decisive day had one of his ears perforated by a bullet. A
Dutch soldier, who aimed a blow at the rider, lost his arm by a stroke
from the sabre of Fernandes. As was to be expected, in spite of their
inferiority of numbers, the patriots won the fight. The enemy left
twelve hundred dead upon the field, of whom it is said one hundred and
eighty were officers. Amongst the fallen was Haus, who had returned to
_Brazil_; amongst the wounded was Schoppe.
After this victory the insurgents once more took possession of _Olinda_;
but their joy was somewhat damped by the loss of their fortified
battery, called the _Asseca_, which had so long annoyed _Recife_, and
which, during the absence of the commanders, had been yielded without a
struggle. At this time they likewise sustained a severe loss by the
death of their Indian ally, Camaram. He was a man of much ability, and
although a typical Indian warrior, was of such dignified and courteous
manners that he obtained the love and respect of all. We are somewhat
surprised, however, that he is claimed by the Church as a model convert,
who every day heard mass and repeated the office. He invariably bore
upon his breast a crucifix and an image of the Virgin. The Dutch were
still masters of the sea; and in consequence the Portuguese suffered
much damage. By means of cruisers the Dutch carried on a tolerably
lucrative war; whilst _Recife_ offered a ready market for produce, and a
ready means of sending remittances to Europe.
Meanwhile a blow was struck at the supremacy of the States in a quarter
in which it was little expected. A member of the family of Correa de Sa,
by whose means the French had been expelled from _Rio de Janeiro_, now
projected an expedition for the recovery of _Angola_. Under pretext of
erecting a fort on that coast to secure a supply of negroes, he set out
from _Brazil_, having obtained a large amount subscribed for the
purpose. Arrived on the coast of Africa, he set sail for _Loanda_, and
was there informed that a detachment of Dutch was acting against the
Portuguese at _Massangano_. On this information, he sent a flag to the
governor, stating that, although he had not come with a hostile purpose,
he felt it his duty to defend his oppressed countrymen, and he allowed
the Dutch two days in which to surrender. The latter, at the end of this
time, made a show of resistance, but soon fled; after which, by great
address, Correa de Sa effected the relief of _Massangano_, taking
prisoners the entire Dutch force of over two thousand men, whom he
caused immediately to embark for Europe. The city of _St. Thomas_ was
likewise abandoned. The tidings of this success reaching Portugal about
the same time as those of the battle of _Guararapes_, had no small share
in deciding the government of King Joam to take the course which, after
long hesitation, they ultimately adopted in their negotiations with the
Dutch respecting _Pernambuco_.
The councils of King Joam were now not a little distracted. The Dutch
were fully aware of the value of the possession which was the subject of
contention between them and Portugal; and they were fully determined not
to yield _Pernambuco_. Their demands were that Portugal should cede to
them the whole of the provinces which they had occupied at the
conclusion of the truce, with the third part of _Seregipe_ in addition;
that the island and port of the _Morro_ of _St. Paulo_, opposite
_Bahia_, should be given to them, likewise, for twenty years, until the
terms of the treaty should be fulfilled; that they were to receive
100,000 _florins_, yearly, for twenty years; and likewise one thousand
oxen, one thousand cows, four hundred horses, and one thousand sheep,
yearly, for ten years, and a thousand chests of sugar, yearly, for
twenty years. All their slaves were also to be restored.
Although these exorbitant terms were subsequently somewhat lowered, the
Portuguese nation had still sufficient pride not to submit to them. The
King placed the matter before the members of his Council, from each
individual of whom he required a separate written opinion. The result
was that a memorial was laid before His Majesty, stating that however
desirable might be a peace with Holland, yet that religion and honour
alike necessitated the rejection of the terms proposed. The King had,
however, one adviser who took an opposite view. This was Vieyra, the
Jesuit, who proceeded to expose the weakness of the several arguments
which were adduced by the Council. This able statesman looked not to the
Portuguese possessions in _Brazil_ alone, but to the imperial position
which Portugal occupied in the world. He met the religious objection by
the argument that there was nothing to prevent the Portuguese of
_Pernambuco_ from emigrating elsewhere. Since the very existence of
Portugal was at stake, it was before all things the King’s duty as a
Catholic sovereign to look to the safety of that stronghold of the
faith. The captaincies which the Dutch required, were after all only
about a tenth part of the country.
Sixty ships, he pointed out, had been captured during that year. The
Dutch, he declared, possessed fourteen thousand vessels against one
hundred and fifty belonging to Portugal. They had in India more than a
hundred ships of war, and more than sixty in _Brazil_. But it was on the
state of India that Vieyra rested his main argument, and on the
certainty of the Portuguese losing their possessions on that continent
should they persist in war with the States. Thus was the King left in as
great perplexity as ever, since his Council advised him in one sense,
whilst the statesman whom he most trusted took an opposite view of the
situation. One suggestion of Vieyra’s was, however, complied with,
namely, a Portuguese _Brazil_ Company was established, and this had a
notable effect in bringing the war to a conclusion.
[Sidenote: 1649.]
The necessity for the above-named measure had long been represented to
the King by this sagacious Churchman. It was indeed an imitation of the
Dutch East and West India Companies. Individual interest, he argued,
would create exertion and enterprise; whilst foreign capital would be
attracted by so promising an adventure. There was one condition
absolutely needed, however, to insure its success, namely, that all
capital embarked in this adventure should be free from confiscation. It
is necessary to explain that this _proviso_ referred to the Inquisition,
the political evils of which institution had been ably exposed by
Vieyra. Were the property of merchants engaged in this Company liable to
be seized at the instance of the Holy Office, the Company would, of
course, cease to command public confidence. As a matter of course the
Holy Office denounced the proposed measure. They objected even to the
use of money belonging to suspected persons. It required the losses of
eight successive years and the threatened ruin of the trade of Portugal
to induce the Government to put down this obstacle raised by interested
bigotry. But at length the Company was formed, and the King’s eldest son
became Prince of _Brazil_.
To return to _Pernambuco_. The _Guararape_ hills were once more the
scene of a battle between the parties who contended for the mastery of
this fertile province. On this occasion the relative position of the
combatants was reversed, the Dutch being the defendants and the
Portuguese the assailants. The former had sallied from _Recife_ with a
force of some five thousand men, and had taken possession of the pass
between the sea and the hills of the above name. Here they were attacked
by the Portuguese, and, after a struggle of six hours, were routed with
a loss of eleven hundred men, nineteen stands of colours, with the whole
of their artillery and ammunition. Prink, the Dutch commander, fell, as
did the chief of the naval forces which assisted him. Joam Fernandes,
the hero of the insurrection, had, as usual, several narrow escapes with
his life. On the side of the victors fell Paulo da Cunha, who had taken
a prominent part in the war.
Shortly after this battle the first fleet sent out by the new Company
arrived at _Brazil_, the Dutch being unable to oppose it. There is not
much, however, to record respecting the proceedings of the contending
parties during the next three years. Holland, being engaged in war with
the Protector of England, left the West Indian Company to provide for
_Pernambuco_ as best it could; but the means of the Company were
exhausted, and their naval force at _Recife_ became unfit to go to sea.
Schoppe, indeed, made one attempt to intercept the homeward bound fleet
of 1652; but he was beaten off with loss.
[Sidenote: 1653.]
The conclusion of the struggle for the independence of _Pernambuco_ was
due, as had been its commencement, to the initiative of Joam Fernandes.
To his intelligent and patriotic mind two considerations presented
themselves, namely, that the Pernambucans must rely for their freedom on
themselves alone; and that the expulsion of the Dutch could never be
secured while _Recife_ remained open to their ships. Taking these as his
principles, it occurred to him that although there was no hope of
obtaining direct succour from Portugal, yet that the Company’s fleet
might be made use of to obtain the desired end. His commander, Barreto,
entering into his views, the camp-masters met in council in _San
Gonzalo’s_ chapel, and agreed to endeavour to carry out the scheme.
The annual fleet was to sail from Lisbon early in October, with Pedro de
Magalhaens as general and Brito Freire as admiral, the latter being the
well-known historian. Barreto had been desired to have the ships in the
ports of _Pernambuco_ ready to join the fleet on its way to _Bahia_. The
advice was received on the 7th of December, and on the 20th the convoy
came in sight of _Recife_. After beating off some Dutch frigates, the
general and the admiral landed at the _Rio Doce_. This scheme was then
opened up to them, and they were requested to block up the harbour
whilst the insurgents should make a last and desperate attempt to effect
the capture of _Recife_.
As was to be expected, the commanders were not a little startled at the
part which had been assigned to them. Magalhaens represented that his
instructions from the King did not authorize him to engage in any act of
hostility; nor had he permission from the Company to divert the fleet
from its destination. He further intimated that were he to involve his
country in war with Holland, the penalty would be his head. To this
Fernandes replied by the argument once used by John Knox, that all
temporal penalties, which at least ended with this world, could not
outweigh in the scale the value of a soul which was to exist to all
eternity; and that were the general to fail in carrying out the part
which Providence now assigned to him, the souls of all those who would
be thus exposed to renunciation of the faith would be required at his
hands. It was an age of deep religious conviction, and both Magalhaens
and Freire yielded to the arguments of Fernandes.
The result is soon told. The Dutch fleet, perceiving the intentions of
the Portuguese, stood out to sea whilst they were able to do so. Their
disappearance set at liberty the merchant ships along the coast, which
were employed under the orders of Barreto. A line was drawn across the
harbour of _Recife_, and strict precautions were taken that no relief
should reach the city by sea or by land. The besieging force consisted
of three thousand five hundred men. The indefatigable Fernandes led the
first assault; and he was good enough to promise a separate mass for the
soul of each of his men who should fall. On the morning of the 15th of
January, the besieged were astonished to find themselves cannonaded by a
battery of twenty-four pounders, and the fort of _Salinas_ surrendered
on the same night. One post gave in after another, and at length the
inhabitants compelled the General to treat for a capitulation. The
Dutch, having surrendered their arms, might remain for three months at
_Recife_ to settle their affairs; but all their possessions on the coast
of _Brazil_, without exception, were to be surrendered to the
Portuguese.
[Sidenote: 1654.]
Fernandez entered the city and received the keys of the magazines and
forts, seventy-three in number, which he proudly delivered to Barreto.
Twelve hundred regular troops laid down their arms at _Recife_. The
Portuguese likewise gained possession of two hundred and seventy-three
guns; the Indians had retired toward _Ceará_. Some of the distant
garrisons, having received timely warning of the loss of _Recife_,
succeeded in effecting their escape; but at _Itamaraca_ four hundred men
were taken. The General and the Admiral now proceeded with the convoy to
_Bahia_; whilst Vidal set out to announce the glad tidings in Portugal.
But in this intention the commander was anticipated by a Benedictine
priest, who, arriving at Lisbon on the same evening, proceeded at once
to communicate the information to the King.
[Sidenote: 1661.]
The news of this event reached Holland at a time when the Dutch, however
much they might feel disposed to do so, were by no means in a position
to take revenge. Their arms were not just then successful against
England. But they succeeded in recompensing themselves for the loss of
_Pernambuco_ by wresting Ceylon from the Portuguese. They did not,
however, immediately resign the hope of recovering their possessions in
_Brazil_. Although Louis XIV. was accepted as mediator between Holland
and Portugal, the States nevertheless sent a fleet under De Ruiter to
the Tagus and attempted some reprisals. In the end, Holland yielded to
circumstances. Charles II. of England, while treating for his marriage
with the Portuguese princess, intimated to the Dutch that if they should
persevere in the contest he would become a party to it. France likewise
interfered energetically on behalf of Portugal; and at length the
negotiations were concluded, the latter country consenting to pay a
certain amount in money and commodities to Holland, and to restore her
captured cannon.