THE CHILD IN EARLIER UNITED STATES
=Customs Relating to Land.= The settlers in the United States brought
with them many of their old-world customs and some of these early
customs relating to land seem to us now most curious. Society has ever
been influenced by the manner of holding, transferring, and inheriting
land, and this all the more in a new country and especially where
greatly influenced by customs and laws transferred from other countries.
One very old and peculiar custom was brought over from England and used
by the first colonists. This was the transferring of land under the old
ceremony of the _livery of seizin_, a feudal ceremony. When land was
being sold, the owner would stand upon it and he would pluck a twig from
the tree or bush and place it in the hand of the purchaser, or he would
take a small piece of the turf and stick a twig in it and give over to
the purchaser. If a house was sold, the owner would take hold of the
ring or latch of the door and formally give over the house to the
purchaser.
In Virginia once every four years between Easter and Whit Sunday, the
owner of a piece of ground had to go over the boundary and renew the
marks, and when a piece of land had been thus traced three times, the
right to possess it by the owner was never afterward disputed. Another
custom was feudal in its nature. The land of the new country was given
out in grants by the King and the owners acknowledged allegiance to him
and paid annual dues and these proprietors established a system of
land-tenure in which they let out the land, and an annual due was always
expected. This was sometimes paid in money and again in produce from the
land, sometimes being a very small amount, just sufficient to show
acknowledgment of feudal service, it might be a few pounds of butter or
a couple of loads of wood or a pair of chickens. In Virginia the first
tenants were little better than villains of feudal times, as when they
received land they were bound to remain seven years on it and to pay
one-half of the whole produce as rent.
In New England and also in some parts of New York and New Jersey, there
was the custom of holding land in common--upland, meadow, and woodland
were apportioned out for use to the different members of the community.
The church was a great binding force among them, so that the
meeting-house was the center about which the people settled, and they
were kept all the more closely together by the hostile savages.
But in a new country where land was plentiful and easy to obtain and
laws difficult of enforcement, the customs of an old and thickly peopled
country could not long hold, and particularly so if unsuited to the
needs of the new country. Yet such were enduring enough in this country
as to have wielded quite an influence.
=The People.= Only a fringe along the eastern part of this country was
settled at this time. Too, this part was not all peopled by the same
nationality as there were English, Dutch, Swede, German, and French, and
there was not much if any mixing among them. When all this territory
came under England, then there was more intercommunication but not even
then a great deal on account of the difficulties of travel. There, too,
grew up, quite a distinction between the people of the northern part and
those of the southern part. The southern part was much better suited for
cultivation under the systems of that time and it became a farming
community, with large farms and the people were not close together and
there were not many towns and cities. In the northern part farming could
not be carried on nearly so successfully, and so manufacturing and
commerce grew, both of which demanded that people should live in towns
and cities. The separation of the people in the South and the wealth
obtained through agriculture made them most generous and hospitable. In
the North and especially in New England the hard struggle for
maintenance and the living together in communities narrowed the people,
till there was a selfishness displayed by each town for its own. In the
South strangers were welcome and really wanted as there often was not
great opportunity for the people being much together or of learning of
outside affairs, so that the stranger could tell them of the doings of
the outside world and thus give entertainment for hospitality. In New
England, especially among the early people, there grew up a suspicion
of all newcomers and particularly strangers, and often it went so far
that a stranger could not acquire property in a town and so could not
gain a legal residence. It went yet further in some places, for the
people of a town were not encouraged even to have their relatives from
outside visit them.
"The primitive land systems lasted long enough to exert a considerable
influence upon the people. If we consider extreme examples this becomes
evident. The inhabitant of the town community was trained to association
with his fellows. Measures were taken to promote village life; laws were
made in Connecticut, in 1650, against consolidating house-lots, and the
dwellers in Andover were forbidden to live upon their plow-land, lest
their hogs and cattle should injure the common meadows. Artisans were
secured by the community. Newark, for example, reserved a lot for the
miller, another for the town's tailor, another for the boatman, and so
on. A town in one case kept a flock of sheep for the public benefit. The
habit of coöperation promoted voluntary associations. We find one New
England mill owned by seven shareholders, another by thirteen, and a
third by fourteen. The towns in New England and New York made by-laws,
and regulated their internal concerns in field and town meetings. The
system was productive of no end of petty wrangling and neighborhood
feuds, but it cultivated a democratic feeling and taught each man to
maintain his right.
"On the other hand, the Southern planter lived in some isolation, but
his public interests were as extensive as his county or his province.
This state of society begot self-reliance, and produced more leading
statesmen than the other; but the people lacked the New England cohesion
and susceptibility to organization, without which the statesmanship of
the Revolution would have been in vain. The Southerner, from his
isolation and from other causes, became hospitable, eager for society,
and in general spontaneously friendly and generous; the New England
people became close-fisted and shrewd in trade, it is a trait of village
life. But the benevolence of New England was more effective than that of
the South, because it was organized and systematic. The village life of
the extreme North trained the people to trade, and led to commercial
development; and it made popular education possible. The sons of the
great planters at the South were averse to commerce; they were also the
most liberally educated and polished in manners of all the colonists;
but the scattered common people could have no schools, and were
generally rude and ignorant, even when compared with the lower class of
New Englanders, who stood a chance of getting some rough schooling,
besides a certain education from the meeting-house and the
ever-recurring town debates."[221]
=Slavery.= In 1619 the first negroes were brought to the colonists. They
were carried to Jamestown by a Dutch ship and fourteen of them were
bought by the people and remained at Jamestown. They were kept as slaves
and their work proved so profitable that more were brought in and this
continued till there were quite a number in the colonies. Not only in
Virginia, but in all the colonies, both North and South, slaves from
Africa were used. At the beginning of the eighteenth century, the
colonies tried to put a check on the slave-trade but it had proved so
profitable to the English ship owners who carried on the traffic in
African slaves, that the mother-country favored them and would not allow
laws of the colonies against the slave trade to be enforced.
For a long time but a few women were brought over in the slave ships and
many of the slaves were from wild tribes in Africa and so they were
fierce and dangerous. They committed many crimes and were severely
punished. Some of the punishments were most cruel, as the hanging in
chains, and burning. Other punishments were whipping, cropping the ears,
hamstringing, branding in the face, and slitting the nose. As slavery
could be much more profitably used in the South, there were, of course,
more negroes taken there, and so it was the home of much of the cruel
treatment. But the North had it share in such, as is shown in the
following quotations:
"In colonies where the statutes did not warrant extraordinary penalties
on slaves, the administration of law went to the limit of severity. In
Massachusetts hanging was the worst penalty for murder, but the obsolete
common-law punishment specially assigned to women who were guilty of
petty treason was revived in 1755, in order to burn alive a slave-woman
who had killed her master in Cambridge; earlier still the old _lex
talionis_ had been put in force, that a negro woman might die by fire in
Boston for arson causing death. In New Jersey, even in that part of the
province in which Quakerism should have softened the spirit of the
people, negroes were burned in many instances. New York, without the
excuse of serious danger--for her negroes were not more than a sixth of
the population--had a code barely less fierce than that of South
Carolina, where the multitude of the slaves was a perpetual danger to
the whites. Some of the revolting penalties inflicted on slaves in New
York with the sanction of law-courts are striking proofs of the small
advance the men of that time had made from positive barbarism."[222]
"Though in the beginning he refused to harbor or tolerate
negro-stealers, the Massachusetts Puritan of that day, enraged at the
cruelty of the savage red men, did not hesitate to sell Indian captives
as slaves to the West Indies. King Phillip's wife and child were thus
sold and there died. Their story was told in scathing language by Edward
Everett. In 1703 it was made legal to transport and sell in the
Barbadoes all Indian male captives under ten, and Indian women captives.
Perhaps these transactions quickly blunted whatever early feeling may
have existed against negro slavery, for soon the African slave-trade
flourished in New England, as in Virginia, Newport being the New England
center of the Guinea trade. From 1707 to 1732 a tax of three guineas a
head was imposed in Rhode Island on each negro imported--on 'Guinea
blackbirds.' It would be idle to dwell now on the cruelty of that horrid
traffic, the sufferings on board the slavers from lack of room, of food,
of water, of air. But three feet three inches was allowed between decks
for the poor negro, who, accustomed to a free, out-of-door life, thus
crouched and sat through the passage. No wonder the loss of life was
great. It was chronicled in the newspapers and letters of the day in
cold, heartless language that plainly spoke the indifference of the
public to the trade and its awful consequence. I have never seen in any
Southern newspapers advertisements of negro sales that surpass in
heartlessness and viciousness the advertisement of our New England
newspapers of the eighteenth century. Negro children were advertised to
be given away in Boston, and were sold by the pound as was other
merchandise. Samuel Pewter advertised in the Weekly Rehearsal in 1737
that he would sell horses for ten shillings pay if the horse sale were
accomplished, and five shillings if he endeavored to sell and could not;
and for negroes '_sixpence a pound_ on all he sells, and a reasonable
price if he does not sell.'"[223]
The Dutch of New Netherlands had negro slaves but it would seem they
differed from the English colonists in that they treated their slaves
with kindness. Masters were placed under bonds and they were not
permitted to whip their slaves without authorization from the
government.
When more slave-women were brought in and negro families were
established, the slaves became less fierce and more willing to accept
their lot. Too, the children born to them learned to use the English
language as their own and took up the ways of their masters and families
and the old savage doings were for the most part forgotten. Cruelty to
the slaves then decreased and new and less cruel laws were made for
their government and control or the old laws and barbarous punishments
were not enforced or used against them. The revolutionary movement did a
great deal toward giving the negroes a better legal standing. This was
particularly true in reference to free negroes and Indians, for many of
the discriminations against them were abolished.
=Servants.= With the settlement of this country, there came a great need
for laborers. As was given in the foregoing, the slave trade arose and
negroes were brought over and sold as slaves, and also Indians taken in
war were used as slaves. But these sources were not sufficient to meet
the demand for laborers and this caused the importation of white help
from Europe. These people were brought to America and bound out for a
term of service, which, before 1650, was sometimes as long as ten years
and often for seven or eight years, and then the time was made four or
five years for all the colonies. These people were of three
classes--those who because of debt in the old country or of poverty or
from other causes bound themselves out for a term of years in which they
were to pay their way, and were known as "redemptioners"; the second
kind were those who had been trapped or induced to go on board ship and
then carried off to America, and were known as "kids"; and the third
class were criminals, convicted and transported for crime.
In the first class, the redemptioners, were found English laborers who
bound themselves to service in America, hoping thereby to better their
condition. Men and women in domestic trouble, men having wives with whom
they could not or would not live and women having unbearable husbands,
placed themselves in this number. Men who were in debt and threatened
with imprisonment sold themselves out to save themselves. Beside these
there were many others who wished to go to America, but did not have the
funds for the passage, who bound themselves out for service and thus
secured the passage and a place for work, with the opportunity to redeem
themselves within four years.
The second class, "kids," were obtained through people who were called
"spirits." These parties had been engaged in spiriting away men who were
turned over to the military authorities to become soldiers, and when the
demand for laborers for America became such as to offer opportunities
for great profit, these "spirits" turned their trade into procuring
people to satisfy this want of the new county. These men were
particularly active in kidnapping children. Among a shipload of such
children offered for sale in Boston one day in 1730, there was a boy who
had sailed from America with his uncle who was the captain of the ship.
The uncle died at sea and the mate and crew sold the boy to a
transport-ship which was passing them bound for this country. The boy
served out his term and later became an officer in the wars with the
Indians. One noteworthy case was that of James Annesley, son and heir of
Lord Altham. When thirteen years of age he was taken from Dublin, at the
instigation of his uncle, and carried to America and he served twelve
years of bondage in Pennsylvania. After this service he returned to his
native land and brought suit to recover his father's titles and estates.
This suit was successful but it was appealed to the House of Lords and
the young man died before the decision was reached.
Not only were criminals that were convicted sent to America, but when a
man was on trial for a small crime the officers of the court would make
him believe that he would suffer severe punishment, perhaps hanging, so
that he would beg for transportation. Then these prisoners were sold and
the money would be kept by the officers. They even went further, for
innocent persons were arrested and condemned that they might be sold
into the colonies. However strong were the needs of the colonists for
laborers, yet they did not want these convicts and protested against
their coming in. Some of the colonial assemblies passed laws against
such importation but England would not accept such laws as this course
afforded too good a way of getting rid of criminals. "The hardest words
said against the mother country in colonial prints, a quarter of a
century before the Revolution, sprang from the bitter resentment excited
by this practice of forcing criminals on the plantations in spite of
their utmost endeavor to keep them out. One of the most pungent
newspaper writers of the time compared England to a father seeking to
spread the plague among his children, or emptying filth upon their
table; and Franklin proposed to send a present of rattlesnakes for the
king's garden, as a fit return for the convicts out of English
jails."[224]
Not only were English laborers sent to the colonies, but also great
numbers of Germans were got to sell themselves, sailing from Dutch ports
to Philadelphia. Some of these Germans were of such a saving turn that
though they had sufficient funds to pay their fare to America, they
preferred to sell themselves out for a number of years in order to get
free transportation. Others would pay half their fare, while still
others would pay their passage by selling some of their children to
service during their minority. As the country developed out from
Philadelphia, these Germans with others would be taken out in droves of
fifty or more by the "soul-drivers," men who would peddle them out to
those needing such service. Also there were a large number of Irish
imported.
The colonists themselves helped to meet the demand for help, as they
would sell the town-poor out to the lowest bidder, the one who would
agree to take the least from the town for their support. They, too, sold
the criminals into service to work out their sentences. Children from
the almshouses were likewise bound out for a term of service. Beside all
these kinds of help, there were servant-girls and serving-men, sometimes
from well-to-do families, and this was particularly true before there
were so many slaves and bondsmen sent into the colonies from over the
sea.
The laborers that were brought into the colonies from Europe were not
altogether the most desirable persons. Even if not from the criminal
classes they were too often people not of great account in their old
homes and they carried to their new homes the elements that made them
shiftless and continued so to keep them. Too, they were often a source
of moral corruption, the degradation of the women-servants being a
continued source of evil. The thrifty New Englanders complained a great
deal about these servants, as being lazy and trifling and of a thieving
and lying disposition, anything than worthy help. Too, there were many
runaways. Yet among these there were many who were valuable and of good
disposition and upright in character. This class gave to this country
some families of honorable distinction. As women were scarce in the new
country, many of these bondmaids married those who purchased them or
married into their families. The larger part of these people, when their
time of bondage was completed, entered into the class of small farmers
or free laborers. There was another element that pushed out across the
frontier of settlements to get away from law and civilization and built
up centers where lawlessness has ever prevailed. Still others became the
ancestors of shiftless and pauper and criminal families which prevail in
different sections of this country, both North and South.
It is surprising at the number of bond-servants that were in the
colonies. They were used in all kinds of business and it seemed
impossible to do without them. It is stated that in Virginia in 1670
there were six thousand English servants and but two thousand negroes.
When it is considered that these bondmen served but for four years, the
importations must have been great to keep up the numbers.
When there were not a great number of bond-servants, they became well
known to the families with whom they lived and they were well treated
and well cared for. As the numbers increased, and especially when
convicts and other evil characters were brought in, the treatment
changed and often was quite cruel. As flogging was one of the main
punishments of the world at that time, it was greatly used in the
colonies, the servants being whipped naked with hickory rods and then
rubbed with brine. There were also other ways of punishment, one being
the use of thumb-screws.
The sick servant, too, might not be cared for, especially if quite ill
and likely to die, as he was not considered worth the physician's bill.
Often the slaves were treated better than the servants, for the slaves
were property while the servants were freed at the end of four years.
Later laws were enacted in the colonies for the protection of the
servants and cruel punishments prohibited. There were plenty of
instances of fair treatment of servants by masters and sometimes even
they were treated quite kindly and generously.
=The Home.= When the first colonists came to America, they were poorly
equipped for preparing dwelling places for themselves. There were plenty
of trees for boards, abundance of clay for brick, limestone in plenty
for plaster and mortar, and rocks of all kinds for building purposes,
but the settlers did not possess implements with which to put these
natural materials into forms for their use. Consequently they lived at
first in primitive fashion. Some would take for their home the dense
foliage of a tree, living under its protection, while others dwelt in
hollow trees. Some made for themselves caves, by digging into a bank or
hill, supporting the sides with brush and poles, and covering it with
poles over which were laid sod or bark or rushes.
It was natural for the early settlers to imitate the dwellings of the
native inhabitants, and so wigwams were used by them. They made them of
bark or of plaited rush or grass mats or of deerskin, all placed over a
frame, or even they might simply pile brush about the frame, and in the
far South these frames were covered with layers of palmetto leaves. In
the Middle and Southern states, with their milder climate, these wigwams
sometimes were left open on one side--the "half-face camp"--the fire
being built in front of the opening. Sometimes this half-face camp was
made more substantial by being built of logs, and again in some cases it
was only a booth, with sides and roof of palmetto leaves.
The early settler did have one implement which became wonderfully useful
to him, which was the ax. He soon learned to use this in making for
himself and family a more permanent dwelling-place, the log cabin. At
first the log cabin was of round logs, notched at the ends, and fitted
together at the corners, roofed with logs or with bark on poles, having
a door of rough slabs and hung on wooden hinges or straps of hide, and
if a window, with a shutter similar to the door, and without floor or
loft. Then came a floor of rough puncheons hewn out with ax and the
cracks between the logs were chinked with pieces of wood and daubed over
with clay. A chimney was made at one end out of sticks of wood with ends
crossed and held together with clay and well plastered inside with clay,
called in New England, a "katted" chimney. It was not very long till
better houses were built. The logs were hewn and squared, clapboards
were made for covering, and oiled paper was used in the windows. Then
came the use of boards and stone and brick and plaster and nails and,
later, paint and glass, and some substantial houses were built. There
grew up a style of home for the different parts of the country,
corresponding to the needs of each section and, no doubt, aided by
imitation of the old country, as, in the South, in Pennsylvania and
neighboring parts of New Jersey and Delaware, with the Dutch in New York
and in New England.
The most notable Southern home was that of the wealthy planter, which
would seem to have been fashioned somewhat after the old English manor.
This Southern home was in a spacious home-lot or yard, with a large lawn
in front and usually with fine trees about it. There was a large,
pretentious house, the home of the owner, and grouped about it were more
or fewer smaller buildings, as, kitchen, overseer's house, negro cabins,
stable, coach-house, hen-house, smoke-house, dove-cote, milk-room,
tool-house, brew-house, spinning-house, and not far away, a cider-house.
The Quakers and Germans of Pennsylvania and neighboring parts were quite
different people from the Southerners and lived quite a different life.
The manor style of home did not exist with them. The country houses were
substantial but not pretentious, made of hewed logs and some of stone or
brick, while the barns were large, sometimes vast. By each house was a
clay oven and nearby a smoke-house. There was usually a small building
enclosing a spring, known as the spring house, for caring for the milk
and butter and other things during warm weather. Often there was no
shade about the dwelling-house, being open to the sun.
In New York the homes took the form of those the Dutch were used to back
in Holland. The houses were built near the sidewalk with the gable-end
to the street, the top of the gable showing in corbel-steps. They were
built of brick, or at least the gable-ends were, imported from Holland,
and the date of erection and the owner's initials were shown by bricks
of different colors from the others. The roof was quite steep and at
first thatched but later tiles were used, and with a metal gutter
projecting well out into the street. There was a weather-vane at the top
of the house, which might have been a horse, lion, goose, or fish, but
the prevailing fashion was a rooster. The front door was usually divided
in the middle horizontally, making an upper and a lower half, hung on
leather hinges and, later on, heavy iron hinges, and in the upper half
were placed two bull's-eyes of heavy greenish glass. Often the front
door had a knocker of iron or brass. The Dutch farmhouse was similar to
the town house, as described above, but the cellar was built more
carefully as it was necessary to be cool in summer and warm in winter to
care for the great supply of food that was stored in it. After the
English came to New York, the Dutch styles were changed to English
styles and the houses of the landed gentry became quite similar to those
of the Southern planters.
After the primitive sheltering as described in the first paragraphs
under this section, "The Home," the people of New England built log
houses, as in the other colonies, and for near a half century, there was
scarcely any house larger than a cottage. These houses were thatched and
had the katted chimneys. Oiled paper was used for admitting light, glass
coming into use later. Paint was not used at all at first and very
little used for quite awhile, either without or within the house.
After half a century, particularly in the older settlements in New
England, they began to build larger houses--many of two stories and also
an attic story. In building these the second story was made to project a
foot or two out over the first story and the attic story also projected
out over the second story, which was like their old homes in England.
Later came another form of house, which was almost peculiar to New
England. In this the house was two and a half stories in front, with a
sharp gable, then with a long slope back to a low story. The low back
part of the house was called the "lean-to" or _linter_. A later style of
house was that with the gambrel roof, in which the upper part of the
roof was of a rather flat slope and then there was a change to quite a
steep slope for the lower part of the roof. There was usually a chimney
in the center of these larger houses, of whatever style of house, made
of stone or brick. "Some of the dwellings of the rich were very
commodious; the house of Eaton, the first governor of New Haven colony,
had nineteen fire-places, and that of Davenport, the first minister of
New Haven, had thirteen."[225]
In the very early times of the colonists there was but little furniture
in their homes and that of the rudest kind. As wealth came to them and
their houses grew in size and splendor, the furniture increased in
amount and value. The following well portrays this.
"The inventories of the household effects of many of the early citizens
of New York might be given, to show the furnishings of these homes. I
choose the belongings of Captain Kidd to show that 'as he sailed, as he
sailed' he left a very comfortable home behind him. He was, when he set
up house-keeping with his wife Sarah in 1692, not at all a bad fellow,
and certainly lived well. He possessed these handsome and abundant house
furnishings:
One dozen Turkey work chairs.
One dozen double-nailed leather chairs.
Two dozen single-nailed leather chairs.
One Turkey worked carpet.
Three suits of curtains and valances.
Four bedsteads.
Ten blankets.
One glass case.
One dozen drinking-glasses.
Four tables.
One oval table.
Three chests of drawers.
Four looking-glasses.
Four feather beds, bolsters, and pillows.
Two dressing boxes.
One close stool.
One warming pan.
Two bed pans.
Three pewter tankards.
Four kettles.
Two iron pots.
One skillet.
Three pairs of fire irons.
One pair of andirons.
Three chafing dishes.
One gridiron.
One flesh fork.
One brass skimmer.
Four brass candlesticks.
Two pewter candlesticks.
Four tin candlesticks.
One brass pestle.
One iron mortar.
Five carpets or rugs.
One screen frame.
Two stands.
One desk.
2½ dozen pewter plates.
Five pewter basins.
Thirteen pewter dishes.
Five leather buckets.
One pipe Madeira wine.
One half-pipe Madeira wine.
Three barrels pricked cider.
Two pewter salt-cellars.
Three boxes smoothing irons.
Six heaters.
One pair small andirons.
Three pairs tongs.
Two fire shovels.
Two fenders.
One spit.
One jack.
One clock.
One coat of arms.
Three quilts.
Parcel linen sheets, table cloths, napkins, value thirty dollars. One
hundred and four ounces silver plate, value three hundred
dollars."[226]
The floors were not carpeted in colonial times till late in the period,
and, really, a carpet in those days was not to place on a floor but it
was a cover for a table or cupboard. Sometimes sand was placed over the
parlor floor and marked off into ornamental figures. The walls of the
rooms were wainscoted and painted. In some of the houses of the wealthy,
there were hung on the walls rich cloths and tapestries and sometimes
leathern hangings and in later times there were paper-hangings of strong
and heavy material. The ceilings were usually left entirely open,
showing the beams and rafters, often rough hewn. Prints were placed on
the walls, beings pictures of ships, battle scenes, and the like, and
there were paintings, usually portraits of ancestors.
Cupboards were found in all the houses and they were of various kinds
and sizes, to fit into different places and for many uses. One parlor
piece was a kind of writing-desk, the scrutaire, spelled in many ways in
old inventories and at present time secretary. There were tables of many
kinds. There were dressers and dressing-glasses in frames of walnut and
olive-wood and with gilt and japanned frames. The chest was an
indispensable piece of furniture and there were all kinds and sizes and
of different woods and some had most beautiful carvings and inlayings.
These chests were greatly needed for each household had an abundance of
household linen and many a goodly quantity of silver. The time was told
by means of sun-dials and hour-glasses, but there were also numbers of
watches and clocks among the colonists and later there were all kinds of
clocks for sale.
Chairs were in use very little, if at all, in early colonial days, as
stools and benches took their place. Later chairs were greatly in use
and of many kinds. There were three general kinds--turned chairs, in
which the seats were often of flags and rushes; wainscot chairs, being
all of wood, including backs and seats; and covered chairs, sometimes
covered with leather and again with rich cloths, velvets, etc. Cane
chairs were not introduced into the colonies till quite a late period.
The one piece of furniture that more than any other was a distinguishing
mark of class was the bed, which graded from none at all in the cabin of
the very poor to the great bed of state in the parlor of the very
wealthy. There was, sometimes from poverty, sometimes from other causes,
no bed in the house of a colonist, all sleeping on the floor, usually
though, having placed on it deer, buffalo, or bear skins. Sometimes a
pallet of bed-clothing was spread on the floor. In other homes there was
but one bed for the father and mother, the rest of the family sleeping
on the floor. Sometimes the bed was nothing more than a wooden box with
bedding on it. The primitive fashion of sleeping on the floor might have
occurred in any or all of the homes of the very early settlers and
especially so when they lived in caves and wigwams and under trees, but
it was not very long till beds were brought in from Europe or made in
this country and there became a great variety in style and price.
The trundle-bed was used, being pushed under a high bedstead in the
daytime. There were sometimes two standing and two trundle beds in one
room. A common form of bed in the early times of the colonists was one
that was built into an alcove or recess in a room, somewhat like a
bench, with doors about it, which were kept closed to shut the bed off
from view when not being used. Another form of bed was the slawbank. The
slawbank was a frame with a cord bottom, fastened to the wall of the
room on one side with hinges and on the other side having two legs to
hold it up from the floor. When not in use this bed could be pulled up
and hooked against the wall and there were closet-like doors to shut it
in or curtains to drop down over it to hide it from view. The bed of all
beds was the state-bed, the household idol, kept in the parlor, and not
even shown to vulgar eyes and used only on very rare occasions. This was
a great carved four-poster, very costly, with richly embroidered
coverlets and hangings of brilliant hues.
There was no lack of bedding after the early struggles, as there were
good feather beds with coverlets of all kinds, an abundance of linen
sheets, and also flannel sheets were used, but cotton sheets were not
plentiful. There were bolsters and pillows and coverings for them. "Such
poor people in the colonies as had tastes too luxurious to enjoy a
deerskin on the hearth were accustomed to fill their bed-sacks and
pillows with fibrous mistletoe, the down of the cat-tail flag, or with
feathers of pigeons slaughtered from the innumerable migrating flocks.
The cotton from the milkweed, then called 'silk-grass,' was used for
pillows and cushions. In the houses of the prosperous, good feather and
even down beds were in use. The Pennsylvania German smothered and
roasted himself between two of these even in summer nights and sometimes
without sheets or pillows."[227]
The furniture of those early days was usually set up from the floor on
legs, as, chests of drawers, dressing-cases, side-boards, and the like
were often a foot off the floor, so that they could be thoroughly swept
under. Cooking utensils, too, were often set on feet, such as pots,
kettles, gridirons, skillets, and the other sorts, which was for the
purpose of placing them above the coals and ashes of the open fireplace.
The early dining-table was a board placed on trestles, which was called
a table-board. As boards were quite scarce, often these table-boards
were made from boxes and chests which came from England containing
goods. It was not long, however till there were tables of different
kinds. One kind, called a drawing-table, had leaves so that it could be
extended, a kind of extension-table. Another kind had flaps at either
end which could be turned down on hinges or held up by means of
brackets. There was another kind in which by the use of hinges the top
could be fixed for a table or turned about to form the back of a chair.
Usually a long, narrow bench, without a back, was used with the
table-board instead of stools or chairs, and the children did not always
get to use this bench as they often had to stand behind the older people
while eating.
As the table was called a table-board so the table-cloth was called a
board-cloth. Although the table-cloth might have been coarse it was
bleached out as white as any at present and later there were quite a
variety imported from the old country. Napkins were in plenty, as many
or more were in use as at present. The principal article on the table
was the trencher, which ordinarily was a block of wood about a foot
square and three or four inches thick and hollowed out in the middle
into a sort of bowl. Into this the food was placed--porridge, meat,
vegetables, etc.--and two people ate from one trencher, or there was a
trencher for each person if the family were quite extravagant in their
ways. The next important article was the salt-cellar, which was set in
the center of the table and quality folks were seated "above the salt,"
that is, toward the end where sat the host and hostess. The abundance of
napkins may be accounted for by the fact that forks were not known to
the early colonists. Spoons were in general use and took the place of
forks, as most of the food was prepared for the use of the spoon.
Porringers, little shallow dishes with handles, were in great use and
especially by the children, and there was a kind, often without a
handle, called a posnet.
The cooking of the early times was done in fireplaces. There were
various kinds of utensils for cooking, as pots, kettles, gridirons,
skillets, toasting-forks, frying-pans, and the like. A very important
utensil was the Dutch oven, with which was used a long-handled shovel,
the peel or slice, for placing the food to be cooked well within the
oven. One important function of cooking was the proper roasting of
meats. At the first the roast was suspended from a string over the fire,
the string being given an occasional twist, usually the task of a child.
Then there was invented a metal suspensory machine, which had clockwork
to turn the roast regularly. Also the turnspit dog was introduced into
the colonies, this dog being trained to work in a revolving cylinder and
thus keep the roast turning before the fire.
Many of the articles for the table were made of wood, such as trenchers,
tankards, bottles, cups, and dishes. The shells of cocoanuts were made
into goblets and dippers and often mounted in pewter and sometimes even
in silver. Horn was used for spoons and drinking-cups. Pitchers,
bottles, drinking-cups and jugs were made of leather, which sometimes
were tipped with silver. Gourds were used for drinking-cups and dippers.
There were very few tin vessels among the colonists and even iron was
not so greatly in use, being used for andirons and pots and pans and
some other vessels. There were brass and copper pots and kettles, which
were quite costly and highly prized by the owners and well cared for.
Silver was not greatly in use and yet quite a number of the families had
silver spoons and others also had silver drinking-cups, salt-cellars,
candle-sticks, and other kinds of silver vessels. Pewter was _the_ metal
of the colonists. Much of the tableware was made of this metal and found
in each household. There were spoons and plates and dishes and cups and
porringers and many other vessels of pewter. Often a family prided
itself on having a full pewter set and would keep it as bright and
shining as they would silverware, if they had such. A good thing about
pewter was that when dishes and plates became worn they could easily be
recast into new pewter spoons. Glass was but little in use among the
early colonists, perhaps nothing beyond bottles, which though were of
different shapes and kinds and the glass was of a very coarse, poor
quality. Little chinaware, if any at all, was found among the early
colonists, and this, perhaps, only among the Dutch settlers. Later,
china was brought in and it increased in use till in Revolutionary times
it became to be common and to take the place of pewter. In the earlier
times there were some vessels of stoneware, such as drinking-jugs.
The colonial houses were heated by means of fireplaces and in the
kitchen the fireplace was also used for cooking. Some of these
fireplaces were very large, "sometimes wide enough to drive a cart and
horses between the jambs.... Logs were sometimes drawn on to the ample
hearth by a horse."[228] "In the old Phillips farmhouse at Wickford,
Rhode Island, is a splendid chimney over twenty feet square."[229] As
fuel grew scarce, sometimes these fireplaces were made smaller by
closing them up in part and building a "little chimney" within them. For
holding the fuel in the fireplace were andirons, which sometimes were of
three sizes to hold logs at different heights, and there were fire-dogs
or creepers, which were smaller than the andirons and were placed
between them. In the kitchen fireplace there also were cob-irons, on
which were hooks to hold the spit and dripping-pan, and a crane or chain
with pot-hooks to hold kettles. In Pennsylvania the Germans had stoves.
While the English colonial house would have two chimneys, one at either
end and with a fireplace in each, the German house would have a single
chimney in the middle and use stoves. These stoves were of different
kinds. One kind was built from the outer wall into the house, with the
opening for feeding the stove on the outside of the house and the back
of the stove inside the house. In the second story they sometimes had
drums, connected with the stoves, for heating the rooms there. Stoves
were later introduced into the other colonies, and especially so as fuel
became scarce. In 1742 Benjamin Franklin brought out his "New
Pennsylvania Fireplace," a rather complicated affair, in which both wood
and coal could be used, and which later grew into the form now known as
the "Franklin Stove." As the bedrooms of the colonists were freezing
cold in winter, a warming-pan was used to heat up the bed before getting
into it for the night. The warming-pan was round, about a foot wide and
four or five inches deep, with a perforated metal top and a long wooden
handle. This was filled with hot coals from the fireplace and placed
between the bed-linen and moved rapidly about for warming without
scorching the bedding. Wood, of course, was very plentiful at first and
it was used quite freely, the immense fireplaces consuming vast
quantities of it. As the forests disappeared and wood became scarce,
especially in the towns, coal was brought from across the ocean as it
sometimes was found to be cheaper when used with stoves than was the
wood.
"The discomfort of a colonial house in winter-time has been ably set
forth by Charles Francis Adams in his 'Three Episodes of Massachusetts
History.' Down the great chimneys blew the icy blasts so fiercely that
Cotton Mather noted on a January Sabbath, in 1697, as he shivered before
'a great Fire, that the Juices forced out at the end of short billets of
wood by the heat of the flame on which they were laid, yet froze into
ice on their coming out.' Judge Sewall wrote, twenty years later, 'An
Extraordinary Cold Storm of Wind and Snow. Bread was frozen at Lord's
Table.... Though 'twas so Cold yet John Tuckerman was baptized. At six
o'clock my ink freezes so that I can hardly write by a good fire in my
Wives Chamber'--and the pious man adds (we hope in truth) 'Yet was very
Comfortable at Meeting.' Cotton Mather tells, in his pompous fashion, of
a cold winter's day four years later. ''Tis Dreadful cold, my ink glass
in my standish is froze and splitt in my very stove. My ink in my pen
suffers a congelation.' If sitting-rooms were such refrigerators, we
cannot wonder that the chilled colonists wished to sleep in beds close
curtained with heavy woolen stuffs, or in slaw-bank beds by the kitchen
fire.
"The settlers builded as well as they knew to keep their houses warm;
and while the vast and virgin forests supplied abundant and accessible
wood for fuel, Governor Eaton's nineteen great fireplaces and Parson
Davenport's thirteen, could be well filled; but by 1744 Franklin could
write of these big chimneys as the 'fireplace of our fathers'; for the
forests had all disappeared in the vicinity of the towns, and the
chimneys had shrunk in size. Sadly did the early settlers need warmer
houses, for, as all antiquarian students have noted, in olden days the
cold was more piercing, began to nip and pinch earlier in November, and
lingered further into spring; winter rushed upon the settlers with
heavier blasts and fiercer storms than we now have to endure. And, above
all, they felt with sadder force 'the dreary monotony of a New England
winter, which leaves so large a blank, so melancholy a death-spot, in
lives so brief that they ought to be all summer-time.' Even John Adams
in his day so dreaded the tedious bitter New England winter that he
longed to hibernate like a dormouse from autumn to spring."[230]
The early settlers learned from the Indians to use for light the
pine-knots of the pitch-pine. This was called _candlewood_ in New
England and _lightwood_ in the South. This wood was split into pieces so
as to be used as a kind of torch and because of the smoke and the pitch
droppings as it burned, it was usually placed in a corner of the
fireplace. As fish was abundant in the streams, oil was obtained from
them and used in a rude kind of lamp, but it would seem that this fish
oil was not greatly used for light. Wax from bees was also used, which
was made into a kind of candle by heating the wax and pressing it around
a wick. Tallow and grease were used in making rush lights, wherein the
pith from the common rushes was used, the outer covering being stripped
off, and then the pith was dipped into the heated tallow or grease and
this was then let harden. Deer suet, moose fat, and bear's grease were
saved and tried out for candles, but they were not greatly used. Quite a
good deal of wax from the wax myrtle tree was gathered and used for
candles, whose berry has a thick coating of wax, and this tree was also
called the bayberry tree, tallow shrub, and candle-berry tree. One great
source for light came from the whale-fisheries, the oil from the
spermaceti whale furnishing quite an important material for the making
of candles. The most common of all material and the greatest used was
the tallow from the cattle, which increased in number and became quite
an important industry in the colonies.
In the making of tallow candles there were candle-rods, sticks about
fifteen to eighteen inches long, and to each stick were tied six to
eight candle-wicks. The tallow was melted and the wicks in the rods
allowed to drop down and then were dipped into the melted tallow. The
rod was then placed across the backs of two chairs or hung across two
poles placed across chairs or stools, and then a second stick would be
dipped and hung up to drip, and so on, and when the first rod had dried
sufficiently it was dipped a second time and it was so continued to be
dipped till the required sized candle was made. Later moulds came into
use, made of tin or pewter, a half dozen individual moulds being joined
together, sometimes a dozen and sometimes as many as two dozen. The wick
was fastened to a nail or wire and then let down into the center of the
mould, the nail holding across the top, and the melted tallow was then
poured in around the wick. The making of candles in the first way
required a good deal of care and skill and it was slow work, two hundred
candles a day being considered an extra good day's work. When moulds
came into use, there were candle-makers who would go from house to house
with their moulds to make the needed supply for the home. On account of
the trouble in making candles, the colonists were very careful of them.
They were carefully packed away and all pieces saved and also a little
contrivance, called a save-all, made of pins and rings, was used to hold
up the candle to the last till all was used. The candles were sometimes
placed in a rough candlestick made of four pieces of wood fastened to a
small piece of board so as to form a receptacle for the candle, and also
in rude chandeliers, candle-beams, made of crossed sticks of wood. There
were candlesticks of pewter, iron, brass, and silver. There also were
sconces, called candle-arms or prongs. Snuffers were used, and snuffers
trays.
Lamps were in use by the colonists but the early ones were of rude form.
Among the earliest in use was the betty-lamp, which consisted of a
shallow basin, two or three inches wide and an inch deep, with a nose or
spout an inch or two long. They were rectangular, oval, round, or
triangular in shape. They were set on the table or stand but often
suspended from a nail on the wall by a hook and chain attached to the
lamp. They were filled with tallow, grease, or oil and a cotton rag or a
coarse wick was placed in the contents and hung out from the nose of the
lamp. The phœbe-lamp was similar to the betty-lamp, but some had a nose
at either end and used a double wick. The lamps were made of iron or
pewter and some of brass. Later glass lamps came into use and were of
various shapes and sizes.
The colonists had to be quite careful not to let the fire go out in the
fireplace for there were very poor means for striking a light. In case
there was no fire or light in the house, some one would go to the home
of a neighbor with a shovel or covered pan, and sometimes with only a
piece of green bark, and get coals to bring back for relighting the
fire. This was usually the task of a small boy. For striking a light, a
flint and steel with tinder were used. By striking the flint with the
steel a spark was produced which was caught by the tinder and was then
blown into a flame. Another means was by setting off powder in the pan
of a gun of that time which would set a piece of tow on fire. Later,
matches were made by dipping small pieces of wood into melted sulphur,
which could be set on fire by placing them in contact with the blaze on
the hearth or of a light and then they could be carried about to light
fires and candles and lamps. Such means of obtaining light were in use
down to a late time, for friction matches did not come into use until
the nineteenth century.
=Women.= During the earlier times in the settlement of America, the
women had a hard time. They had to endure the hardships of a new country
and to forego many of the things that in an old country make women's
lives the more easy. They were never thought to be quite the equals of
men and the following well portrays how they were looked upon by the men
of the time:
"If some of our foremothers were intelligent and thoughtful, it was
rather by natural gift than from instruction. Men of cultivation seem to
have found it a little irksome to get down to the level of topics deemed
sufficiently simple for the understanding of women. 'Conversation with
ladies,' says William Byrd, 'is liked whipped syllabub, very pretty, but
nothing in it.' The most accomplished gentlemen of that time thought it
necessary to treat their lady friends to flattery so gross that it would
not be bearable now. Byrd, great lord that he was, repaid his lady
friends for courteous and hospitable entertainment at their houses by
kissing them at his departure, and excused himself for leaving one
gentleman's house by assuring the lady that her beauty would spoil his
devotions if he remained."[231]
"Yet the colonial usage kept women in retirement, the colonial South had
notable women that vied with their assertive sisters of the North in the
world of affairs. There was no marked difference between the sections in
the extent to which women took up independent careers, or assumed
responsibilities beyond housewifery."[232]
"In South Carolina women took an active part in all sorts of affairs and
seem to have enjoyed a certain standing not gained by women elsewhere in
the colonies. The men often had to be absent and it was not uncommon for
a woman to be alone for several months in charge of a great plantation
with hundreds of slaves with no white man to assist her save the
overseer. Women often taught their own children. Eliza Lucas studied law
and while studying it drew up two wills and was made trustee in another.
In the Revolution the women were often more stalwart than the men,
urging husbands and fathers not to give in in order to save their
property and bearing cheerfully hardship and banishment. In all the
Southern colonies there were keen gentlewomen that took up tracts of
land and cleared and cultivated their estates. Southern women were not
outdone by the business women of the North."[233]
In the old Dutch times in New York, possibly women touched closer to
equality with men than in any other colony or at any other time. They
occupied so high a place that they sometimes sat on juries. They engaged
in business of various kinds. They traded with the Indians, they engaged
in commerce with other colonies and the old country, they conducted
stores, and they entered into other kinds of businesses. They proved
themselves quite as shrewd as the men and well able to look after their
own affairs.
At least there was one woman of a scientific turn of mind. "Jane Colden,
the daughter of Governor Cadawallader Colden, was of signal service, not
in trade, but in science. A letter written by her father explains her
interest and usefulness:
'Botany is an amusement which may be made agreeable to the ladies who
are often at a loss to fill up their time. Their natural curiosity and
the pleasure they take in the beauty and variety of dress seem to fit
them for it.
'I have a daughter who has an inclination to reading, and a curiosity
for Natural Philosophy or Natural History, and a sufficient curiosity
for attaining a competent knowledge. I took the pains to explain
Linnæus' system, and to put it into an English form for her use by
freeing it from technical terms, which was easily done, by using two or
three words in the place of one. She is now grown very fond of the
study, and has made such a progress in it as, I believe, would please
you, if you saw her performance. Though she could not have been
persuaded to learn the terms at first, she now understands to some
degree Linnæus' characters--notwithstanding she does not understand
Latin. She has already a pretty large volume in writing of the
description of plants. She has shewn a method of taking the impression
of the leaves on paper with printer's ink, by a simple kind of rolling
press which is of use in distinguishing the species. No description in
words alone, can give so clear an idea, as when assisted with a picture.
She has the impression of three hundred plants in the manner you'll see
by the samples. That you may have some conception of her performance,
and her manner of describing, I propose to enclose some samples in her
own writing, some of which I think are new genera.'
"Peter Collinson said she was the first lady to study the Linnæan
system, and deserved to have her name celebrated; and John Ellis,
writing of her to Linnæus in 1758, asks that a genus be named, for her,
Coldenella. She was also a correspondent of Dr. Whyte of Edinburgh, and
many learned societies in Europe. Walter Rutherfurd enumerates her talents,
and caps them with a glowing tribute to her cheese-making."[234]
=Marriage.= There never occurred in the colonies the very early
marriages of children, such as had been in vogue in England some years
before the colonies arose in America but which had grown very much less
in England at this time. Yet they occurred early enough in the colonies,
as there were marriages at fifteen and sixteen and less, for being a new
country women were scarce and they were rarely allowed to become very
old before they were in demand as wives. A young woman who passed twenty
years of age without being married was rare indeed and it could not be
understood why such should be the case.
Wooing in those days was done under much difficulties. In Boston a young
man had to be very particular to get the consent of the young woman's
parents or guardians before he entered upon his wooing, and even then he
had to proceed cautiously or else fines, imprisonments, or the
whipping-post would be applied to him. Yet it was not always demurely
done in Old New England, as, in 1660 in New Haven, one day, "they sat
down together; his arm being about her; and her arm upon his shoulder or
about his neck; and hee kissed her and shee kissed him, or they kissed
one another, continuing in this posture about half an hour, as Maria and
Susan testified."[235] In New London in 1670 two lovers were accused and
tried for sitting together on the Lord's Day under an apple tree in an
orchard. On account of the difficulties of wooing, there came into use
two most peculiar modes of courting, known as "bundling" and the
"courting-stick."
The courting-stick was six feet or so long, about an inch in diameter,
hollow, and with an enlargement at each end for speaking into and for
hearing from. A picture in Harper's Weekly for November 29, 1900, no
doubt historically correct, represents the father seated in the
fireplace, the mother busy spinning, by the mother the daughter sitting
on the bench knitting, while the young man is sitting across the room,
with cider mug and pitcher beside him, and he is just in the act of
raising the courting-stick to his mouth, the other end of which is lying
in the lap of the young lady. To complete the picture, a younger sister
is crouched behind the high back of the settee upon which her sister is
sitting, ready to overhear what the young man would send over through
the stick, so as to be prepared to tease her sister on the morrow.
According to the only one who has given us a general history of the
subject "bundling was practiced in two forms; first between _strangers_,
as a simple domestic make-shift arrangement, often arising from the
necessities of a new country, and by no means peculiar to America; and,
secondly between _lovers_, who shared the same couch, with the mutual
understanding that innocent endearment should not be exceeded."[236]
Webster's New International Dictionary gives the following: "To
bundle--To sleep or lie in the same bed without undressing:--said of a
man and woman, esp, lovers." The Century Dictionary defines it thus: "To
bundle--In New England (in early times) and in Wales, to sleep in the
same bed without undressing; applied to the custom of men and women,
especially sweethearts, thus sleeping."
Writers upon the subject are at a loss to account for bundling having
been permitted among a people so austere as were the early New
Englanders; who highly esteemed virtue and severely punished unchastity.
Yet bundling was openly practiced and perhaps "in its open recognition
lay its redeeming feature. There was no secrecy, no thought of
concealment; the bundling was done under the supervision of mother and
sisters."[237] It is a question whether such a custom showed coarseness
and viciousness in the people or if it really showed a hospitality in
that the guest was thus found a place to rest for the night,
nevertheless the smallness of the dwelling or the crowded condition of
the rooms. Again, the severe New England climate would make it next to
impossible for the lover otherwise to have been made comfortable through
the night without a great outlay of fuel, and a corresponding waste of
lights, which would be carefully considered by the frugal colonists. Yet
this custom was not altogether confined to the lower and poorer classes.
In all probabilities this did not originate with the colonists but was
brought over from the mother country, as it existed in Ireland,
Scotland, and Wales, and in a form in Holland.
Bundling, it would seem, did not exist among the colonists outside of
New England and Pennsylvania, while among the Dutch in New York the
somewhat similar form of "questing" was known. It was not considered to
any great extent wrong until the young colonial soldiers returning to
their homes after the French and Indian wars took with them the vices of
the camp and thus brought this practice into disrepute. Jonathan Edwards
preached against it and other ministers joined in and the custom finally
died out. It was at the greatest height among the colonists in the
middle of the eighteenth century, and yet it reached down into the
nineteenth century, being found in the region of Cape Cod as late as
1827, and in Pennsylvania even as late as 1845, such being shown by a
court record, "and where it probably still lingers in out-of-the-way
places among people both of English and of German extraction."[238]
Wooing was not always so difficult as to need the courting-stick or
bundling to help it along, for some times it was done in a hurry and in
most any place. There were cases in New England where a man would seek
out a woman, call at her home, tell her his need of a wife, get her
consent, and send in their desire for marriage to the town clerk to be
published, and all this accomplished in one day or even a few hours. In
the time of the Dutch in New York, one day a widower saw a young lady
milking and falling in love with her told his love at once. Before she
had finished milking, he jumped on his horse and rode in a great hurry
to town, obtained his license, and hurriedly returned and took off his
bride.
Love was not the only motive for marriage in New England, for it was
quite customary to make inquiries concerning the bride's portion, and
before marriage to arrange what should go with her. Sometimes a
father-in-law was sued by his son-in-law for this portion.
There were, too, other ways of getting wives beside wooing them, as is
shown by the following advertisement, which appeared in the _Boston
Evening Post_ for February 23, 1759:
"To the Ladies. Any young Lady between the Age of Eighteen and twenty
three of a Midling Stature; brown Hair, regular Features and a Lively
Brisk Eye; Of Good Morals & not Tinctured with anything that may Sully
so Distinguishable a Form possessed of 3 or 400£ entirely her own
Disposal and where there will be no necessity of going Through the
tiresome Talk of addressing Parents or Guardians for their Consent: Such
a one by leaving a Line directed for A. W., at the British Coffee House
in King Street appointing where an Interview may be had will meet with a
Person who flatters himself he shall not be thought Disagreeable by any
Lady answering the above description. N. B. Profound Secrecy will be
observ'd. No Trifling Answers will be regarded."[239]
Among the New England colonists there was a formal ceremony of
betrothal, called a pre-contract or contraction. There was made a solemn
promise of marriage between the couple before two witnesses and often
there was a sermon preached in the church upon it by the minister,
wherein it was the custom to permit the bride to select the text. The
wedding-bans in New England were published three times in the
meeting-house. This might be at any of the meetings--Sunday service,
lecture, or town meeting. The names of the parties and their intention
to marry were read by the minister, the town clerk, or the deacon at any
of the meetings and on the church door or on a "publishing post" was
placed a notice containing this information. In New York, under the
English, this custom was considered not genteel and was very little
practiced, as there a marriage license was issued. In Virginia both
customs were in practice, as a license was required and also the bans
had to be published for three several Sundays in the parish church where
the contracting parties dwelt.
In the early days of the colonists in New England, marriage was
considered a civil contract and the minister was not permitted to
perform the marriage ceremony, the law requiring that all marriages
should be conducted by a civil magistrate. But even as it was, the
marriage ceremony was really of a religious nature as psalms were sung
by the guests and prayers offered. Gradually the prejudice against
ecclesiastical rites passed away and by the close of the seventeenth
century ministers were authorized by law to perform the marriage
ceremony. In the early times the wedding occurred in the home and was
quietly conducted, but after a time feasting was added to the singing of
psalms and the offering of prayers. In Virginia the custom was just the
opposite, for civil marriage was not permitted by law, the ceremony
having to be of a religious character and according to the rites of the
Church of England. There was never a civil marriage before a magistrate
permitted by law till near the close of the eighteenth century and then
only allowed in very exceptional cases.
Among the Puritan colonists in New England the rude and really brutal
wedding customs of the old country were entirely suppressed or greatly
modified. Sack-posset was drunk at weddings and although this might have
occurred within the bridal chamber, yet a psalm was sung before
partaking and the drinking was followed with a prayer, which made a
rather solemn affair out of it. There must have been, though, some
weddings that were not so solemn, as in 1651 a law was passed that there
should not be dancing at taverns at the time of a wedding on account of
abuses and disorders that had occurred at such times. Among the Germans
in Pennsylvania at a wedding the guests strove to steal a shoe off the
bride's foot and the groomsmen tried to prevent this and if they did not
the shoe was redeemed with a bottle of wine. In some parts the guests
tried to obtain a garter of the bride as it brought luck and a quick
marriage to the one getting it. In the Connecticut Valley the custom
prevailed of stealing the bride. This was done by a group of young men,
usually made up of those not invited to the wedding, who would rush in
at the close of the marriage ceremony and seize the bride and carry her
off to the tavern, where she was redeemed by the groom and his friends
with a supper to the abductors. In some places it was the custom to tie
wild grape-vines across the path of a wedding-party or to fell trees
across the road to delay them, while at other times they would be
greeted by a sudden volley fired from ambush.
"Isolated communities retained for many years marriage customs derived
or copied from similar customs in the 'old country.' Thus the settlers
of Londonderry, New Hampshire--Scotch-Irish Presbyterians--celebrated a
marriage with much noisy firing of guns, just as their ancestors in
Ireland, when the Catholics had been forbidden the use of firearms, had
ostentatiously paraded their privileged Protestant condition by firing
off their guns and muskets at every celebration. A Londonderry wedding
made a big noise in the world. After the formal publishing of the bans,
guests were invited with much punctiliousness. The wedding day was
suitably welcomed at daybreak by a discharge of musketry at both the
bride's and the groom's house. At a given hour the bridegroom,
accompanied by his male friends, started for the bride's home. Salutes
were fired at every house passed on the road, and from each house
pistols and guns gave an answering 'God speed.' Half way on the journey
the noisy bridal party was met by the male friends of the bride, and
another discharge of firearms rent the air. Each group of men then named
a champion to 'run for the bottle!'--a direct survival of the ancient
wedding sport known among the Scotch as 'running for the bride-door,' or
'riding for the kail' or 'for the broose'--a pot of spiced broth. The
two New Hampshire champions ran at full speed or rode a dare-devil race
over dangerous roads to the bride's house, the winner seized the
beribboned bottle of rum provided for the contest, returned to the
advancing bridal group, drank the bride's health, and passed the bottle.
On reaching the bride's house an extra salute was fired, and the
bridegroom with his party entered a room set aside for them. It was a
matter of strict etiquette that none of the bride's friends should enter
this room until the bride, led by the best man, advanced and stationed
herself with her bridesmaid before the minister, while the best man
stood behind the groom. When the time arrived for the marrying pair to
join hands, each put the right hand behind the back, and the bridesmaid
and the best man pulled off the wedding-gloves, taking care to finish
their duty at precisely the same moment. At the end of the ceremony
everyone kissed the bride, and more noisy firing of guns and drinking of
New England rum ended the day."[240]
One peculiar custom was that of the "coming out" of the bride. On the
Sunday after the wedding, the bride and groom and, sometimes, also the
other members of the bridal party, would attend church in their wedding
clothes. It was a common and an expected thing for the bridal couple to
occupy some conspicuous place and in the midst of the sermon stand and
slowly turn about to show their clothing. The peeking of the
congregation can well be imagined when the groom was dressed in a velvet
coat, lace-frilled shirt, and white broadcloth knee-breeches and the
bride in a gorgeous peach-colored silk gown and a bonnet with sixteen
yards of white ribbon on it. One groom was not content with showing off
on one Sunday when he came out in white broadcloth for the next Sunday
he was attired in brilliant blue and gold and the third Sunday in
peach-bloom with pearl buttons.
An engagement of marriage was a very important matter and when once
properly entered into it could not be lightly broken. There are records
of a good number of breach of promise suits in New England and New York.
Sometimes the suit was brought by the woman or her father against the
man; sometimes, too, it was the man that brought the suit against the
woman. Although the father had great control over his daughter in
reference to her choice of a husband, yet if he permitted a contract to
be entered into with his daughter he could not break off the engagement
without good reason, such as a court would accept. There are a number of
cases on record where the young man brought suit against the girl's
father for breach of contract, sometimes for loss of time in paying
court to the daughter. In some cases the young man in his suit included
both the father and the mother and also the girl, claiming that all
joined in against him.
Since there was civil marriage in New England it would seem naturally to
follow that there would be civil divorce, which was the case. Not only
were church courts not established in New England but also there were
none in any of the colonies. As in Virginia marriage was by the church
and as there were no church courts, there were no statutes on divorce
enacted in that colony. There were separations, though, and the courts
acted upon them when brought before them. The causes allowed for divorce
in New England were such as desertion, cruelty, and breach of the
marriage vow. Usually the husband and wife were dealt with as equals
before the law. "Female adultery was never doubted to have been
sufficient cause; but male adultery, after some debate and consultation
with the elders, was judged not sufficient."[241] This has reference to
Massachusetts, being from Governor Hutchinson.
The bearing of husband and wife was rather carefully regulated by law in
New England. A husband could not keep his wife on frontiers where there
was much danger, nor could he leave her for any long while, nor could he
whip her, and he was not even allowed to use harsh words with her. A
wife must not scold her husband too much nor strike him, lest she be put
in the public stocks or pillory. Nor could they be too publicly
demonstrative. "Captain Kemble of Boston sat two hours in the public
stocks (1656) for his 'lewd and unseemly behavior' in kissing his wife
'publicquely' on the Sabbath upon his doorstep when he had just returned
from a voyage of three years."[242] In old New York it was the custom to
strive to reconcile all difficulties and even in some cases it seems
that force was almost, if not quite used to have the husband and wife
live together. In no case was the father of the wife to permit his
daughter to have refuge in his home against the wishes of her husband.
"In spite of the hardness and narrowness of their daily life, and the
cold calculation, the lack of sentiment displayed in wooing, I think
Puritan husbands and wives were happy in their marriages, though their
love was shy, almost somber, and 'flowered out of sight like the fern.'
A few love-letters still remain to prove their affection: letters of
sweethearts and letters of married lovers, such as Governor Winthrop and
his wife Margaret:
"'MY OWN DEAR HUSBAND: How dearly welcome thy kind letter was to me, I
am not able to express. The sweetness of it did much refresh me. What
can be more pleasing to a wife than to hear of the welfare of her best
beloved and how he is pleased with her poor endeavors! I blush to hear
myself commended, knowing my own wants. But it is your love that
conceives the best and makes all things seem better than they are. I
wish that I may always be pleasing to thee, and that these comforts we
may have in each other may be daily increased so far as they be pleasing
to God. I will use that speech to thee that Abigail did to David, I will
be a servant to wash the feet of my lord; I will do any service wherein
I may please my good husband. I confess I cannot do enough for thee; but
thou art pleased to accept the will for the deed and rest contented. I
have many reasons to make me love thee, whereof I shall name two: First,
because thou lovest God, and secondly, because thou lovest me. If these
two were wanting all the rest would be eclipsed. But I must leave this
discourse and go about my household affairs. I am a bad housewife to be
so long from them; but I must needs borrow a little time to talk with
thee, my sweetheart. It will be but two or three weeks before I see
thee, though they be long ones. God will bring us together in good time,
for which time I shall pray. And thus with my mother's and my own best
love to yourself I shall leave scribbling. Farewell my good husband, the
Lord keep thee.
'Your obedient wife,
'MARGARET WINTHROP.'"[243]
In the good old colonial days of New England it was not only a man's
duty to marry but also a necessity, so a widower did not remain single
as a usual thing nor was it usual to remain in that condition very long,
as for instance, "the father and mother of Governor Winslow had been
widow and widower seven and twelve weeks respectively, when they joined
their families and themselves in mutual benefit, if not in mutual love.
At a later day, the impatient Governor of New Hampshire married a lady
but ten days a widow."[244] "Peter Sargent, a rich Boston merchant, had
three wives. His second had had two previous husbands. His third wife
had lost one husband, and she survived Peter, and also her third
husband, who had three wives. His father had four, the last three of
whom were widows."[245]
One poor widower had quite a time after his wife's death as depicted in
his diary, and to the cares and troubles of this poor old man, Judge
Sewall of Boston, Mrs. Earle devotes thirteen pages of her _Customs and
Fashions in Old New England_, and they are truly most unlucky pages. The
Judge lost his wife on October 19, 1717, with whom he had lived
forty-three years and they had seven sons and seven daughters, and on
February 6th, of the following year (he was 66 at the time) is found in
his Diary: "'Wandering in my mind whether to live a Married or a Single
life.' Ere that date he had begun to take notice. He had called more
than once on Widow Ruggles, and had had Widow Gill to dine with him; and
looked critically at Widow Emery, and noted that Widow Tilley was absent
from meeting; and he had gazed admiringly at Widow Winthrop in 'her
sley.'"[246] Nor were the good old Dutch of New York far behind their
Yankee neighbors in this matter, although they didn't want to allow
their wives the same privileges without encumbrances, as, "John
Burroughs, of Newtown, Long Island, in his will dated 1678 expressed the
general feeling of husbands towards their prospective widows when he
said: 'If my wife marry again, then her husband must provide for her as
I have.'"[247] In 1673 a husband in making a joint-will with his wife
enjoined loss of property if his wife married again. "Perhaps he thought
there had been enough marrying and giving in marriage already in that
family, for Brieta had had three husbands--a Dane, a Frieslander, and a
German--and his first wife had had four, and he--well, several, I guess;
and you couldn't expect any poor Dutchman to find it easy to make a will
in all that confusion."[248]
"The precocity of colonial marriage allowed time for repetitions of the
act. Many of the Virginia girls that married in childhood and assumed
the burdens of family at so immature an age became broken in health and
after bearing a dozen children died, leaving their husbands to marry
again and beget new broods perhaps as large as the first. On the eastern
shore of Virginia in the seventeenth century it was not remarkable for a
man to have three or four successive wives. There were instances of
Virginians married six times. It is not unusual to find a colonial dame
that was married four times. Few conspicuous colonial men in Virginia,
at least, lived beyond middle life; most died short of it. The malarial
climate, exposure, and reckless habits cut them off. The young and
attractive widows need not remain long forlorn in a country with a
preponderance of males, at least if the feminine charms were
supplemented by a fine plantation. Sometimes the relay was so close that
the second husband was granted the probate of the will of the first. In
one case funeral baked meats furnished the marriage table. One husband
left all the estate to his wife's children by her next marriage.
Quickness of remarriage does not indicate callousness but rather the
woman's need of protection on the plantation and of an overseer for the
work.
"A noticeable feature of colonial Virginia was the belleship of widows.
Maidens seem not to have been 'in it.' As we come toward the Revolution
the widows still reign supreme. It may be that the larger social
experience of the widows magnified their charms or made them more adept
at handling bashful lovers. Washington belonged in this class if we may
trust the sentimental poems that he wrote to the unknown maiden that he
loved when he was fifteen. After several unsuccessful affairs he
probably was sufficiently experienced not to dally in his wooing of Mrs.
Custis. Patrick Henry's father married a widow; so did Jefferson and
James Madison."[249]
In New Netherlands there prevailed a custom, borrowed from Holland, that
when a man died and left a number of debts the widow could be relieved
from all demands or claims of his creditors by giving up her rights of
inheritance. In one form this giving up of rights was shown by the
widow's laying a key and a purse on the coffin of the deceased husband.
There was another peculiar custom in both New England and New York for
the purpose of getting out of paying debts. In this the widow was
married in her shift, often at cross-roads, and sometimes at midnight.
Later the custom was for the widow to be in a closet with no clothing on
and put out her hand through a hole in the door for the marriage
ceremony. Under such a marriage it was held that the new husband was
exempt from paying the debts of the former husband and even of those of
the wife contracted before her marriage to the new husband. After her
marriage, whether on road or in closet, the new bride would deck herself
out in clothing furnished by the new husband, usually these were with
her in the closet, and then she would come forth resplendent and
unencumbered to her new man.
As in all new countries, in the early times of the United States, women
were fewer than men and very few women remained unmarried. Too, it was
quite necessary for a woman to marry as she needed some one to care for
her and protect her more than would be the case in an old and
well-settled country. Yet there were some few women who preferred
maidenhood to marriage, but for the most part such women had a hard
time, for they were not well considered by the colonists as they
believed it to be the duty for every man and woman to marry. At least
one such woman persevered in this state for quite a time as there is a
record of her death in her 91st year.
"The state of old maidism was reached at a very early age in those early
days; Higginson wrote of an 'antient maid' of twenty-five years. John
Dunton in his 'Life and Errors' wrote eulogistically of one such ideal
'Virgin' who attracted his special attention.
"'It is true an _old_ (or superannuated) Maid in Boston is thought such
a curse, as nothing can exceed it (and looked on as a _dismal_
spectacle) yet she by her good nature, gravity, and strict virtue
convinces all (so much as the fleering Beaus) that it is not her
necessity but her choice that keeps her a Virgin. She is now about
thirty years (the age which they call a _Thornback_) yet she never
disguises herself, and talks as little as she thinks, of Love. She never
reads any Plays or Romances, goes to no Balls or Dancing-match (as they
do who go to such Fairs), to meet with Chapmen. Her looks, her speech,
her whole behavior are so very chaste, that but once (at Governor's
Island, where we went to be merry at roasting a hog) going to kiss her,
I thought she would have blushed to death.
"'Our _Damsel_ knowing this, her conversation is generally amongst the
women (as there is least danger from that sex), so that I found it no
easy matter to enjoy her company, for most of her time (save what was
taken up in needle work and learning French, &c.) was spent in Religious
Worship. She knew time was a dressing-room for Eternity, and therefore
reserves most of her hours for better uses than those of the Comb, the
Toilet and the Glass.
"'And as I am sure this is most agreeable to the Virgin modesty, which
should make Marriage an act rather of their obedience than their choice.
And they that think their Friends too slowpaced in the matter give
certain proof that lust is their sole motive. But as the Damsel I have
been describing would neither anticipate nor contradict the will of her
Parents, so do I assure you she is against Forcing her own, by marrying
where she cannot love; and that is the reason she is still a
Virgin.'"[250]
Even if the Puritan did tolerate the unmarried woman he scarcely did the
unmarried man, for it was considered almost a crime for a man to remain
single. They went so far that to encourage bachelors to marry they were
given home lots upon which to build if they married. Whatever the cause,
there were very few bachelors among them. Bachelors were treated almost
as criminals as they were spied upon by the constable, the watchman, and
the tithing-man. In some places they had to pay a stipulated sum per
week, or other time, for the privilege of remaining single, while in
other places they were not permitted to live alone. An order issued in
1695 in Eastham, Mass., reads: "Every unmarried man in the township
shall kill six blackbirds or three crows while he remains single; as a
penalty for not doing it, shall not be married until he obey this
order."[251] "Bachelors were not in good standing among the Dutch, at
least in Albany. The colony had no laws, as in New England, to regulate
these misfits and they shared in the benefit of Dutch tolerance toward
misguided folk. But where marriage was so spontaneous, bachelors were
almost pariahs. They did manage to find shelter but not home. Mrs. Grant
describes them as passing in and out like silent ghosts and seeming to
feel themselves superior to the world. Their association was almost
exclusively with one another though sometimes one took part in the
affairs of the family with which he lived."[252]
=Dress.= In the very early days there was quite a difference of feeling
in reference to dress among the various colonies. In Virginia there was
no horror of fine clothing and they dressed as far as they could as in
the home country. In New England and Pennsylvania this was different, as
in the former the Puritans were much against fine dress and in the
latter the Quakers dressed demurely. In New York saving was such a grace
with the Dutch that the clothing was quite durable, whatever the style.
Yet even among the early colonists there was a disposition to dress
according to rank and hence finery was not altogether excluded from any
of the colonies. This is shown in the laws, as, in Virginia in 1623 only
those of the governor's council were allowed to wear silk, and, in 1651
the General Court of Massachusetts set forth its "utter detestation and
dislike that men or women of meane condition, educations and callinges
should take uppon them the garbe of gentlemen, by the wearinge of gold
or silver lace, or buttons, or poynts at theire knees, to walke in
greate boots, or women of the same ranke to weare silke or tiffany
hoodes or scarfes."[253]
As the colonies grew and wealth increased, display in dress grew and
continued up through the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. There was
a constant succession of rich and gay fashions patterned after those of
Europe. This was not only true of women's clothing but of men's as well.
There were importations from Europe, among which were gauzes, silks,
laces, velvets, and fine cloths of bright colors. Too, when trade
widened, goods were brought from China and the East Indies. Although the
colonists might wear rich clothing they were not wasteful, for the gowns
and ribbons were turned and dyed and well cared for, and much of the
clothing was passed on to other generations. This passion for dress was
not even stopped by the Revolutionary War as is shown from a letter by a
Hessian officer of that time:
"They are great admirers of cleanliness and keep themselves well shod.
They friz their hair every day and gather it up on the back of the head
into a chignon at the same time puffing it up in front. They generally
walk about with their heads uncovered and sometimes but not often wear
some light fabric on their hair. Now and then some country nymph has her
hair flowing down behind her, braiding it with a piece of ribbon. Should
they go out even though they be living in a hut, they throw a silk wrap
about themselves, and put on gloves. They also put on some well made and
stylish little sunbonnet, from beneath which their roguish eyes have a
most fascinating way of meeting yours. In the English colonies the
beauties have fallen in love with red silk or woolen wraps. The wives
and daughters spend more than their incomes allow. The man must fish up
the last penny he has in his pocket. The funniest part of it is the
women do not seem to steal it from them, neither do they obtain it by
cajoling, fighting, or falling in a faint. How they obtain it is a
mystery, but that the men are heavily taxed for their extravagance is
certain. The daughters keep up their stylish dressing because their
mothers desire it. Nearly all articles necessary for the adornment of
the female sex are very scarce and dear. For this reason they are
wearing their Sunday finery. Should this begin to show signs of wear I
am afraid that the husbands and fathers will be compelled to make peace
with the Crown if they would keep their women folk supplied with
gewgaws."[254]
This growth in the richness of apparel did not escape the eyes of the
lawmakers, for sumptuary laws were passed in order to restrain and even
prohibit luxury and extravagance in dress, but needless to say all such
laws failed in the end. In 1634 the General Court of Massachusetts gave
out the order:
"That no person either man or woman shall hereafter make or buy any
apparel, either woolen or silk or linen with any lace on it, silver,
gold, or thread, under the penalty of forfeiture of said clothes. Also
that no person either man or woman shall make or buy any slashed clothes
other than one slash in each sleeve and another in the back; also all
cut-works, embroideries, or needlework cap, bands, and rails are
forbidden hereafter to be made and worn under the aforesaid penalty;
also all gold or silver girdles, hatbands, belts, ruffs, beaverhats are
prohibited to be bought and worn hereafter."[255]
"In 1639 'immoderate great breeches, knots of ryban, broad shoulder
bands and rayles, silk ruses, double ruffles and capes' were added to
the list of tabooed garments."[256] In 1651 came the utterance of the
Court as given before.
Nor were these idle laws, for many people were tried and punished. In
Northampton in 1676 there were thirty-eight women brought up at one time
before the court for their "wicked apparell." Not only did the courts
and lawmakers try to stop the increase for showy clothing but also the
ministers took up the refrain and preached against the display of
finery.
"After a while the whole church interfered. In 1679 the church at
Andover put it to vote whether 'the parish Disapprove of the female sex
sitting with their Hats on in the Meeting-house in time of Divine
Service as being Indecent.' In the town of Abington, in 1775, it was
voted that it was 'an indecent way that the female sex do sit with their
hats and bonnets on to worship God.' Still another town voted it was
the 'Town's Mind' that the women should take their bonnets off in
meeting and hang them 'on the peggs.' We do not know positively, but I
suspect that the bonnets continued to grace the heads instead of the
pegs in Andover, Abington, and other towns."[257]
In the early times in New England the men wore breeches of leather or of
heavy woolens lined with leather with waistcoats, jackets, and doublets
of leather, being plain and durable. But even at that early time there
were scarlet caps and scarlet coats. In the country the clothing of the
men was usually plain and made by the people themselves, the cloth being
spun, dyed, and woven at home. Sometimes trousers were worn instead of
the conventional short-clothes and shoes and hose dispensed with, the
men going barefooted. Among the frontiersmen there were suits of
deer-skin and coats made of bear-skin and raccoon-skin.
"The frontiersmen and hunters did not quite escape the prevailing
fondness for the decorative and fanciful in dress. That some of them
clubbed and some of them queued their hair, I have already remarked.
Their 'hunting-shirt,' which served for vest and coat also, was of
linsey-wolsey or buckskin in winter and of tow-linen in the summer. It
had many fringes and a broad belt about the middle. The hunter wore
either breeches of buckskin or thin trousers; over these he fastened
coarse woolen leggins tied with garters or laced well up the thigh, as a
defense against mud, serpents, insects, and thorns. He wore moccasins,
and covered his head with a flapped hat of a reddish hue, or a cap. The
sharp tomahawk stuck in his belt served for a weapon, for hatchet, for
hammer, and for a whole kit of tools besides. The shot-bag and
powder-horn completed his outfit; the powder-horn was his darling, and
upon it he lavished all the resources of his ingenuity, carving it with
whimsical devices of many sorts. And there was probably less that was in
false taste in the woodman's outfit than in any costume of the
period."[258]
Whatever way the New England Puritan may have dressed himself in the
early colonial times, he did not hesitate to bedeck himself in the later
times. "Picture to yourself the garb in which the patriot John Hancock
appeared one noon-day in 1782:
"'He wore a red velvet cap within which was one of fine linen, the last
turned up two or three inches over the lower edge of the velvet. He also
wore a blue damask gown lined with velvet, a white stock, a white satin
embroidered waistcoat, black satin small-clothes, white silk stockings
and red morocco slippers.'
"What gay peacock was this strutting all point-device in scarlet
slippers and satin and damask, spreading his gaudy feathers at high noon
in sober Boston Streets!--was this our boasted Republican simplicity?
And what 'fop-tackle' did the dignified Judge of the Supreme Court wear
in Boston at that date? He walked home from the bench in the winter time
clad in a magnificent white corduroy surtout lined with fur, with his
judicial hands thrust in a great fur muff.
"Fancy a Boston publisher going about his business tricked up in this
dandified dress--a true New England jessamy.
"'He wore a pea-green coat, white vest, nankeen small-clothes, white
silk stockings and pumps fastened with silver buckles which covered at
least half the foot from instep to toe. His small-clothes were tied at
the knees with riband of the same color in double bows, the ends
reaching down to the ancles. His hair in front was well loaded with
pomatum, frizzled or creped, and powdered; the ear locks had undergone
the same process. Behind his natural hair was augmented by the addition
of a large queue, called vulgarly the false tail, which, enrolled in
some yards of black riband, hung halfway down his back.'"[259]
The dress of the women among the colonists is shown in such lists as in
the will of Jane Humphrey, who died in Dorchester, Mass., in 1668:
"Ye Jump. Best Red Kersey Petticoate, Sad Grey Kersey Wascote. My
blemmish Searge Petticoate & my best hatt. My white Fustian Wascote. A
black Silk neck cloath. A handkerchiefe. A blew Apron. A plain black
Quoife without any lace. A white Holland Appron with a small lace at the
bottom. Red Searge petticoat and a blackish Searge petticoat. Greene
Searge Wascote & my hood & muffe. My Green Linsey Woolsey petticoate. My
Whittle that is fringed & my Jump & my blew Short Coate. A handkerchief.
A blew Apron. My best Quife with a Lace. A black Stuffe Neck Cloath. A
White Holland apron with two breadths in it. Six yards of Redd Cloth. A
greene Vnder Coate. Staning Kersey Coate. My murry Wascote. My Cloake &
my blew Wascote. My best White Apron, my best Shifts. One of my best
Neck Cloaths, & one of my plain Quieus. One Calico Vnder Neck Cloath. My
fine thine Neck Cloath. My next best Neck Cloath. A square Cloath with a
little lace on it. My greene Apron."[260]
"Vrouentje Ides Stoffelsen, the wife of a respectable and well-to-do
Dutch settler in New Netherlands, left behind her in 1641 a gold hoop
ring, a silver medal and chain and a silver under-girdle to hang keys
on; a damask furred jacket, two black camlet jackets, two doublets--one
iron gray, the other black; a blue, a steel-gray lined petticoat, and a
black coarse camlet-lined petticoat; two black skirts, a new bodice, two
white waistcoats, one of Harlem stuff; a little black vest with two
sleeves, a pair of damask sleeves, a reddish morning gown, not lined;
four pairs pattens, one of Spanish leather; a purple apron and four blue
aprons; nineteen cambric caps and four linen ones; a fur cap trimmed
with beaver; nine linen handkerchiefs trimmed with lace, two pair of old
stockings, and three shifts."[261]
The list of the wardrobe of the widow of Dr. Jacob De Lange, of New
York, in 1682, showed the following:
"One under petticoat with a body of red bay; one under petticoat,
scarlet; one petticoat, red cloth with black lace; one striped stuff
petticoat with black lace; two colored drugget petticoats with gray
linings; two colored drugget petticoats with white linings; one colored
drugget petticoat with pointed lace; one black silk petticoat with ash
gray silk lining; one potto-foo silk petticoat with black silk lining;
one potto-foo silk petticoat with taffeta lining; one silk
potoso-à-samare with lace; one tartanel samare with tucker; one black
silk crape samare with tucker; three flowered calico samares; three
calico nightgowns, one flowered, two red; one silk waistcoat, one calico
waistcoat; one pair of bodice; five pair white cotton stockings; three
black love-hoods; one white love-hood; two pair sleeves with great lace;
four cornet caps with lace; one black silk rain cloth cap; one black
plush mask; four yellow lace drowlas; one embroidered purse with silver
bugle and chain to the girdle and silver hook and eye; one pair black
pendants, gold nocks; one gold boat, wherein thirteen diamonds & one
white coral chain; one pair gold stucks or pendants each with ten
diamonds; two diamond rings; one gold ring with clasp back; one gold
ring or hoop bound round with diamonds."[262]
There was no ready-made clothing in the colonies till late, for men
appearing about the middle of the eighteenth century and for women not
till near the close of the same century. The women's clothing was made
by themselves or by dressmakers, who had establishments in the town and
went from home to home in the country. Sometimes the women would send to
the home country for garments, which would be passed about among
themselves as models. A rather striking way of introducing the new
styles was by importing dolls fully and carefully dressed in Europe in
the newest fashions. The notice of the arrival of such a doll is found
in an advertisement in the _New England Weekly Journal_ of July 2, 1733.
"To be seen at Mrs. Hannah Teatts Mantua Maker at the Head of Summer
Street Boston a Baby drest after the Newest Fashion of Mantues and Night
Gowns & everything belonging to a dress. Latilly arrived on Capt. White
from London, any Ladies that desire to see it may either come or send,
she will be ready to wait on 'em, if they come to the House it is Five
Shilling & if she waits on 'em it is Seven Shilling."[263]
They did not have a great deal of jewelry. Bracelets and lockets were
worn by a few of the women and some of the men had gold and silver
sleeve-buttons, and also men sometimes wore thumb-rings, which seems in
keeping with their using muffs. Rings were common, which were for the
most part mourning-rings, as these were given to all the chief mourners
at funerals. Silver buckles for the knees and ankles were quite common
among the men. Paste brilliants were very much in use, being worn on
shoe buckles by the men, and women wore paste combs and paste pins.
Watches appeared in England about the middle of the seventeenth century,
but it was quite a little later before they were found among the
colonists, and even then they were used only by the wealthy. Umbrellas,
made of oiled linen, came into use late in the colonial period, but
before that the ladies had learned to protect their faces from the sun
by sun-fans of green paper, and green masks were worn while riding. In
New England black velvet masks were used as a shield from the cold,
being held in place by means of a silver mouthpiece. Hoopskirts came
into fashion and they became quite big affairs about the middle of the
eighteenth century. To set off the coats and breeches of gaudy colors
the men wore shirts with highly ruffled bosoms. The stylish shoes of the
women were frail affairs, being of very thin material and with paper
soles which were protected by overshoes known as goloe-shoes, clogs,
pattens, etc.
In the colonies the customs in reference to the wearing of the hair
prevailed as in use in the old country, the Puritans in New England
keeping their hair short, as did their brethren in England, and so
nicknamed Roundheads, while in Virginia the hair was worn long, as was
the custom with the Cavaliers of England. As hard as the New Englanders
fought against long hair, going as far as to offer men under sentence
release from punishment if they would cut off their long hair, the
Virginians went further and made short hair disgraceful by making it a
brand and a mark of identification for indentured servants when caught
and returned to their masters after running away before their time of
service had expired.
But Puritan and Cavalier and Quaker all succumbed to the wig. The rage
for wearing wigs by the beginning of the eighteenth century seemed to
have possessed the colonists, as wigs were worn by men of all ranks and
conditions, by children, servants, prisoners, and even sailors and
soldiers. The styles varied greatly, sometimes they swelled out at the
side, sometimes they hung in braids or in curls or in pig-tails, and
again they were in great puffs or were turned under in heavy rolls. They
were made of human hair, horsehair, goat's-hair, calves' and cows'
tails, thread, silk, and mohair. Some of them were quite costly, even as
much as the equal of a hundred dollars today. There were a great variety
of styles of wigs, known as the tie, the brigadier, the spencer, the
major, the albemarle, the ramillies, the grave full-bottom, the giddy
feather-top, the campaign, the neck-lock, the bob, the lavant, the
vallaney, the drop-wig, the buckle-wig, the bag-wig, the Grecian fly,
the peruke, the beau-peruke, the long-tail, the bob-tail, the fox-tail,
the cut-wig, the tuck-wig, the twist-wig, the scratch.[264]
"Soon after 1750, perhaps, the decline of the wig set in; but the
exuberant fancy of the age still made the heads of gentlemen to blossom.
The wig-maker's tortures fell upon the natural hair: it was curled,
frizzled, and powdered; it was queued or clubbed. The man of dignity,
even the fashionable clergyman, sat long beneath the hands of the barber
every day of his life. Side-locks and dainty little toupees were
cultivated. The 'maccaroni'--type and pink of the most debauched English
dandyism--made his appearance in 1774 in the fashionable assemblies of
Charleston, and even in Charleston there were two varieties of these
creatures: the one wore the hair clubbed, the other preferred the
dangling queue. The rage for growing the longest possible switch of hair
infected the lower classes; sailors and boatmen wrapped in eel-skin
their cherished locks, and the back-countryman in some places was
accustomed to preserve his from injury by enveloping it in a piece of
bear's-gut dyed red, or clubbing it in a buckskin bag."[265]
The women of the colonies, like the men, tried to keep up with the
fashions of Europe. The manner in which they wore their hair brought
upon them the wrath of the parsons, one of whom, Increase Mather, even
included a notice of such in his great sermon upon the comet in 1683:
"Will not the haughty daughters of Zion refrain their pride in apparell?
Will they lay out their hair, and wear false locks, their borders, and
towers like comets about their heads?"[266] These towers grew out of
style, but they came back again near a century later, in Revolutionary
times. At this later time the front hair was drawn up over a roll or
cushion and stiffened with powder and grease and then the back hair was
drawn up in a similar way. The pile was then built up with ribbons,
pompons, aigrettes, jewels, gauze, flowers, and feathers till it arose
near a half yard in height. This process took a long time, as is told in
1771 by a bright little Boston school girl, eleven years of age, who saw
a hairdresser at his work. "How long she was at his opperation, I know
not. I saw him twist & tug & pick & cut off whole locks of grey hair at
a slice (the lady telling him she would have no hair to dress next time)
for the space of a hour & a half, when I left them, he seeming not to be
near done."[267] "One may judge of the vital necessity there was for all
this art from the fact that a certain lady in Annapolis about the close
of the colonial period was accustomed to pay six hundred dollars a year
for the dressing of her hair. On great occasions the hairdresser's time
was so fully occupied that some ladies were obliged to have their
mountainous coiffures built up two days beforehand, and to sleep sitting
in their chairs, or, according to a Philadelphia tradition, with their
heads inclosed in a box."[268]
The contents of such a tower is shown in a description of an accident to
a young woman in the streets of Boston, as found in the _Boston Gazette_
of 1771. "In an infaust moment she was thrown down by a runaway, and her
tower received serious damage. It burst its thin outer wall of natural
hair, and disgorged cotton and wool and tow stuffing, false hair, loops
of ribbon and gauze. Ill-bred boys kicked off portions of the various
excresences, and the tower-wearer was jeered at until she was glad to
escape with her own few natural locks."[269]
These dressings of the hair called for material to use and they had
powdering puffs and powdering bags and powdering machines and several
varieties of powder to use in them, such as brown, maréchal, scented,
plain, and blue. Pomatums came into use, one of which in a book dated
1706 is shown to be made thus: "The Dutch way to make Orange-butter.
Take new cream two gallons, beat it up to a thicknesse, then add half a
pint of orange-flower-water, and as much red wine, and so being become
the thicknesse of butter it has both the colour and smell of an
orange."[270] There were hair-restorers and hair-dyes, all promising
much to those using them correctly and carefully, one such formula
coming down to us from 1685: "A Metson to make a mans heare groe when he
is bald. Take sume fier flies & sum Redd wormes & black snayls and sum
hume bees and dri them and pound them & mixt them in milk or
water."[271]
In early colonial times not much attention was given to the teeth. The
following is in line with their knowledge and care of the teeth. "If you
will keep your teeth from rot, plug, or aking, wash the mouth
continually with Juyce of Lemons, and afterwards rub your teeth with a
Sage Leaf and Wash your teeth after meat with faire water. To cure Tooth
Ach. 1. Take Mastick and chew it in your mouth until it is as soft as
wax, then stop your teeth with it, if hollow, there remaining till it's
consumed, and it will certainly cure you. 2. The tooth of a dead man
carried about a man presently suppresses the pains of the Teeth."[272]
The tooth powders were such as to be quite injurious to the teeth. One
such had in its combination cuttle-bone, brick-dust, and pumice-stone.
Another was to contain coral reduced to a powder, and if no coral was to
be had, then coarse earthenware might be broken up and powdered for use.
Their instruments for pulling teeth were crude and caused the greatest
of pain, often breaking the jaw. The artificial teeth of that time may
have helped the looks, but they were of very little value in eating, if
any at all. There was used an ingrafting process wherein sound teeth
were extracted from one person and inserted in another person's mouth.
"I cannot find any notice of the sale of 'teeth brushes' till nearly
Revolutionary times. Perhaps the colonists used, as in old England,
little brushes made of 'dentissick root' or mallow, chewed into a
fibrous swab."[273]
After the first years of hardships, and wealth began to come to the
colonists, there not only arose among the women the desire for fine
dress, but also a love of cosmetics. As early as 1686 it was said of a
woman of Boston, "to hide her age she paints, and to hide her painting
dares hardly laugh." One of the ministers of New England about that same
time stated to his congregation: "At the resurrection of the Just there
will no such sight be met as the Angels carrying Painted Ladies in their
arms." In the newspapers are advertisements of washes for the skin, face
powders, face paints, compositions to take off "Superficious Hair," face
patches, and the like. One of the leading cosmetics was the wash-ball, a
substitute for soap. They loved perfumes and not only used them about
their persons, but also to scent their linen chests, closets, and rooms.
"With regard to the bathing habits of our ancestors but little can be
said, and but little had best be said. Charles Francis Adams writes,
with witty plainness, 'If among personal virtues cleanliness be indeed
that which ranks next to godliness, then judged by the nineteenth
century standards, it is well if those who lived in the eighteenth
century had a sufficiency of the latter quality to make good what they
lacked of the former.' He says there was not a bathroom in the town of
Quincy prior to the year 1820. And of what use would pitchers or tubs of
water have been in bedrooms in the winter time, when, if exposed over
night, solid ice would be found therein in the morning? The washing of
linen in New England homes was done monthly; it is to be hoped the
personal baths were more frequent, even under the apparent difficulties
of accomplishment. I must state, in truth, though with deep
mortification, that I cannot find in inventories even of Revolutionary
times the slightest sign of the presence of balneary appurtenances in
bedrooms; not even of ewers, lavers, and basins, nor of pails and tubs.
As petty pieces of furniture, such as stools, besoms, framed pictures,
and looking-glasses are enumerated, this conspicuous absence of what we
deem an absolute necessity for decency speaks with a persistent and
exceedingly disagreeable voice of the unwashed condition of our
ancestors, a condition all the more mortifying when we consider their
exceeding external elegance in dress. This total absence of toilet
appliances does not, of course, render impossible a special lavatory or
bathroom in the house, or the daily importation to the bedrooms of
hot-water cans, twiggen bottles, bathtubs, and basins from other
portions of the house; but even that equipment would show a lack of
adequate bathing facilities. Nor do the tiny toilet jugs and basins of
Staffordshire ware that date from the first part of this century point
to any very elaborate ablutions."[274]
=Infants' Clothing.= Some articles of clothing of infants of colonial
times have been preserved. These are not the common every-day dress, as
they were worn out or not thought nice enough to lay away, but these
remaining are the finer sort such as their christening robes and their
finer shirts, caps, and petticoats, such as would not be worn very much
and kept put away till baby outgrew them and they were so pretty that
they were still preserved and have come down to us to show us what
beautiful apparel our baby forefathers wore.
All the under-garments of the colonial baby were made of linen--little
low-necked shirts with short sleeves, made of thin, fine linen. The
little hands were enclosed in linen mitts, one pair, though, that comes
down to us were made of fine lace and there were some of silk, and some
even of stiff yellow nankeen. The baby-dresses are little,
straight-laced gowns for display, or, rather shapeless large-necked
sacks and drawn into shape at the neck with narrow cotton ferret or
linen bobbin. The poor little head was covered summer and winter with a
cap, which must have been quite warm in summer as they were often warmly
padded. Mrs. Earle states that she had never seen a woolen petticoat
which was worn by an infant of pre-Revolutionary days. But there were
infants' cloaks of wool. There were also beautifully embroidered long
cloaks of chamois skin. The baby was kept warm by little shawls placed
around the shoulders and the body was enveloped in quilts and shawls,
which also included the head and shoulders.
=Boys' Clothing.= In the early colonial times as soon as the boys became
old enough to get about, they were dressed like their fathers. In
Massachusetts the boys' clothing consisted of doublets, which were warm
double jackets, leather knee-breeches, leather belts, knit caps, while
in Virginia, because of the warmer climate, their clothing was of
lighter material. Sometimes the boys had deerskin breeches.
When cotton goods became to be imported from Oriental countries, about
the latter part of the eighteenth century, the clothing of children, as
well as of grown-folks, were made of it. This became so important in
dress that it was worn in winter as well as in summer. We find that boys
wore nankeen suits the entire year and that jackets and trousers for the
boys were made of calico and chintz. It is hard for us to believe that
boys in New England ever wore nankeen suits in winter and even calico
pants in snow time.
"There is an excellent list of the clothing of a New York schoolboy of
eleven years given in a letter written by Fitz-John Winthrop to Robert
Livingstone in 1690. This young lad, John Livingstone, had also been in
school in New England. The 'account of linen & clothes' shows him to
have been well dressed. It reads thus:
"Eleven new shirts.
4 pr laced sleves.
8 plane cravets.
4 cravets with lace
4 stripte wastecoats with black buttons.
1 flowered wastecoat.
3 pr silver buttons.
2 pr fine blew stockings.
1 pr fine red stockings.
4 white handkerchiefs.
2 speckled handkerchiefs.
3 pair gloves.
1 stuff coat with black buttons.
4 new osinbrig britches.
1 gray hat with a black ribbon
1 gray hat with a blew ribbon.
1 dousin black buttons.
1 dousin coloured buttons.
3 pr gold buttons.
1 cloth coat.
1 pr blew plush britches.
1 pr serge britches.
2 combs.
1 pr new shoes.
Silk & thred to mend his clothes."[275]
In 1759 George Washington ordered from England for his step-son--Master
Custis--six years of age, the following:
6 Pocket Handkerchiefs, small and fine.
6 pairs Gloves.
2 Laced Hats.
2 Pieces India Nankeen.
6 pairs fine Thread Stockings.
4 " Coarse " "
6 " Worsted " "
4 " Strong Shoes.
4 " Pumps.
1 Summer suit of clothes to be made of something light and thin.
1 piece black Hair Ribbon.
1 pair handsome Silver Shoe & Knee Buckles.
1 light duffel Cloak with Silver Frogs.[276]
=Girls' Clothing.= The little girl of the early settlers must have been
dressed very plainly, as was her mother. As the colonists grew wealthy
and cities arose, the little girl's dress grew to be quite elegant and
stiff and formal and hampering, nearly as much so as that of her mother.
In 1759, in the same list mentioned above for his step-son, George
Washington ordered from England for his step-daughter--Miss Custis--four
years of age, as follows:
8 pairs kid mitts.
4 " gloves.
2 " silk shoes.
4 " Calamanco shoes.
4 " leather pumps.
6 " fine thread stockings.
4 " " worsted "
2 Caps.
2 pairs Ruffles.
2 tuckers, bibs, and aprons if Fashionable.
2 Fans.
2 Masks.
2 bonnets.
1 Cloth Cloak.
1 Stiffened Coat of Fashionable silk made to packthread stays.
6 yards Ribbon.
2 Necklaces.
1 pair Silver Sleeve Buttons with Stones.
6 Pocket Handkerchiefs.[277]
"A little girl four years of age, in kid mitts, a mask, a stiffened
coat, with pack-thread stays, a tucker, ruffles, bib, apron, necklace,
and fan, was indeed a typical example of the fashionable follies of the
day."[278]
The school girl in a fashionable boarding-school dressed extravagantly
fine. One of the daughters, twelve years of age, of General Huntington
of Norwich, Conn., was placed in a boarding-school in Boston. She had
twelve silk gowns but her teacher wrote that the girl must have another
gown of a "recently imported rich fabric," which was got for her so that
she might dress "suitable to her rank and station."
Another Boston school girl, twelve years of age, in 1772, describes her
own evening dress thus:
"I was dress'd in my yellow coat, black bib & apron, black feathers on
my head, my past comb, & all my past garnet marquesett & jet pins,
together with my silver plume--my loket, black mitts & 2 or 3 yards of
blue ribbin, (black & blue is high tast) striped tucker and ruffels (not
my best) & my silk shoes compleated my dress."[279]
This same school girl, in her diary four months later, tells us of her
famous headdress:
"I had my HEDDUS roll on, aunt Storer said it ought to be made less,
Aunt Deming said it ought not to be made at all. It makes my head itch,
& ach, & burn like anything Mamma. This famous roll is not made _wholly_
of a red _Cow Tail_, but is a mixture of that, & horsehair (very course)
& a little human hair of yellow hue, that I suppose was taken out of the
back part of an old wig. But D---- made it (our head) all carded
together and twisted up. When it first came home, aunt put it on, & my
new cap on it, she then took up her apron & mesur'd me, & from the roots
of my hair on my forehead to the top of my notions, I mesur'd above an
inch longer than I did downwards from the roots of my hair to the end of
my chin. Nothing renders a young person more amiable than virtue &
modesty without the help of fals hair, red _Cow tail_ or D---- (the
barber)."[280]
The little girl's complexion had to be protected by a mask of cloth or
velvet from the healthy coloring of the sun. "Little Dolly Payne, who
afterwards became the wife of President Madison, went to school wearing
'a white linen mask to keep every ray of sunshine from the complexion, a
sunbonnet sewed on her head every morning by her careful mother, and
long gloves covering the hands and arms.'"[281]
These little girls wore vast hoop-petticoats. They wore high-heeled
shoes made of silk, morocco, or light stuff. They wore stays and
corsets, and even the poor little boys had to wear them.
"I have seen children's stays, made of heavy strips of board and steel,
tightly wrought with heavy buckram or canvas into an iron frame like an
instrument of torture. These had been worn by a little girl five years
old. Staymakers advertised stays, jumps, gazzets, costrells, and
caushets (which were doubtless corsets) for ladies and children, 'to
make them appear strait.' And I have been told of tin corsets for little
girls, but I have never seen any such abominations. One pair of stays
was labelled as having been worn by a boy when five years old. There
certainly is a suspicious suggestion in some of these little fellows'
portraits of whalebone and buckram."[282]
"From the deacons' records of the Dutch Reformed Church at Albany, we
catch occasional hints of the dress of the children of the Dutch
colonists. There was no poorhouse, and few poor; but since the church
occasionally helped worthy folk who were not rich, we find the deacons
in 1665 and 1666 paying for blue linen for _schorteldoecykers_, or
aprons, for Albany _kindeken_; also for _haaken en oogen_, or hooks and
eyes, for warm under-waists called _borsrockyen_. They bought linen for
_luyers_, which were neither pinning-blankets nor diapers, but a sort of
swaddling clothes, which evidently were worn then by Dutch babies.
_Voor-schooten_, which were white bibs; _neerstucken_, which were
tuckers, also were worn by little children. Some little Hans or Pieter
had given to him by the deacons a fine little scarlet _aperock_, or
monkey-jacket; and other children were furnished linen _cosynties_, or
night-caps with capes. Yellow stockings were sold at the same time for
children, and a gay little yellow turkey-legged Dutchman in a scarlet
monkey-jacket and fat little breeches must have been a jolly
sight."[283]
=Food.= The early colonists in the United States fared poorly at first
in the way of food and there was a scarcity of food among them for some
time. Yet there was an abundance of fish and oysters and clams and wild
nuts and berries and wild game. After they had learned how to gather
these in and also what to plant and how to plant there was a plenty if
not abundance. Not having a great number of cooking utensils, they
learned from the Indians and devised ways of cooking without utensils.
They broiled meats and fish on the bare live coals; they roasted Irish
potatoes, sweet potatoes, green corn, and squashes by burying them in
the hot ashes; apples and eggs and green corn were baked by laying them
on the hearth between the andirons; they would bake cakes of Indian corn
meal and of buckwheat and rye flour before the fire on a flat stone, a
hoe, an oak board, or a pewter plate. The breakfast was usually a frugal
one, consisting of a porridge of peas and beans, with a savor of meat,
cheese, maybe beer or tea, but often milk and bread. One peculiar custom
with the dinner, generally served exactly at noon, was that usually
there was a pudding and which was eaten first. This might have been an
Indian pudding, made of Indian corn meal mixed with dried fruit. Among
some of the more frugal the supper was often of mush and milk. In some
parts of the country at least, it was a custom on the occasion of a
dinner to which guests were invited to send to those who could not be
present a "taste" of the different dishes, and this was done
particularly to sick neighbors.
Wheat did not do well at first but oats grew all right and quite a good
deal was raised, so that oatmeal was used and oatmeal porridge became a
rather popular dish. Indian corn, maize, was the staple grain of the
colonists. When they first came to America they found this grain growing
and they learned from the Indians how to plant it, raise it, grind it,
and cook it. The foods made from this corn still retain their Indian
names, as samp, supawn, pone, succotash, hominy.
Samp was the corn pounded to a coarsely ground powder. Supawn was a
thick corn-meal and milk porridge. Another way of preparing the corn by
the Indians was called _nocake_ or _nookick_, in which the corn was
parched in the hot ashes, then taken up and the ashes sifted out, and
then beaten into a powder. This was used on journeys, being put into a
pouch, and it was quite sustaining as a small amount of it sufficed for
a meal. Johnny-cake was made of corn-meal boiled with water, probably
the same as our mush now. They also roasted the green corn,
roasting-ears, and parched the dried corn.
A corn-husking of 1767 in Massachusetts is thus described in a diary of
that time. "Made a husking Entertainm't. Possibly this leafe may last a
Century and fall into the hands of some inquisitive Person for whose
Entertainm't I will inform him that now there is a Custom amongst us of
making an Entertainm't at husking of Indian Corn whereto all the
neighboring Swains are invited and after the Corn is finished they like
the Hottentots give three Cheers or huzza's but cannot carry in the
husks without a Rhum bottle; they feign great Exertion but do nothing
till Rhum enlivens them, when all is done in a trice, then after a hasty
Meal about 10 at Night they go to their pastimes."[284]
The corn was shelled by hand or by raking the ear across the edge of a
shovel or other piece of sharp iron and then ground in stone mortars
with pestles or in wooden mortars. Later came "querns," hand-mills,
which from the descriptions, must have been similar to the ones used by
the Scotch housewives of the earlier times, as described in another
place in this book. Then in Massachusetts came the first wind-mill in
1631 and the first water-mill in 1633.
When the colonists came to this country, they found the rivers and seas
abounding with fish. It is stated that some of the rivers were so full
of fish that horses ridden into them would step on the fish and kill
them. The Indians killed them in the brooks by striking them with sticks
and the colonists scooped them out alive with pans. In 1614, after
having left Virginia, John Smith went to New England for whale and he
found cod instead and in one month he caught sixty thousand of the cod.
Two popular fish today, the shad and the salmon, were so common that the
colonists were really ashamed to be seen eating them in their homes. A
writer in 1636 stated that, "I myself at the turning of the tyde have
seen such multitudes of sea bass that it seemed to me that one might goe
over their backs dri-shod."[285]
Not only were there great numbers of fish, but also a great many
different kinds, one writer of 1672 told of over two hundred kinds that
were caught in the waters of New England. Not only was there great
quantity and great variety but also great size. Writers of these early
times tell of lobsters weighing twenty-five pounds and five and six feet
long, and of oysters that were a foot or more across.
At the first the settlers were poorly provided with fishing-tackle, but
it was soon brought in from across the sea and a great industry arose.
Fishing-vessels were fitted out and the product sold to the colonies and
Europe. "With every fishing-vessel that left Gloucester and Marblehead,
the chief centres of the fishing industries, went a boy of ten or twelve
to learn to be a skilled fisherman. He was called a 'cut-tail,' for he
cut a wedge-shaped bit from the tail of every fish he caught, and when
the fish were sorted out the cut-tails showed the boy's share of the
profit."[286]
There was likewise a great abundance of wild game. Deer were found
everywhere. They were at first without fear and came in droves near to
the colonists. But this was not for long as the colonists began to kill
them in great numbers, both for the food and for the hides. Wild turkeys
were likewise plentiful at first and of great size, as they weighed
thirty and forty and even sixty pounds. They came in flocks of a hundred
or more and were destroyed as the deer, and in a short time they had
disappeared from the settled parts, by 1690 rarely found near the coasts
of New England. Wild geese were found in flocks of thousands. Doves were
very plentiful. There were wild pigeons in vast quantities, so much so
that in their flight the sun would be obscured and the sky darkened for
some length of time, and where they roosted the limbs were broken off
the trees and sometimes even the largest limbs and again the trees might
be almost stripped of their limbs by the weight of the pigeons. There
were many other kinds of game birds, as the pheasant, quail, woodcock,
plover, snipe, curlew, and the like. Rabbits and squirrels were so
numerous as to be a very great pest and in many places bounties were
paid for their heads. "The Swedish traveler, Kalm, said that in
Pennsylvania in one year, 1749, £8,000 was paid out for heads of black
and gray squirrels, at three pence a head, which would show that over
six hundred thousand were killed."[287]
There was an abundance of wild nuts which could be gathered and used,
such as walnuts, hickory-nuts, chestnuts, hazelnuts, and the like. There
were plenty of wild berries, as huckleberries, blackberries, and
strawberries, and likewise wild grapes. The colonists used the pawpaw
and other wild fruits found in the woods. "The North Carolinians even
made puddings and what they called tarts of the American pawpaw."[288]
They planted out apple-trees and peach-trees and other kinds of fruit
trees and it was not many years till there was plenty of these
cultivated fruits. The apples were especially valuable to them and used
in various ways, applesauce, and apple-butter were made in great
quantity by each family. "They made preserves and conserves, marmalets
and quiddonies, hypocras and household wines, usquebarbs and cordials.
They candied fruits and made syrups. They preserved everything that
would bear preserving. I have seen old-time receipts for preserving
quinces, 'respasse,' pippins, 'apricocks,' plums, 'damsins,' peaches,
oranges, lemons, artichokes, green walnuts, elecampane roots, eringo
roots, grapes, barberries, cherries; receipts for syrup of clove
gillyflower, wormwood, mint, aniseed, clove, elder, lemons, marigolds,
citron, hyssop, liquorice; receipts for conserves of roses, violets,
borage flowers, rosemary, betony, sage, mint, lavender, marjoram, and
'piony;' rules for candying fruit, berries, and flowers, for poppy
water, cordial, cherry water, lemon water, thyme water, Angelica water,
Aqua Mirabilis, Aqua Cœlestis, clary water, mint water."[289]
The natives not only gave to the colonists the valuable Indian corn, but
also with it three vegetables that are yet to this day raised in the
field with this grain, being the pumpkin, the squash, and the bean. They
also got the potato, both Irish and sweet, from the natives, but the
colonists did not learn for quite a time how to prepare the Irish potato
properly and so at first it was not liked and not greatly used. They
supplemented the native list of vegetables with those grown in Europe,
and so it was not long till they had growing peas and turnips and
parsnips and carrots and cucumbers and many others.