De Soto traversed the Chatta-Muskogee region, when, in 1540, he

discovered the Mississippi. He found there a numerous population lodged

in well-constructed dwellings, and with their council-houses surmounting

lofty mounds. De Soto and later travellers noted their extensive fields

of maize, beans, squashes, and tobacco, and their well-finished flint

implements. They were Mound-Builders; and though no longer manifesting

in extended geometrical earthworks the special characteristic of the old

race, it is assumed that in them we recover traces of the vanished

people of the Ohio valley.

With this assignment of the Mound-Builders to an affinity with Indian

nations still represented by existing tribes, the vague idea of some

strange prehistoric American race of remote antiquity vanishes; and the

latter tendency has been rather to underestimate their distinctive

peculiarities. Some of these seem to separate them from any Indian tribe

of which definite accounts have been preserved; and foremost among them

is the evidence of comprehensive design, and of scientific skill in the

construction of their sacred enclosures. The predominant impression

suggested by the great military earthworks of the Mound-Builders is that

of a people co-operating under the guidance of approved leaders, with a

view to the defence of large communities. Elaborate fortifications are

erected on well-chosen hills or bluffs, and strengthened by ditches,

mounds, and complicated approaches; but the lines of earthwork are

everywhere adapted to the natural features of the site. The sacred

enclosures are, on the contrary, constructed on the level river-terraces

with elaborate artificiality of design, but on a scale of magnitude not

less imposing than that of the largest hill-forts. On first entering the

great circle at Newark, and looking across its broad trench at the lofty

embankment overshadowed with tall forest trees, my thoughts reverted to

the Antonine vallum, which by like evidence still records the presence

of the Roman masters of the world in North Britain 1700 years ago. But

after driving over a circuit of several miles, embracing the remarkable

earthworks of which that is only a single feature, and satisfying myself

by personal observation of the existence of parallel avenues which have

been traced for nearly two miles and of the grand oval, circles, and

octagon, the smallest of which measures upwards of half a mile in

circumference, all idea of mere combined labour is lost in the higher

conviction of manifest skill, and even science. The octagon indeed is

not a perfect figure. Its angles are not coincident, but the sides are

very nearly equal; and the enclosure approaches so closely to an

accurate figure that its error is only demonstrated by actual survey.

Connected with it by parallel embankments 350 feet long, is a true

circle, measuring 2880 feet in circumference; and distant nearly a mile

from this, but connected with it by an elaborate series of earthworks,

is the great circular structure previously referred to. Its actual form

is an ellipse; the different diameters of which are 1250 feet and 1150

feet respectively; and it encloses an area of upwards of 30 acres. At

the entrance the enclosing embankment curves outward on either side for

a distance of 100 feet, leaving a level way between the ditches, 80 feet

wide, and at this point it measures about 30 feet from the bottom of the

ditch to the summit. The area of the enclosure is almost perfectly

level, so that during rain-floods the water stands at a uniform height

nearly to the edge of the ditch.

The skulls of the Mound-Builders have been appealed to for indications

of the intellectual capacity of the ancient race; but mounds and

earthworks were habitually resorted to at long subsequent dates as

favourite places of interment; so that skulls derived from modern graves

are ascribed to the ancient race; and much difficulty has been found in

agreeing on a typical mound skull. Even after making allowance for

modifications due to artificial malformation, and eliminating those

derived from superficial interments, a very noticeable diversity is

found in the comparatively few undoubtedly genuine mound skulls, which

may lend some countenance to the idea of the presence of two essentially

distinct races among the ancient settlers in the Ohio valley.[26] It

seems to accord with the unmistakable traces of intellectual progress of

a kind foreign to the attainments of any known race of the North

American continent, thus found in association with arts and methods of

work not greatly in advance of those of the Indian savage. The only

satisfactory solution of the problem seems to present itself in the

assumption of the existence among them of a theocratic order, like the

priests of ancient Egypt, the Brahmins of India, or the Incas of Peru,

under whom the vanished race of the Ohio valley—Tallegewi, Muskogees,

Natchez, Alleghans, or other American aborigines,—executed their vast

geometrical earthworks with such mathematical accuracy.

The contents of the earthworks of the Ohio and Mississippi valleys show

that the copper, found in a pure metallic condition at various points

around Lake Superior, was not unknown to their constructors. But in this

they had little advantage over the Iroquois and Algonkin tribes, in

whose grave mounds copper axes and spear heads occasionally occur. It is

even possible that working parties were despatched from time to time to

the ancient copper mines on the Kewenaw peninsula, on Lake Superior, to

bring back supplies of the prized malleable rock, which could be bent

and hammered into shape in a way that no other stone was susceptible of.

But the labours of the native miners were inadequate to provide supplies

that could in any degree suffice to displace the flint or quartzite of

the implement-maker. One use, however, has been suggested for the

copper, in relation to the labours of the flint-workers. Mr. George

Ercol Sellers, whose researches among the workshops of the ancient

tool-makers have thrown much light on their processes, was led, from

careful observation of some of their unfinished work, to the opinion

that copper was in special request in the operations of the

flint-flaker. After referring to the well-known use of horn or

bone-flakers, he thus proceeds: “From the narrowness of the cuts in some

of the specimens, and the thickness of the stone where they terminate, I

have inclined to the belief that, at the period they were made, the

aborigines had something stronger than bone to operate with, as I have

never been able to imitate some of their deep heavy cuts with it; but I

have succeeded by using a copper point, which possesses all the

properties of the bone, in holding to its work without slipping, and has

the strength for direct thrust required.”[27] No copper tool, however,

was recovered by Mr. Sellers among the vast accumulations of implements

and waste chips, hereafter described, on the sites of the ancient

workers’ industrious operations, though some of those found elsewhere

may have been used for such a purpose.

The evidence that the ancient dwellers in the Ohio valley were still in

their Stone age is indisputable. But to a people apparently under the

guidance of an order or cast far in advance of themselves in some

important branches of knowledge, and by whom the utility of the metals

was beginning to be discerned—though they had not yet mastered the

first step in metallurgy by the use of fire,—their speedy advance

beyond the neolithic stage was inevitable. But an open valley,

accessible on all sides, was peculiarly unfavourable for the first

transitional stage of a people just emerging from barbarism. Their

numbers, it is obvious, were considerable; and agriculture must have

been carried out on a large scale to furnish the means of subsistence

for a settled community. They had entered on a course which, if

unimpeded, must have inevitably tended to develop the higher elements of

social life and political organisation. But their duration as a settled

community appears to have been brief. Some faint tradition of the

irruption of the northern barbarians of the New World survives. The

Iroquois, that indomitable race of savage warriors, swept through the

valley with desolating fury; the dawn of civilisation on the northern

continent of America was abruptly arrested; and the present name of the

great river along the banks and on the tributaries of which the

memorials of the Tallegewi abound, is one conferred on it by their

supplanters, who were equally successful in thwarting the aims of France

to introduce the higher forms of European civilisation there.

Some singularly interesting information relative to the traces of the

ancient flint-workers in the Ohio valley, is furnished by Mr. Sellers.

His observations were made when that region still remained, to a large

extent, undisturbed by civilised intruders on the deserted Indian

settlements. He notes many places along the banks of the Ohio and its

tributaries, at an elevation above the spring floods except at rare

intervals of violent freshets, where the flaking process of the old

flint-workers had been extensively carried on, and where cores and waste

chips abound. “At one of those places, on the Kentucky side of the

river,” he says, “I found a number of chert blocks, as when first

brought from the quarry, from which no regular flakes had been split;

some had a single corner broken off as a starting-point. On the sharp

right-angled edge of several I found the indentations left by small

flakes having been knocked off, evidently by blows, as a preparation for

seating the flaking tool. Most of the localities referred to are now

under cultivation. Before being cleared of the timber and subjected to

the plough, no surface relics were found, but on the caving and wearing

away of the river banks, many spear and arrow heads and other stone

relics were left on the shore. After the land had been cleared, and the

plough had loosened the soil, one of the great floods that occur at

intervals of some fifteen or twenty years, would wash away the loose

soil, leaving the great flint workshops exposed.” There, accordingly, he

notes among the materials thus brought to light, the cores or nuclei

thrown aside, caches stored with finished and unfinished implements and

flakes, the tools and wastage, vast accumulations of splinters, etc.,

all serving to illustrate the processes of the ancient flint-workers.

The depth at which some accumulations occur, overlaid by the growth of

the so-called primeval forest, points to them as contemporary with, if

not in some cases older than, the earthworks of the Mound-Builders. The

extent, indeed, to which some are overlaid by subsequent accumulations

suggests a remote era. In 1853 Mr. Sellers first visited the site of one

of those ancient work-yards, on the northern bank of the Saline river,

about three miles above its junction with the Ohio. The region was then

covered with dense forest, with the exception of a narrow strip along

the bank of the river, which had been cleared in connection with

recently opened coal works. But at a later date, in sinking a cistern,

about 200 yards from the river bank, the excavation was made through a

mass of flint chips. Subsequently heavy rains, after ploughing, exposed

some spears and arrow points. “But it was not until the great flood of

the winter of 1862 and 1863 that overflowed this ridge three or four

feet with a rapid current, that the portion under cultivation on the

river bank was denuded, exposing over six acres of what at first

appeared to be a mass of chips or stone rubbish, but amongst it were

found many hammer-stones, celts, grooved axes, cores, flakes, almost

innumerable scrapers and other implements, and many tynes from the buck

or stag, all of which bore evidence of having been scraped to a point.

On exposure to the air they fell to pieces.” The actual site of the

quarry appears to have been subsequently identified. “The greater number

of cores, scattered flakes, finished and unfinished implements, are of

the chert from a depression in a ridge three miles to the south-east,

where there are abundant indications of large quantities having been

quarried.” But the same great work-yard of the ancient Mound-Builders

furnished evidence of other sources of supply. Mr. Sellers noted the

finding “a few cores of the white chert from Missouri, and the red and

yellow jasper of Kentucky and Tennessee,” but he adds, “the flakes of

these have mostly been found in nests or small caches, many of which

have been exposed; and in every case the flakes they contained were more

or less worked on their edges; whereas the flakes from the neighbouring

chert preserved their sharp edges as when split from the mass. These

cache specimens with their worked serrated edges would, if found singly,

be classed as saws or cutting implements. But here where found in mass,

evidently brought from a distance, to a place where harder chert of a

much better character for cutting implements abounds, they tell a

different story.” The material was better adapted for the manufacture of

certain classes of small implements much in demand, and the serrated

edge is simply the natural result of the mode of working of this species

of chert and of the jasper.

The fine-grained quartzite was also in request, especially for the

manufacture of the largest class of implements, including hoes and

spades, equally needed by the primitive agriculturist, and by the

navvies to whose industrious toil the vast earthworks of the Ohio valley

are due. The site of the old quartzite quarry appears to be about eight

miles from the banks of Saline river; but there are many other

localities scattered over the region extending from southern Illinois to

the Mississippi, where the same substitute for chert or hornstone

occurs. Some of the quartzite hoes or spades measure sixteen inches in

length, with a breadth of from six to seven inches, and evince

remarkable dexterity and skill in their manufacture. Here, accordingly,

it becomes apparent that there was a time in the history of this

continent, before its existence was revealed to the race that now

peoples the Ohio valley, when that region was the scene of busy native

industry; and its manufacturers quarried and wrought the chert, jasper,

and quartzite, and traded the products of their skill over an extensive

region. But the germs of an incipient native civilisation were trodden

out by the inroads of savage warriors from the north; and the towns and

villages of the industrious community were replaced by what appeared to

La Salle, the discoverer and first explorer of Ohio river, as the

primeval forest.

It throws an interesting light on the industrial processes of the

ancient flint-workers to learn that, even in a region where the useful

chert abounded, they went far afield in search of other materials

specially adapted for some classes of implements. They were

unquestionably a settled community, in a higher stage than any of the

tribes found in occupation of that or any neighbouring region when first

visited by Europeans. But many tribes, both of the Northern and Southern

States, habitually travelled far distances to the sea coast, where still

the ancient shell mounds attest their presence. The routes thus annually

pursued by the Indians of the interior of Pennsylvania, for example,

were familiar to the early surveyors, and some of their trails

undoubtedly marked the footprints of many generations. In traversing

those routes, as well as in their autumnal encampments on the coast,

opportunities were afforded of selecting suitable materials for their

implements from localities remote from their homes. The lines of those

old trails have accordingly yielded numerous examples of the wayfarers’

weapons and tools, as well as of unfinished implements. We are apt to

think of a people in their Stone period as merely turning to account

materials lying as accessible to all as the loose stones employed as

missiles by the vagrant schoolboy. But such an idea is manifestly

inapplicable, not only to the arts of communities like those by whom the

earthworks of the Ohio valley were constructed, but to many far older

workers in flint or stone. The Indian arrow-maker and the pipe-maker, it

is manifest, often travelled great distances for the material best

suited to their manufactures; and the use of flint or hornstone for

slingstones, lance and arrow heads, as well as for knives, scrapers,

axes, and other domestic and agricultural tools, must have involved a

constant demand for fresh supplies. It might be assumed, therefore,

apart from all direct evidence, that a regular system of quarrying for

the raw material both of the pipe and the implement-maker was pursued;

and that by trade or barter the pipestone of divers qualities, and the

chert or hornstone, the quartzite, jasper, and other useful minerals,

were thus furnished to tribes whose homesteads and hunting-grounds

yielded no such needful supplies. But the same region which abounds in

such remarkable evidences of the ingenious arts of a vanished race, also

furnishes traces of the old miners, by whose industry the flint was

quarried and roughly chipped into available forms for transport to

distant localities, or for barter among the Mound-Builders in the region

traversed by the great river. At various points on Flint Ridge, Ohio,

and localities far beyond the limits of that state, as at Leavenworth,

300 miles south of Cincinnati, where the gray flint abounds, evidences

of systematic quarrying illustrate the character and extent of this

primitive commerce. Funnel-shaped pits occur, in many cases filled up

with the accumulated vegetable mould of centuries, or only traceable by

a slight depression in the surface of the ground. When cleared out, they

extend to a depth of from four or five, to nearly twenty feet. On

removing the mould, the sloping sides of the pit are found to be covered

with pieces of fractured flint, intermingled with unfinished or broken

implements, and with others partially reduced to shape. The largest hoes

and spades hitherto noted appear to have been fashioned of quartzite,

but those of most common occurrence in Ohio and Kentucky are made of the

gray flint or chert, which abounds in the Flint Ridge pits in blocks

amply sufficing for the manufacture of tools upwards of a foot in

length, such as may be assumed to have been employed in the construction

of the great earthworks. But the transportation of the unwrought blocks

of hornstone to the work-yards in the valley would have involved great

labour in the construction of roads, as well as of sledges or waggons

suited to such traffic. In lieu of this, the accumulated waste chips in

the quarries show the amount of labour that was expended there in order

to facilitate the transport of the useful material. Suitable flakes and

chips were no doubt also carried off to be turned to account for

scrapers, knives, and other small implements. Partially shaped disks and

other pieces of all sizes abound in the pits, but the finer

manipulation, by means of which small arrow heads, lances, drills,

scrapers, etc., were fashioned, was reserved for leisure hours at home,

and for the patient labour of the skilled tool-maker, for whose use the

raw material was chiefly quarried.

In the tool-bearing drift of France and England the large characteristic

flint implements occur in beds of gravel and clay abounding in flakes

and chips in every stage of accidental fracture, to some of which M.

Boucher de Perthes assigned an artificial origin and very fanciful

significance. But if the palæolithic flint-worker in any case quarried

for his material before the latest geological reconstruction of the beds

of rolled gravel, the fractured flints may include traces of primeval

quarrying as well as of the tool-maker’s labours; for the rolled gravel

beds occur in river-valleys best adapted to the habitat of post-glacial

man.

In a report furnished to the Peabody Museum of Archæology, by Mr. Paul

Schumacher, he contributes some interesting evidence relative to the

stone-workers of Southern California. The Indians of the Pacific coast,

south of San Francisco, not only furnished themselves with chisels,

axes, and the like class of implements, but with pots for culinary

purposes, made of steatite, usually of a greenish-gray colour. In 1876,

Mr. Schumacher discovered various quarries of the old pot-manufacturers,

with their tools and unfinished articles lying there. The softer stone

had been used for pots, while the close-grained darker serpentine was

chiefly employed in making the weights for digging sticks, cups, pipes,

and ornaments. “I was struck,” he says, “on examining the locality

through a field-glass, by the discovery of so many silver-hued mounds,

the debris of pits, the rock quarries and open-air workshops, so that I

believed I had found the main factory of the ollas of the California

aborigines.”[28] He also discovered the slate quarry, where the rock had

been broken off in irregular blocks, from which pieces best adapted for

chisels were selected and fashioned into the forms specially useful in

making the steatite pots. A venerable Spanish lady told Mr. Schumacher

that she recollected her mother telling her how the Indians had brought

_ollas_ in canoe-loads from the islands in Santa Barbara Channel to the

mainland, and there exchanged them for such necessities as the islanders

were in need of. This tradition was subsequently confirmed by an old

Mexican guide. Similar evidence of systematic industry with the

accompanying trade, or barter, meets the explorer at many points from

the Gulf of Mexico northward to beyond the Canadian lakes. The pyrulæ

from the Mexican Gulf are of frequent occurrence in northern ossuaries

and grave mounds, while corresponding southern sepulchral deposits

disclose the catlinite of the Couteau des Prairies and the native copper

of the Lake Superior mines. Obsidian is another prized material only to

be found _in situ_ in volcanic regions, but met with in manufactured

forms in many diverse regions, remote from the obsidian quarries.

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