_Friday 12th._--A few more ships came in_The Campaign of 1776 around New York and Brooklyn Including a new and circumstantial account of the battle of Long island and the loss of New York, with a review of events to the close of the year

was reported that the great fleet from England began to arrive. In the

afternoon about 3 o'clock there was unexpectedly a smart firing. Two

Men of War, with some Tenders came up. They fired from all the

batteries, but did little execution. The wind and tide being in their

favor, the ships sailed fast up the North river, and soon were out of

sight. When they came this side of Trinity Church, they began to fire

smartly. The balls and bullets went through several houses between

here and Greenwich. Six men were killed; either some or all by

ill-managing the cannons; though it is said that a couple were killed

by the ship's firing; one man's leg was broke, &c. The six were put

this evening into one grave on the Bowling Green. The smoke of the

firing drew over our street like a cloud; and the air was filled with

the smell of the powder. This affair caused a great fright in the

city. Women, and children, and some with their bundles came from the

lower parts, and walked to the Bowery, which was lined with people.

Mother Bosler had been brought down into their cellar. Phil.

Sypher's, with their child, which was sick, came again to our house.

Not long after this affair was over, the fleet below fired a Salute,

Admiral Howe coming in from England. The Srs. Van Deursen and Reed

would fain have gone out of town this evening, but they could not

bring it to bear.

_Sunday 14th._--It was a wettish day, and it looked as if all was dead

in the town. The English (Church of England) churches were shut up,

and there was services in none, or few of the others; we had not many

hearers either.

_Tuesday 16th._--Bro. Wilson who came to town last Friday,--for he

could be in peace no more at Second River, as the country people will

have the Yorkers to be in town,--asked for a pass to go over on

business; but they would give him none. This week they have begun to

let no man go out of the city. Last Sunday, a flag of truce brought a

letter to Washington; but having not the title which they give him

here, it was not received. Yesterday a message was sent down from

here; to-day an answer came, (Geo. Washington, Eqr., &c., &c.,) but

was again returned on account of the direction.

_Thursday 18th_, was the day appointed when Independence was to be

declared in the City Hall here; which was done about noon; and the

Coat of Arms of the King was burnt. An unpleasant and heavy feeling

prevailed.

_Saturday 20th._--About noon a General Adjutant from Lord Howe came,

and had a short conversation with General Washington, in Kennedy's

house. When he went away he said, it is reported, to Washington and

the others with him: "Sir and gentlemen, let it be remembered that the

King has made the first overture for peace; if it be rejected, you

must stand by the consequences" and thus--which seems to have been the

main errand--he departed. Much politeness passed on both sides.

_Monday 22nd._--Our Bro. Wilson looking at the ferry, whither his

negro was come with some goods from Second River, was put under arrest

by one Johnson, and treated very basely by him, on account of a charge

laid against him by one Gordon, at the Falls, about 12 miles from

Second River; that he and his son had spoken against the American

cause; were dangerous persons; and had done much mischief to their

neighborhood, &c. Bro. Wilson appeared before the Committee, the

chairman knew nothing of the charge. Wilmot, one of the Committee did,

but they could prove nothing; and Wilson could easily clear himself.

The result was,--if he resided at Second River, they thought he should

stay there. Many persons were ordered to-day to quit the town, because

they were suspected.

_Tuesday 23d._--Bro. Wilson got a pass, and went to Second River

to-day.

_Monday 29th._--Bro. Wilson came from Second River; he had got a

certificate of the Committee there, which cleared him sufficiently of

the late charge; and the Committee here gave him a pass to go to

Pennsylvania. He brought letters from Bethlehem, where he intends to

go this week; and returned to Second River this afternoon. He also

brought word that our people have got their goods that were taken with

the boat.

_Wednesday 14th August._--There was much alarm in the town, as it was

expected that the next morning an attack would be made on the city by

the King's troops; which however, did not prove so.

_Saturday 17th._--Towards night a proclamation was published, in which

all women, children, and infirm people were advised to leave the city,

with all possible speed; as a bombardment was expected; those that

were indigent should be assisted and provided for. This caused a new

fright. Some of the sisters yet in town came to Br. Shewkirk to advise

with him about it.

_Sunday 18th._--Early in the morning the two men of war and their

tender, that had been up the North River, came back; which caused

again a sharp cannonading till they were passed. Yesterday, a

fortnight ago, they had been attacked by the Row-gallies and a

Privateer, which were obliged to desist from their attempt; having

been gradually worsted by the men-of-war, and lost several of their

men. Last week they attacked them with fire-ships, but could not

obtain their end, and lost one of their captains; they then sunk

vessels, and thought to be sure of having stopped their passage;

however, they came back. It was a rainy morning, with a north east

wind. The fright seemed to be not as great as it was when they went

up; and yet the balls hurt more houses; some men were likewise hurt.

Phil. Sypher's experienced a kind preservation. A nine pounder came

through the old German church on the Broad Way, into the house they

lived in, opposite the Lutheran church, and into the room where they

slept; but they were up and out of the room. The ball come through the

window, which it mashed to pieces, with part of the framework; went

through the opposite wall near the head of the bedstead; crossed the

staircase to another room; but meeting with a beam in the wall, came

back and went a part through the side wall, and then dropt down on the

stairs. A thirty-two pounder, supposed coming from the Powlis Hook

battery, fell into Sr. Barnard's garden, just before her door. If

there was service kept, it was but in one church. Our preaching in the

forenoon was on Jer. 45:19; "I said not unto the seed of Jacob, seek

ye me in vain," &c., and in the evening from Matt. 6, 19 20; "Lay not

up for yourselves treasures on earth" &c.

_Wednesday 21st._--In the evening ... a very heavy thunder storm came

on. It lasted for several hours, till after 10 o'clock; an uncommon

lightning; one hard clap after the other; heavy rain mixed at times

with a storm like a hurricane. The inhabitants can hardly remember

such a tempest, even when it struck into Trinity church twenty years

ago; they say it was but one very hard clap, and together did not last

so long by far. Upon the whole it was an awful scene. Three officers,

viz., one Captain, and two Lieuts., were killed in one of the Camps;

they were all Yorkers; and one soldier of the New English People was

likewise killed in a house in the square; several others were hurt,

and the mast of one of the row gallies mash'd to pieces.

_Thursday 22d_ and _Friday 23d._--The king's troops landed on Long

Island. The troops from here went over, one Battalion after the other,

and many kept on coming in; yet, upon the whole their number certainly

was not so great as it commonly was made. In the evening we had the

congregational meeting with the little company that was present. We

resolved to drop the Wednesday meeting for the present, and to begin

that on Tuesday and Friday at 6 o'clock.

_Monday 26th._--A good deal of firing was heard on Long Island, and

several skirmishes happened between the scouting parties, wherein the

Provincials sustained loss.

_Tuesday 27th_ was a Fast and Prayer-day in this Province; which had

been appointed by the Convention; but here in the city it was not and

could not be observed. On the one hand, there are but few inhabitants

in the town, and the soldiers were busily employed; on the other hand

there was much alarm in the city. Soon, in the morning, an alarm gun

was fired in expectation, that the ships were coming up; which however

proved not so; but on Long Island there was a smart engagement, in

which the Americans suffered greatly. Two generals, Sullivan and

Sterling, and many other officers and soldiers were taken prisoners.

All the troops now went over; those from King's Bridge came likewise,

and went over the next morning. As very few of our people came, we

kept only a little meeting in the forenoon, in which a short discourse

was kept on Jer. 48, 17 and 18; and concluded with a moving prayer,

kneeling. This (the result of the battle) was an agreeable

disappointment for all honest men; for what could such a fast signify,

when men want to pursue measures against the Word and Will of God, &c.

_Wednesday 28th._--The different parties on Long Island kept on to be

engaged with one another; the firing was plainly heard. Bro. Shewkirk

met with a young man, who waited on Ensign Goodman, and who was come

back from Long Island. He told him that he, and a small number of his

regiment--Huntington's,--had escaped with their lives. It had been a

sight he should never forget; such as he never wished to see again.

This young man is of a serious turn, and religious more than common,

and promises to be the Lords'. In the afternoon we had extraordinary

heavy rains and thunder. From one of the Forts of the Continental army

on Long Island, two alarm guns were fired in the midst of the heavy

rain; supposing that the regulars would attack their line somewhere

between Flatbush and Brockland; all the men were ordered out though it

rained prodigiously; it was found, after some time, that it was a

false alarm. The sound of these alarm guns had just ceased, when,

immediately after, a flash of lightning came, followed by a clap of

thunder. It was awful. The very heavy rain, with intermixed thunder,

continued for some hours till towards evening. In the night the

battling on Long Island continued, and likewise,

_Thursday 29th_; and in the afternoon such heavy rain fell again as

can hardly be remembered; nevertheless the operations on Long Island

went on more or less; and behold, in the night, the Americans thought

it advisable to retreat, and leave Long Island to the King's troops.

They found that they could not stand their ground, and feared to be

surrounded, and their retreat cut off. The great loss they had

sustained, the want of provision and shelter, in the extraordinary

Wet; the unfitness of many of their troops for war, &c.; undoubtedly

contributed to this resolution.

_Friday 30th._--In the morning, unexpectedly and to the surprize of

the city, it was found that all that could come back was come back;

and that they had abandoned Long Island; when many had thought to

surround the king's troops, and make them prisoners with little

trouble. The language was now otherwise; it was a surprising change,

the merry tones on drums and fifes had ceased, and they were hardly

heard for a couple of days. It seemed a general damp had spread; and

the sight of the scattered people up and down the streets was indeed

moving. Many looked sickly, emaciated, cast down, &c.; the wet

clothes, tents,--as many as they had brought away,--and other things,

were lying about before the houses and in the streets to-day; in

general everything seemed to be in confusion. Many, as it is reported

for certain, went away to their respective homes. The loss in killed

and wounded and taken has been great, and more so than it ever will be

known. Several were drowned and lost their lives in passing a creek to

save themselves. The Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, and Maryland people

lost the most; the New England people, &c., it seems are but poor

soldiers, they soon took to their heels. At night, the few that came

or would come, had a meeting on the texts; and the next day we ended

this troublesome month with the watch-word, "He that believeth shall

not make haste." "Grant me to lean unshaken, &c."

_Sunday 1st September._--We had our preaching in the forenoon, and in

the evening as usual; and in the afternoon the Congregation meeting.

At the preachings we had goodly companies of strangers.

_Tuesday 3d._--The evening meeting was on the Watchword and Text. The

rebel army begun to re-collect themselves; and the greatest part

marched towards Harlem, and along the East River, some miles from

here; the king's army advanced eastward on Long Island, opposite the

Hell Gate, and thereabouts.

_Monday 9th._--Whereas the troubles of War were now near Watts' House,

Phil. Sypher fetched his wife, child, and goods back from thence to

town, as also the things out of the Chapel House that had been there;

and it was just high time, else they might have been lost; for this

house soon after was plundered by the king's troops. Several other

people came back from those parts. By the measures and proceedings of

the Rebel army, it appeared evident, that they intended to leave the

city; for as they had begun last week, so all this week, they removed

their sick, their stoves, and ammunition, and gradually the soldiers

marched away. They likewise took the bells out of all the Churches and

conveyed them away.

_Wednesday 11th_ and _Thursday 12th._--Night and day they were busy to

bring their things away; and it appeared plain, that there would be a

change soon; the reports were various. Almost daily there was firing

from Long Island to Horn's Hook, and the ship yards here.

_Friday 13th._--In the afternoon, some Men of War went up the East

river; the few cannons left, fired on the ships, which caused that

they fired back from Long Island and Governor's Island and very

smartly. Isaac Van Vleck, who is too much bewildered in the matter,

made haste to get out of town.

_Saturday 14th._--In the afternoon more ships went up the East River,

which being fired on again, brought on another smart cannonading; some

Houses were damaged and it was very unsafe to walk in the streets. The

remainder of the Rebel army hasted away, and so did the members of

the Committee, and others of the deluded people.

_Sunday 15th._--Soon in the morning when the tide served, more ships

passed up both the North and East river; and though what was yet in

town of the Rebel troops got away as fast as they could, yet they

fired again on the ships, as they did likewise from Powles Hook; which

caused a cannonading which made the houses shake, and the sound of it

was terrible. One large ball, supposed to come from Powles Hook flew

against the North Church, just opposite the chapel broke, and a part

of it went back into a neighboring cellar kitchen, where a negro woman

was, who came running over to the kitchen of the chapel-house; where

also Syphers' family was, who had been there all night, as they lived

near the fort, where the houses were most exposed to the firing. After

some time the firing ceased, and at the usual time we had the

forenoon's preaching, in all stillness; the only service kept in the

city. About this time the king's troops had landed on York Island,

about three miles from the city; there was some slaughter, and the

rebels were made to retreat towards Harlem. In the afternoon at three

was the congregation meeting; but the evening preaching we thought

proper to drop. There was a good deal of commotion in the town; the

Continental stores were broke open, and people carried off the

provisions; the boats crossed to Powles' Hook backward and forward yet

till toward evening; some people going away and others coming in; but

then the ferry boats withdrew, and the passage was stopped. Some of

the king's officers from the ships came on shore, and were joyfully

received by some of the inhabitants. The king's flag was put up again

in the fort, and the Rebels' taken down. And thus the city was now

delivered from those Usurpers who had oppressed it so long.

_Monday Sept. 16th._--In the forenoon the first of the English troops

came to town. They were drawn up in two lines in the Broad Way;

Governor Tryon and others of the officers were present, and a great

concourse of people. Joy and gladness seemed to appear in all

countenances, and persons who had been strangers one to the other

formerly, were now very sociable together, and friendly. Bro.

Shewkirk, who accidentally, came to it, met with several instances of

that kind.--The first that was done was, that all the houses of those

who have had a part and a share in the Rebellion were marked as

forfeited. Many indeed were marked by persons who had no order to do

so, and did it perhaps to one or the other from some personal

resentment. Bro. Shewkirk, walking through the streets, saw to his

grief, that several houses belonging to our people were likewise

marked; as Sr. Kilburn's, Hilah Waldron's, and Sr. Bouquet's, King's,

Isaac Van Vleck's, &c. He wrote afterwards to Governor Tryon,

congratulating him on the late happy event, and at the same time

interceded in behalf of the 2 Ww's houses. The word of this day was

remarkable: "Israel shall be saved in the Lord, with an everlasting

salvation; ye shall not be confounded world without end." The

following day everything was pretty quiet, though almost daily they

brought in prisoners, who were lodged in the Dutch and Presbyterian

churches. The fear one had of the city's being destroyed by fire

subsided, and the inhabitants thought themselves now pretty secure;

little thinking that destruction was so near.

_Friday 20th._--Bro. Jacobsen came from Staten Island, and it was a

true mutual joy to see one another; as, for a couple of months we

could have no communication with Staten Island. By him we heard that

our people there were all well.

_Saturday 21st._--In the first hour of the day, soon after midnight,

the whole city was alarmed by a dreadful fire. Bro. Shewkirk, who was

alone in the chapel-house, was not a little struck, when he saw the

whole air red, and thought it to be very near; but going into the

street, he found that it was in the low west end of the town; and went

thither. When he came down the Broad Way, he met with Sr. Sykes and

her children. She was almost spent carrying the child, and a large

bundle besides. He took the bundle, and went back with them, and let

them in to our house; when he left them, and returned with their

prentice to the fire, taking some buckets along. The fire was then in

the lower part of Broad street, Stone street, &c. It spread so

violently that all what was done was but of little effect; if one was

in one street and looked about, it broke out already again in another

street above; and thus it raged all the night, and till about noon.

The wind was pretty high from south-east, and drove the flames to the

northwest. It broke out about White Hall; destroyed a part of Broad

street, Stone street, Beaver street, the Broadway, and then the

streets going to the North River, and all along the North river as far

as the King's College. Great pain was taken to save Trinity church,

the oldest and largest of the English churches, but in vain; it was

destroyed, as also the old Lutheran church; and St. Paul's, at the

upper end of the Broadway, escaped very narrowly. Some of our families

brought of their goods to our house. Bro. Shewkirk had the pleasure to

be a comfort to our neighbors, who were much frightened the fire might

come this way; and indeed, if the wind had shifted to the west as it

had the appearance a couple of times, the whole city might have been

destroyed. The corner house of our street, going to the Broadway,

catched already; Bro. Shewkirk ordered our long ladder, and the others

to be fetched out of our burying ground; which were of service in

carrying the water up to the roof of said house in buckets; and by the

industry of all the people the fire was put out. Several of our people

have sustained considerable loss: Sr. Kilburn has lost two houses;

Pell's three houses; Jacobson one, and Widow Zoeller her's; and others

have lost a part of their goods; as Lepper, Eastman, &c.

There are great reasons to suspect that some wicked incendiaries had a

hand in this dreadful fire, which has consumed the fourth part of the

city; several persons have been apprehended; moreover there were few

hands of the inhabitants to assist; the bells being carried off, no

timely alarm was given; the engines were out of order; the fire

company broke; and also no proper order and directions, &c.; all which

contributed to the spreading of the flames.

_Monday 23d._--The fire has thrown a great damp on the former joyful

sensation; numbers of people were carried to Jail, on suspicion to

have had a hand in the fire, and to have been on the Rebel's side; it

is said about 200; however, on examination, the most men were as fast

discharged.

Bro. Conrad, also, was taken to Jail, but after a couple of days he

came out again. Daniel Van Vleck expected the same, which made his

wife and family much distressed; for he had often talked too

inconsiderate, and in a wrong spirit; however it blew over. After all,

it is observable, that those of our people who had kept themselves

free from the Infatuation, were acknowledged as such, and met with

nothing disagreeable of that kind.

_November._--In November new troubles began on account of the

quartering of the soldiers, of whom more and more come in; as also

many of their women and children. Many of the public buildings were

already filled with Prisoners, or sick, &c; especially all the Dutch

and Presbyterian churches, as also the French church, the Baptists,

and new Quaker meeting; and we were not without apprehension, that

something of that nature might come upon us; and this the more, as the

Chapel-House has the appearance of a spacious building; and just

opposite the same they were fitting up the fine north church of the

English Dutch for Barracks.

_Saturday 16th._--From early in the morning till towards noon, a heavy

cannonading was heard, tho' at a considerable distance; one heard

afterwards that the king's troops had attacked the lines and the

famous Fort Washington, and carried it; several thousands of the

rebels were taken prisoners, &c. The king's army has been about 2

months thereabouts; and there have been, from time to time, sharp

engagements, at the White Plains, &c; till at last they have driven

them away from the York Island; and it was a matter of moment, as now

one may hope that the communication with the Jerseys will be open'd,

as also with the places up the East River; so that the Inhabitants may

come to the city and provisions be brought in; especially wood, which

is not to be had, and is extremely dear; a cord of oak wood, bought

formerly for 20s. now 4£s. Fort Constitution, or Lee, opposite Fort

Washington, now Fort Kniphausen, on the Jersey side surrender'd, or

was left by the rebels; and the king's troops got soon master of this

part of the Jerseys, and advanced swiftly towards Philadelphia.

_Monday, 18th._--In the forenoon, about 11 o'clock, 2 officers, with 2

other gentlemen came to see the chapel and house; Bro. Shewkirk showed

them about; one of the officers asked whether service was kept in the

chapel; and hearing it was, said, it would be a pity to take it; the

other ran about very swiftly, and saw every part of the premises. Bro.

Shewkirk, who easily could guess what the meaning was, as soon as they

were gone, made application to the present commanding General

Robertson, and to Governor Tryon. The former was not at home; the

latter received him kindly, but said he could do nothing in the

matter, as now all the power was lodged with the army; yet he would

recommend the matter to the General; and this he did in a few lines he

wrote under the petition, referring it to the favorable consideration

of the General. Bro. Shewkirk carried it to him, but he was not come

home yet, and so he left it there. He did not know that the 2000 and

more prisoners taken in Fort Washington, had come already to town. In

the afternoon about 4 o'clock he saw at once the street before the

window full of people. The serjeant of the guard came to the door, and

asked whether this was the Moravian meeting? He was order'd to bring

these 400 prisoners here by command of the Generals Smith and

Robertson. If the latter had order'd it, it may be it was done before

he came home to his quarters. Bro. Shewkirk, who was alone in the

house, did not know what to do; he could not go away. By and by the

Major who had command of the prisoners and another man came in; they

looked at the Chapel, and said it was too small; the latter said he

had told that before, he had been in the place before now, and knew

it. He spoke to Bro. Shewkirk, and condoled with him that the place

should be taken; they began to doubt of the certainty, and thought

there was a mistake in the matter; another young man of the city who

knows Bro. Shewkirk, and has now the care of the provisions for the

rebel prisoners, was likewise inclined in our favour. These 3 persons

went backward and forward to make another inquiry; at last one of them

came back and told he had met with the Deputy Barrack Master, a Jew;

who had told him they must be here. Well--the gate on the men's side

was open'd.

The serjeant of the guard, quite a civil man, advised to take all

loose things out of the chapel before the prisoners came in. This was

done accordingly. Phil. Sykes, who was come before this time, and

extremely welcome, while Bro. Shewkirk was alone in the house,

assisted herein; as also young Wiley; and it took up some time, during

which the Major came again, and order'd the serjeant to wait awhile

longer; he would go to Genl. Robertson. After some time he came back,

and addressed Bro. Shewkirk in a friendly manner; saying, he had

believed they would have been a disagreeable company; and took the

prisoners to the North Church. Bro. Shewkirk thanked the Major for his

kindness; may the Lord reward him as also the other two men. The

prisoners, with the guard, stood above half an hour in the street

before our door, and many spectators, of whom none, so far as one

could see, showed a wish for their coming in, but several signified

the reverse, and were glad when it did not take place. An old

gentleman, several weeks after, accosted Bro. Shewkirk in the street,

and told him how sorry he had been when he saw these people standing

before our door; he had heard Bro. Rice, &c. After this affair was

over, Bro. Shewkirk retreated to this room, and thanked our Saviour,

with tears, for his visible help; He has the hearts of all men in His

hands. If these prisoners had come in, how much would our place have

been ruined, as one may see by the North Church; not to mention the

painful thought of seeing a place dedicated to our Savior's praise,

made a habitation of darkness and uncleanness. Praise be to Him and

the Father!

As the winter quarters of the soldiers in this city were not settled

yet, the apprehension was not over, that some would be put to us; and

so one of our neighbors thought, who in time of peace was one of the

Common Council men; but at the same time he assured Bro. Shewkirk that

as far as he knew, none of the creditable and sensible men of the

town, wished it out of spite, &c. Bro. Shewkirk's character was

well-known, but the house was large, and there was want of room.

_Sunday, December 1st._--In the afternoon about two o'clock, a company

of officers came into the House, looking for some quarter for

themselves. It was assured by some that they would not disturb our

church and service; some talked but of some rooms; others said they

must have the whole house, and the chapel too. One, a Cornet of the

Light Horse marked one room for himself; desired to clear it this

afternoon, and let him have a table and a couple of chairs, and he

would willingly pay for it. After they were gone, Bro. Shewkirk, and

Wilson who was just with him, went to Genl. Robertson. The Genl. was

kind; he said he had given them no orders; he intended to have no

place disturbed where service was kept. He took down Bro. Shewkirk's

name and the matter; which chiefly was, not to disturb our chapel, nor

to desire the whole house, Bro. Shewkirk offer'd a couple of rooms if

necessary; and at last said he would go to Alderman Waddel. He was

along with the officers in the street, before they came in, but told

Wilson he had nothing to do with it; he only upon their desire had

gone along with them, and hear what he knew of the matter, and they

should come along with him. When they were on the way, they met one of

those officers, (the Genl's clerk) and indeed him, who spoke the most

imperiously, and that he would have the chapel; upon which the Genl.

and they returned to the Genl's house. The officer spoke here quite in

another tone and said he had already told the other to look out for

another place, etc. The Genl. said he would see about the matter, and

give an answer the next morning. The brethren went home, and Bro.

Shewkirk held the congregation meeting for which the brethren and

sisters were gathered together. Upon this occasion we found again that

our neighbors were not against us. One said, it cannot be that they

would take your place, the only place where public service was held

when there was none in the whole city. In the evening the room which

the Cornet had marked was cleared, in case he should come; but none of

them came again. Some time after, Dr. Edmunds, belonging to the

hospital came one day, and with much civility and modesty inquired

after a room. Bro. Shewkirk, thinking perhaps it might be a means to

be free from a further endeavor of somebody's being quartered

here,--and moreover wishing to have a man in the house in these

days,--offered him the room the Cornet had marked; and after some

weeks he came, and proves a very civil and quiet gentleman, who causes

little or no troubles.

_Monday 2nd._--The commissioner's extraordinary gracious proclamation

in the name of the King, was published in the public papers; by virtue

of which all rebels within 60 days may return without suffering any

forfeiture or punishment; and it has had a great effect; numbers are

come in, have signed the prescribed declaration, availed themselves of

the benefit of the proclamation, and returned to the peaceable

enjoyment of their property; though afterwards some of them have shown

their insincerity and bad principles, going back again to the rebels.

The officers yesterday doubtless thought in a hurry to secure lodgings

to themselves before the proclamation was published, as now they can't

take houses as they please. This was also the answer Genl. Robertson

gave to Bro. Wilson this morning, when he carried in his name, and

mentioned again our house and chapel. The Genl. said the proclamation

would settle these matters.

_Tuesday 31st._--Whereas it is at present very unsafe in the evenings

to be out, on account of several late robberies, and persons having

been knocked down besides, we were obliged to submit to the times and

circumstances; and therefore the congregation members met at 4 o'clock

in the afternoon, and had a love feast; to praise together our dear

and gracious Lord for all his goodness bestowed on us during this year

full of troubles. Indeed these times have been a time of shaking, and

what had no root is dropped off.

1777.

_Tuesday 7th January._--Since the attack and defeat which the Hessians

sustained near Trenton some time ago, the rebels are again in high

spirits; and whereas the King's troops have been ordered down towards

Philadelphia from Newark, and about Hackensack, the rebels are come

again to these places, and distress the inhabitants greatly. Several

are come to town, having fled from thence.

_Tuesday 14th._--Upon the request of General Howe to lend our benches

for the entertainment on the Queen's birthday, several wagons full

were fetched.

_Saturday 18th._--Several reports prevailed that a part of the rebel

army was approaching this city, and early this morning they had made

an attack upon a fort above King's Bridge; but they were repulsed.

Some of the soldiers here were ordered up that way to-day, and all the

night soldiers kept a look-out.

_Monday 20th._--It appears from the public papers, that intelligence

has been had of a further intention to destroy this city by fire. For

this reason the city watch has been regulated anew, according to which

about 80 men watched every night in the different wards. Besides this,

some of the Light Horse patrol the streets in the night. Some other

regulations were likewise published, which give again an aspect of

matters coming again into some order. The effect has also shown

itself, the breaking down of fences, &c., does not go on as it did for

a while; the bread is larger &c.

To-day a beginning was made with the inhabitants to take the oath of

allegiance to his Majesty. Every day 2 wards are taken; it is done

before the governor, mayor, &c.

_Thursday 6th February._--Our burying ground at Fresh Water, (corner

of Mott and Pell streets) lies entirely open; not the least of a board

or post is left.

_Sunday 16th._--The evening preaching at 6, was on a part of the

to-day's Epistle: 2 Cor. vi: 1, 2; the subject,--"not to receive the

grace of God in vain." When near the conclusion, another cry of fire

was heard in the street, so that the last verses could not be sung. It

happened to be in the Broadway, but was put out soon.

_Monday 17th._--Towards evening there was another alarm of fire, but

it proved to be a false one, and the engines were ordered back.

_Thursday 4th March._--In the afternoon was the burial of Dr.

Autchmuty, Rector of Trinity Church here, who departed this life last

Tuesday. Bro. Shewkirk was invited, and was one of the ministers that

were pall-bearers. There was a large company of ministers present; the

most of them were strangers, partly belonging to the army. He was

buried in St. Paul's. The weather was bad, raining and snowing, yet

there was a great concourse of people. Mr. Inglis kept the funeral

service.

_Sunday 16th._--Some wild officers who came into the evening meeting

disturbed the devotion somewhat; however they went away soon; the

auditory was pretty large and attentive.

_Tuesday 18th._--We have had fine weather of late. On Sunday night

about 100 of the rebels being in a house somewhere above King's

Bridge, some of the King's troops went to take them prisoners; and as

soon as they saw and heard nothing of an opposition, they surrounded

the house, and the Captain and some men went in; but some of the

rebels took up their guns, and killed the captain, and 4 or 5 men;

upon which the others rushed in with their fixed bayonets, killed

about 40, and took the rest prisoners. In the Jerseys some fightings

have likewise been within these days.

_Wednesday 29th May._--The King's troops are preparing for the

campaign, and to leave the town and winter quarters. The day before

yesterday some of the fleet with fresh troops from home arrived, and

yesterday a large number of troops came in from King's Bridge to

embark.

_Saturday 31st._--As many troops are come in, some were lodged in the

North Church opposite us, who made a great wild noise. They were of

the recruits that are come from England. Others were lodged in the

Methodist meeting, and in the old Dutch church, &c.

_Tuesday 3rd June._--The packet came in, as also more troops; but we

got no letter.

_Wednesday 4th._--At noon a salute was given from all the ships in the

river, this being His Majesty's birthday. In the evening meeting we

blessed our dear king; afterwards the front of our house was

illuminated with 48 candles, and made a fine sight to the satisfaction

of the beholders. To-day our Sister Len. Venema came back out of the

country to our joy.

_Thursday 5th._--In these days the troops were moving, and everything

was in an emotion; and on

_Friday 6th._--Many went away into the Jerseys; more of the German

troops were arrived.

_Wednesday 25th._--An account had come to town within these days, that

the intended expedition of the army had not succeeded:--finding the

rebel army too much entrenched and fortified; and therefore they had

returned to Amboy; would leave the Jerseys, embark, and go upon

another expedition. A good many of the army came to town, especially

also women and children, so as to make the place and streets pretty

full again. Several of the Jersey inhabitants flocked likewise to the

city. In the evening the xii. chapter of the Hebrews was read, and

spoken on.

_Saturday 28th._--Since Thursday, a report prevailed that there had

been a smart battle in the Jerseys. After the King's troops had

embarked, and the day was appointed to sail on an expedition, the

general got intelligence that part of the rebel army was come within

three miles from Amboy; upon which the troops were ordered back on

shore, and march'd in the night to surround the rebels, with whom

Washington was, it is said. The reports vary much, and were

exaggerated exceedingly: 1,100 killed of the King's troops; 5 or 6,000

of the rebels; as many taken prisoners, and their artillery; they were

surrounded with Washington; that they could not escape; nay,

Washington was among the slain; Stirling dead of his wounds; Genl.

Livingston likewise, &c.; 400 Pennsylvanians had grounded their arms,

and come over to the regulars, &c., &c. To-day, the account fell very

much, and came down to a few hundreds lost on the rebel side; how many

on our side, is not said at all. Seventy were taken prisoners, who

were, together with a couple of field-pieces, brought to town early in

the morning. Matters go but slow, and cause concern to all

disinterested well-wishers.

_Thursday 3rd July._--The King's army has left the Jerseys, and is

come back to Staten Island. Many came to town daily; so that it grows

quite full again for the present. The rebels have now the whole

Jerseys again except Powless's Hook; and we are just where we were

last year, after the being in possession of N.Y. Island. 'Tis very

discouraging, may the Lord pity this poor country.

[Original in the Archives of the Moravian Church.]

[No. 38.]

MAJOR NICHOLAS FISH TO RICHARD VARICK

NEW YORK, April 9, 1776.

I have since my last been on Several Excursions in military

Capacity--That to West Chester County to Guard the Cannon & find out

the Authors of Spiking them, has probably ere this time reached you; I

shall not therefore trouble you with a detail.

You wish to hear what we are about in New York [ ] [Transcriber's

Note: blank in original] To be informed, picture to yourself the once

flourishing City evacuated of most of its Members (especially the

fair). Buisiness of every kind stagnated--all its streets that lead

from the North and East Rivers blockaded, and nothing but military

opperations our Current Employment.

I have been engaged for near three Weeks with the first independent

Battalion on fatigue duty, in erecting a Redoubt round the Hospital,

which we compleated on the 2d instant. This, tho' you will suppose

it did not agree well with the tender Hands & delicate Textures of

many, was notwithstanding with amazing agility and neatness, and

laying vanity aside, is generally judged to be the best work of the

kind in the city; the Hospital round which our Works are, is made an

Arsenal for Provisions. On Bayards Mount now called Montgomerie Mount,

as a Monument to that great Heroe, who honorably fell supporting

freedom's cause, there will be a Fortification superior in Strength to

any my Imagination could ever have conceived. Several hundred Men have

been daily employed there for upwards of four Weeks. The Parapet of

the old Battery is raised to a proper Height, with a sufficient number

of Ambersures--As also the Parapet on the Fort Wall. There are two

fortifications on Long Island opposite this City to command the

shipping, one on Gours Island, one at red Hook, and the City itself

and Suburbs filled with them. Sundays we have none of, all Days come

alike when [ ] is in question. We have Genls Putnam, Sullivan,

Heath, Thompson, & Ld Sterling among us, with I believe about 14

Thousand Troops; fresh arrivals from Cambridge Daily. And Washington

hourly expected with many more--On Sunday the 7th instant there was

an Exchange of many shot between our Rifle Men on Staten Island, and

the Man of War, who sent Barges there for Water, of which the Riflemen

prevented their supplying themselves--We know of four of their Men

being killed, nine wounded, and have 12 Prisoners. Our Comy now

Guards the Records of the Province which are removed to Mr. N. Bayards

Farm....

[Hist. Mag., Second Series, vol. v. p. 203. Communicated by

Hon. Hamilton Fish.]

[No. 39.]

SURGEON WILLIAM EUSTIS TO DR. TOWNSEND

BOSTON, MASS.

NEW YORK, 28th June, 1776.

MY DEAR FRIEND,

... You will be in Boston long before this can reach you, and will

doubtless have heard of the Discovery of the greatest and vilest

attempt ever made against our country: I mean the _plot_, the infernal

_plot_ which has been contrived by our worst enemies, and which was on

the verge of execution: you will, I say, undoubtedly have _heard_ of

it, but perhaps I may give you a better idea of it than as yet you

have obtained. The Mayor of York with a number of villains who were

possessed of fortunes, and who formerly ranked with Gentlemen, had

impiously dared an undertaking, big with fatal consequences to the

_virtuous_ army in York, and which in all probability would have given

the enemy possession of the city with little loss. Their design was,

upon the first engagement which took place, to have murdered (with

trembling I say it) the best man on earth: Genl Washington was to

have been the first subject of their unheard of SACRICIDE: our

magazines which, as you know, are very capacious, were to have been

blown up: every General Officer and every other who was active in

serving his country in the field was to have been assassinated: our

cannon were to be spiked up: and in short every the most accursed

scheme was laid to give us into the hands of the enemy, and to ruin

us. They had plenty of money, and gave large bounties and larger

promises to those who were engaged to serve their hellish purposes. In

order to execute their Design upon our General, they had enlisted into

their service one or two from his Excellency's _life-Guard_, who were

to have assassinated _him_: knowing that no person could be admitted

into the magazines or among the cannon but those who were of the

Artillery they have found several in our Regiment vile enough to be

concerned in their diabolical Designs--these were to have blown up the

Magazines and spiked the cannon. (Tell Homans, one Rotch, a fellow he

bled for me in Morton's company at No 1 is taken up with his

brother for being concerned.) Their Design was deep, long concerted,

and wicked to a _great Degree_. But happily for us, it has pleased God

to discover it to us in season, and I think we are making a right

improvement of it (as the good folks say). We are hanging them as fast

as we find them out. I have just now returned from the Execution of

one[242] of the General's Guard: he was the first that has been tried:

yesterday at 11 o'clock he received sentence, to-day at 11 he was hung

in presence of the whole army. He is a Regular-Deserter ... he

appeared unaffected and obstinate to the last, except that when the

Chaplains took him by the hand under the Gallows and bad him adieu, a

torrent of tears flowed over his face; but with an indignant scornful

air he wiped 'em with his hand from his face, and assumed the

_confident look_. You remember General Greene commands at Long Island;

with his last breath the fellow told the spectators, that unless

Genl Greene was very cautious, the Design would _as yet_ be

executed on him.

[Footnote 242: Thomas Hickey.]

The trial will go on, and I imagine they will be hung, gentle and

simple, as fast as the fact is proved upon them.

That any set of men could be so lost to every virtuous principle, and

so dead to the feelings of humanity as to conspire against the person

of so great and good a man as Genl Washington is surprising; few of

our countrymen (as you may imagine) are concerned; they are in general

foreigners: upwards of 30 were concerned, and 'tis said Govr Tryon

is at the bottom....

Our Expedition against the Light house did not succeed; they command

it so well with ye shipping that 'tis thought wise to let it

stand....

W. EUSTIS.

_Monday Morning July 1st._--Since writing the above upwards of 100

sail have arrived: we conclude that the whole fleet is there: for we

have counted 140 topsail vessels; some say there are 160: people are

moving out of York; and I think we must very soon come to action; the

flower of our Reg. is picked for a field fight, which we imagine will

take place on long island. Wherever I am, whatever I am doing, my best

wishes will be for the felicity of my friend. Adieu. Heaven preserve

us to meet again.

[New England Hist. and Gen. Register, vol. xxiii. p. 205.]

[No. 40.]

CAPTAIN NATHAN HALE TO HIS BROTHER

NEW YORK, Aug. 20th 1776.

DEAR BROTHER,

I have only time for a hasty letter. Our situation has been such this

fortnight or more as scarce to admit of writing. We have daily

expected an action--by which means, if any one was going, and we had

letters written, orders were so strict for our tarrying in camp that

we could rarely get leave to go and deliver them.--For about 6 or 8

days the enemy have been expected hourly, whenever the wind and tide

in the least favored. We keep a particular look out for them this

morning. The place and manner of attack time must determine. The event

we leave to Heaven. Thanks to God! we have had time for compleating

our works and receiving reenforcements. The militia of Connecticut

ordered this way are mostly arrived. Col. [Andrew] Ward's Regt has

got in. Troops from the Southward are daily coming. We hope, under

God, to give a good account of the Enemy whenever they choose to make

the last appeal.

Last Friday night, two of our five vessels (a Sloop and a Schooner)

made an attempt upon the shipping up the River. The night was too

dark, the wind too slack for the attempt. The Schooner which was

intended for one of the Ships had got by before she discovered them;

but as Providence would have it, she run athwart a bomb-catch which

she quickly burned. The Sloop by the light of the fire discovered the

Phoenix--but rather too late--however, she made shift to grapple

her, but the wind not proving sufficient to bring her close along side

or drive the flames immediately on board, the Phoenix after much

difficulty got her clear by cutting her own rigging. Sergt Fosdick

who commanded the above Sloop, and four of his hands, were of my

Company, the remaining two were of this Regt.

The Genl has been pleased to reward their bravery with forty

dollars each, except the last man who quitted the fire Sloop, who had

fifty. Those on board the schooner received the same.

I must write to some of my brothers lest you should not be at home.

Remain

Your friend and Brother

N. HALE.

MR. ENOCH HALE.

[_Life of Captain Nathan Hale, the Martyr-Spy of the

American Revolution._ By I.W. Stuart, Hartford, 1756.]

[No. 41.]

EXTRACT FROM A LETTER FROM NEW YORK

NEW YORK, April 12 1776.

"If you have any idea of our situation, you must be solicitous to hear

from us. When you are informed that New York is deserted by its old

inhabitants, and filled with soldiers from New England, Philadelphia,

and Jersey--you will naturally conclude, the _Environs_ of it are not

very safe from so undisciplined a multitude, as our Provincials are

represented to be; but I do believe, there are few instances of so

great a number of men together, with so little mischief done by them;

they have all the simplicity of ploughmen in their manners, and seem

quite strangers to the vices of older soldiers. They have been

employed in erecting fortifications in every part of the town; and it

would make you sorry to see the place so changed: the old fort walls,

are demolished in part, although that is an advantage to the Broadway.

There is a Battery carried across the street, erected partly at Lord

Abingdon's expense, for the Fascines, were cut out of the _wood_ that

belonged to the Warren estate: it was beautiful _wood_--Oliver De

Lancey, had been nursing it these forty years; it looks in a piteous

state now: Mr. D. hoped to have it somewhat spared by telling the New

England men, who were cutting it, that a third part belonged to one of

the _Protesting Lords_. One of them answered, 'Well, and if he be such

a great liberty boy, and so great a friend to our country, he will be

quite happy that his wood, was so _happy_ for our use.' You remember

Bayard's Mount covered with cedars? It commanded a prospect

exceedingly extensive! The top of it is so cut away, that there is

room enough for a house and garden; a fortification is there erected

as well as round the _Hospital_:--in short, every place that can be

employed in that way, is or will be, so used. You may recollect a

sweet situation at Horn's Hook, that Jacob Walton purchased, built an

elegant house, and greatly and beautifully improved the place; he was

obliged to quit the place; the troops took possession, and fortified

there. Oh, the houses in New York, if you could but see the insides of

them! Kennedy's house, Mallet's, and the next to it, had six hundred

men in them. If the owners ever get possession, they must be years in

cleaning them. The merchants have raised their goods to an enormous

price; many articles are scarce indeed; and there is quite a hue and

cry about _pins_. Common rum, 6 to 7 shillings per gallon; poor sugar,

4l a hundred; molasses none; cotton 4s per pound."

[From the Historical Magazine.]

[No. 42.]

EXTRACTS FROM THE LONDON CHRONICLE

SEPT.--OCT. 1776.

FROM A BRITISH OFFICER AT NEW YORK, SEPT. 6, 1776.

"General Howe finding himself at the head of 21,000 men, in high

health and fit for action, was determined to begin upon it as soon as

possible; accordingly a great number of regiments were reimbarked on

board the transports, and everything prepared for an Expedition, so

secret, that neither the second in Command at land or sea could guess

where the blow was to fall.

Everything being prepared, and the Cannon embarked in the night of the

21st of September [August], the Rainbow of 50 guns, commanded by Sir

George Collier, got under weigh, and anchored near a strong post of

the enemy's, called Denysys, upon Long Island, who fled from thence

instantly, expecting the man of war would level the place to the

ground.

A little after nine, the transports all anchored in Gravesend-bay on

the southern part of Long Island; the flat-bottom boats immediately

landed the troops, and the gallant Lord Howe was present to direct the

operation.

The army, when landed, consisted of 18000 men, the rest being left

upon Staten Island. Lord Cornwallis Commanded one of the

advance-posts, Gen. Grant another, and Earl Percy had a post of

difficulty and danger, to which he on all occasions shewed himself

equal. The King's forces lay still, getting ashore Cannon &c. for 3 or

4 days, and then encamped at Flatbush; after this they moved on in

three bodies, and surprised many of the enemy's outposts, and killed

and took a number of men."

LETTER FROM NEW YORK.

OCT. 20, 1776.

"No doubt but before you receive this you'll be informed of the King's

troops being in possession of New York, to the great satisfaction of

the loyal part of its inhabitants, who have for a long time suffered

every hardship from a set of tyrants that is possible to be conceived;

however, they are now rewarded who have withstood the traitors, and

remained firm to their King. The Howes do all that is possible to

alleviate the sufferings of a persecuted people, who rather than turn

rebels have despised death and ruin; and if it had not pleased God to

send us death and relief, dreadful would have been the consequence to

every person that dared to be honest; however, we are now protected in

our lives and properties; and some thousands have joined the King's

troops; and every time they attack the rebels they rout them with

great loss; they fly before our victorious army on every onset; and I

don't doubt but in a very little time this daring rebellion will be

crushed. It would before now have been the case, had not the Americans

been fed with hopes from the Court of France. But now let France or

any other Power dare to assist them, we are prepared, and don't at all

fear but we shall be able to give them a proper reception. It is

resolved to attack Washington directly. Proper dispositions are making

for that purpose; and I hope by the next letter to give you an account

of an end being put to a government that have dared to call themselves

the Independent States of America. Almost all the New Yorkers have

returned to their allegiance, and there is not a doubt but the other

Colonies will do the same when they dare declare themselves, and be

properly supported by government.

"There is a broad R put upon every door in New York that is

disaffected to government, and examples will be made of its

inhabitants; on the other hand, every person that is well affected to

government finds protection."

LETTER FROM WHITE PLAINS.

"The following Letter is from an officer of eminence, who was present

at the engagement at White Plains, to his friend in Edinburgh:

"_Camp at White Plains, 31 Miles from New York, N.E. within six Miles

of Hudson's River, Nov. 2, 1776._

"Our whole army, except about 2000 men, left New York Island, and on

the 12th of Oct. passed Hell-gates in our flat boats, and landed on

a part called Frogs-neck, in Westchester county; here we halted a few

days, until provisions were brought to us; and on the 18th we again

took to our boats, and passed a creek, in order to move this way, and

to cut the rebels off from King's-Bridge. On our march the 18th, we

had two pretty smart skirmishes, but made the provincials give way as

fast as we advanced. After marching about three miles, we halted to

get cannon, provisions, &c. brought forward. On the 26th we marched

again by New Rochelle, about four miles without opposition, where we

halted till the 28th; and finding that the rebels had moved to this

place from King's-bridge, we followed them, and drove them from hill

to hill, until we came within three quarters of a mile of their

entrenched camp, where they made a shew of disputing a commanding

ground. A brisk Cannonade ensued, and we attacked them on the top of a

rugged hill, where, though covered behind stone walls and fences, we

drove them off. We had about 200 killed and wounded. The rebels left

about 50 killed, besides what they carried off. We then encamped on

the ground, with an intent to drive them from their entrenchments; but

yesterday at day-break they went off of themselves and took post on

another hill, about three-quarters of a mile further on where they are

now. They have left a post behind them in New York Island, near

King's-bridge of about 1500 men, [Fort Washington] which, I think, we

shall give a very good account of. We have taken in their abandoned

works 74 pieces of cannon. Their whole force is now opposed to us.

They burn all the country as they retreat; they are a set of base

fellows. I do not imagine we shall go much further this campaign, but

just force them to go towards New England. I heard from Col. Campbell

the other day. He is well and anxious to be relieved. I write on my

knee very cramped, and have lain in a waggon for three nights past,

one of which was very wet."

[No. 43.]

EXTRACT FROM THE MEMOIRS OF COLONEL RUFUS PUTNAM[243]

[Footnote 243: Washington's Chief Engineer in 1776.]

WRITTEN BY HIMSELF

The 31st of March 1776, I received General Washington's orders "to

march to New York by the way of Providence, to afford Governor Cooke

my best advice and assistance in the construction of the work there."

In this tour I went to visit Newport again, where I laid out some

additional works; on my return from Newport to Providence I met with

General Washington there, I believe the 6th of April, and obtained

leave to go by Brookfield to New York. I believe I tarried with my

family part of two days and then pushed for New York where I arrived

about the 20th. On my arrival at New York I was charged as chief

engineer with laying out and overseeing the works which were erected

during the campaign at New York, Long Island and their dependencies

with Fort Washington, Fort Lee, King's Bridge, etc., most of which,

but not all, appear in a plan of New York island etc., and

obstructions in the river, which accompanies Marshall's Life of

Washington. This was a service of much fatigue, for my whole time was

taken up from daylight in the morning until night in the business,

besides sometimes going in the night by water from New York to Fort

Washington.

September 8th 1776, a council of general officers had determined on

holding the City of New York. See General Washington's letter of that

date. On the 12th of September having been out with General Miflin, by

order of General Washington, to reconnoiter the country between

Kingsbridge and Morrisania and eastward, on our return we met with

General Washington near Harlem Heights, where we made our report to

him, in consequence of which a council of general officers was

convened, whose advice was the withdrawing the army from the

city,--see the General's letter of the 14th of September,--and this

measure was the salvation of the army, and which probably would not

have been but for the discoveries made by Miflin and myself.

My being appointed engineer by Congress was wholly unexpected. I had

begun to act in that capacity through pure necessity, and had

continued to conduct the business more from necessity and respect for

the General than from any opinion I had of my own abilities, or

knowledge of that art; true it is that after my arrival at New York I

had read some books on fortification, and I knew much more than when I

began at Roxbury, but I had not the vanity to suppose that my

knowledge was such as to give me a claim to the first rank in a corps

of engineers, yet my experience convinced me that such a corps was

necessary to be established, therefore near the last of September, I

drew up a plan for such an establishment and presented it to General

Washington, and which he transmitted to Congress--see his letter to

that body of the 5th of November 1776. In my letter to General

Washington on the subject I disclaimed all pretension of being placed

at the head of the proposed corps, and signified it would be my choice

to serve in the line of the army.

October 19th 1776, the British landed on Pell's point and some

skirmishing took place in the afternoon between part of Glover's

brigade and some advance parties of the enemy near East Chester, the

next morning by order of the General I set out from Kingsbridge to

reconnoiter their position etc. I set out in company with Colo

Reed, the adjutant-general and a foot guard of about twenty men, when

we arrived on the heights of East Chester we saw a small body of

British near the church, but we could obtain no intelligence; the

houses were deserted. Colo Reed now told me he must return to

attend to issuing general orders. I observed that we had made no

discovery yet of any consequence, that if he went back I wished him to

take the guard back for I chose to go alone. I then disguised my

appearance as an officer as far as I could, and set out on the road to

White-plains; however, I did not then know where White-plains was, nor

where the road I had taken would carry me. I had gone about two and a

half miles when a road turned off to the right, I followed it perhaps

half a mile and came to a house where I learned from the woman that

this road led to New Rochelle, that the British were there and that

they had a guard at a house in sight; On this information I turned and

pursued my route toward White-plains (the houses on the way all

deserted) until I came within three or four miles of the place; here I

discovered a house a little ahead with men about it. By my glass I

found they were not British soldiers; however I approached them with

caution. I called for some oats for my horse, sat down and heard them

chat some little time, when I found they were friends to the cause of

America, and then I began to make the necessary enquiries, and on the

whole I found that the main body of the British lay near New Rochelle,

from thence to White-plains about nine miles, good roads and in

general level open country, that at Whiteplains was a large quantity

of stores, with only about three hundred militia to guard them, that

the British had a detachment at Mamaraneck only six miles from

White-plains, and from Whiteplains only five miles to the North river,

where lay five or six of the enemies ships and sloops, tenders, etc.

Having made these discoveries I set out on my return. The road from

Ward's across the Brunx was my intended route unless I found the

British there, which haply they were not, but I saw Americans on the

heights west of the Brunx who had arrived there after I passed up. I

found them to be Lord Sterling's division; it was now after sunset. I

gave my Lord a short account of my discoveries, took some refreshment,

and set off for headquarters by the way of Philip's at the mouth of

Sawmill river, a road I had never travelled, among tory inhabitants

and in the night. I dare not enquire the way, but Providence conducted

me. I arrived at headquarters near Kingsbridge (a distance of about

ten miles) about nine o'clock at night. I found the General alone. I

reported to him the discoveries I had made, with a sketch of the

country; he complained very feelingly of the gentlemen from New York

from whom he had never been able to obtain a plan of the country, that

from their information he had ordered the stores to Whiteplains as a

place of security. The General sent for General Greene and Genl

George Clinton, since Vice-President of the United States. As soon as

General Clinton came in my sketch and statement was shown to him and

he was asked if the situation of those places was as I had reported.

Genl Clinton said it was.

I had but a short time to refresh myself and horse when I received a

letter from the General with orders to proceed immediately to Lord

Sterling's, and I arrived at his quarters about two o'clock in the

morning October 21st 1776. Lord Sterling's division marched before

daylight and we arrived at Whiteplains about 9 o'clock A.M. and thus

was the American army saved (by an interposing providence from a

probable total destruction.). I may be asked wherein this particular

interposition of providence appears, I answer, first, in the stupidity

of the British general, in that he did not early on the morning of the

20th send a detachment and take possession of the post and stores at

Whiteplains, for had he done this we must then have fought him on his

own terms, and such disadvantageous terms on our part, as humanly

speaking must have proved our overthrow; again when I parted with

Colo Reed on the 20th as before mentioned, I have always thought

that I was moved to so hazardous an undertaking by foreign influence.

On my route I was liable to meet with some British or tory parties,

who probably would have made me a prisoner (as I had no knowledge of

any way of escape across the Brunx but the one I came out). Hence I

was induced to disguise myself by taking out my cockade, loping my hat

and secreting my sword and pistols under my loose coat, and then had I

been taken under this disguise, the probability is that I should have

been hanged for a spy.

October 29th, the British advanced in front of our lines at

White-plains about 10 o'clock A.M., I had just arrived on Chatterton

hill in order to throw up some works when they hove in sight, as soon

as they discovered us they commenced a severe cannonade but without

any effect of consequence. General McDougal about this time arriving

with his brigade from Burtis's and observing the British to be

crossing the Brunx below in large bodies in order to attack us, our

troops were posted to receive them in a very advantageous position.

The British in their advance were twice repulsed; at length however

their numbers were increased so that they were able to turn our right

flank. We lost many men but from information afterwards received there

was reason to believe they lost many more than we. The rail and stone

fence behind which our troops were posted proved as fatal to the

British as the rail fence and grass hung on it did at Charlestown the

17th of June 1775.

After the affair of the 29th of October my time was employed in

examining the nature of the country in a military point of view in our

rear towards North Castle, Croton river, etc., until about the 5th of

November when I received the following order from the General which I

shall take the liberty to transcribe.

HEADQUARTERS WHITEPLAINS, November 5th 1776.

SIR:--You are directed to repair to Wright's mills and lay out any

work there you conceive to be necessary, in case it is not already

done, from thence you are to proceed towards Croton bridge, and post

the two regiments of militia in the most advantageous manner, so as to

obstruct the enemies passage to that quarter, you are also to give

what directions you think are proper to those regiments, respecting

the breaking up the roads leading from the North river eastward, after

this you are to go up to Peekskill and direct Lasher's detachment to

break up the roads there. You are likewise to lay out what works will

be advisable there and order them to be set about.

Given under my hand--

GO. WASHINGTON.

To Colo Putnam, Engineer.

November 11th 1776, Genl Washington came to Peekskill and I went

with him to visit Fort Montgomery, on the same day or the next he

crossed the North river, leaving instructions with me to ascertain the

geography of the country with the roads and passes through and about

the highlands, a report of which I afterwards made with a sketch of a

plan.

December 8th 1776, I wrote to Genl Washington informing him that I

had accepted of a regiment in the Massachusetts line of the

Continental army, with my reasons for so doing, assuring him at the

same time of my attachment to him and readiness to execute any

service.

[Original in the archives of Marietta College, Marietta,

Ohio.]

[No. 44.]

SCATTERING ORDERS BY GENERALS LEE, SPENCER, GREENE AND NIXON

[_Colonel Little's Order Book_]

GENERAL SPENCER'S ORDERS.

NEW YORK, Sept. 8th.

All the guards in the posts are to be continued as large as at any

time, & be very vigilant & alert. All the Regts are to lie on their

arms this night & be ready to turn out at the shortest notice, as it

is not improbable we may be speedily attacked. Gen. Wadsworth to send

an adjutant to Head Quarters tomorrow for orders.

Sept. 9th.

Guard same as this day & fatigues. The several Brigades in this

Division are to lodge on their arms this night & be ready to turn out

on the shortest notice. Cols. &c are to take particular care of the

arms & ammunition. Col. Chester to send an adjutant to Head Quarters

for orders.

GENERAL NIXON'S ORDERS.

NEW YORK Sept 9th.

A serjeant, Corporal & 12 men daily to mount as a guard at Gen.

Nixon's quarters. Officers of guard in the night are to send visiting

rounds between every relief. Complaints are made that orders are not

made known to soldiers. The General expressly enjoins that the

adjutant see that the orders are daily read to the several regiments,

that the soldiers may not plead ignorance thereof.

Sept. 10th.

The Gen. desires officers not to suffer their men to straggle as we

may expect a sudden attack, when one is made. The Genl desires all

the officers to lodge in camp, as in the critical situation of

affairs, much depends on their vigilance.

GENERAL GREENE'S ORDERS.

FORT CONSTITUTION Sept. 30th.

Major Box is appointed & requested in conjunction with the Engineers

of this Department & Col. Bull to oversee & forward the

fortifications at Fort Constitution. Lt. Col. Cornell is appointed

Dep. Assistant Adj. Genl. for this Division. The Qr. Mr.

Genl is directed to provide tools of all kinds necessary for a

Blacksmith's & Armorer's shop, large enough to do the business of this

part of the army. Many trangressions of genl orders happen for want

of their being read & explained to the men. The Genl directs that

all orders issued be read to the men in Regts or Companies, & that

every Captain provide himself with an orderly book that the men may be

fully informed of their duty. The adjts of regiments are to report

any neglect.

Oct. 2d.

The Brigrs. or officers commanding Brigades are requested to send

the Brigde Majors or some other proper officers to fetch the new

regulations of the army, & distribute them among the Regts of their

Brigades & the C. officers of each regt or corps are directed to

have them read--to have the rules & regulations read first to the

whole regiment drawn up for that purpose & then order the Captains to

read them again to each of their companies the day after they have

been read to the regts--to be continued the first Monday in every

month. Lt. Mills of Col. Hitchcock's Regt is requested to collect a

party of carpenters from either of the Brigades, regts or corps in

this Division of the army, that are willing to enter the work for the

same pay, that was allowed last campaign. Officers for the day. Major

Bailey--for fatigue Major Bartholomew.

Oct 4th.

A guard to mount to-morrow at 8 A.M. to relieve the guard over

Hackensack River--to take 3 days provision with them. Officers for the

Day Lt Col. Crary--for fatigue Lt Col. Culbertson.

Oct. 6th.

The Post to be carried out at any time when he arrives, night or day.

No person under guard in the main guard to be released without

permission from the guard. A fatigue party of 400 to complete the

fortifications at Fort Constitution--Cols. Durkee's, Bradley's,

Rolling's & William's Regts. to form a brigade under Genl

Roberdeau, until his Excellency's pleasure be further known. The D.

Adjt. Genl is directed to appoint a grand parade, where all

guards for different posts are to parade.

Oct. 7th.

A guard of 50 men to relieve the guard at Hoebuck's Ferry

immediately, to take 4 days provisions. The commanding officers of

Regts--in the English neighborhood are to take care that none of the

rails are burnt in their Regts for fire wood. Regts are to be

furnished with firewood daily, apply to Q.M. Genl for teams. A sub.

& 30 men to go immediately for the stock brought from Bergen.

Oct. 8th.

Application for leave of absence from camp for a short time on the

occasional business of the regt. is to be made to the Brigr Genl

or the commanding officers of Brigade--Brigrs are desired not to

grant liberty of absence unless on real business. The houses upon the

waterside, near the ferry are to be cleared of the present inhabitants

for the use of the guards & ferrymen. A cap. & 40 men well acquainted

with rowing to be drawn for the management of the ferryboats. This

party to be excused from other duty & to be continued in that employ.

All the Axes in the different regts are to be delivered to the Q.M.

Genl Col. Biddle, & he is to deliver an equal proportion to the

Regts retaining enough for the Public works. Cap. Olney of Col.

Hitchcock's Regt & Cap. Warner of Col. Little's are appointed to

assist in overseeing the fortifications & are to be excused from all

other duty. Commanding officers of Regts are requested to fix upon

proper places for Barracks, none to be nearer the fort than 50 rods.

The Genl desires comg officers to divide the regts into

messes of 8 men. The men must build timber huts, as boards are not to

be had. Boards are to be had only for the roof. The huts are to be 12

feet long by 9 wide, to have stone chimneys & to be ranged in proper

streets. The guard at the Bridge to be relieved immediately. The Cap.

of the Artillery is directed to examine the state of the amunition in

the magazine & report to the D. At. Qr. The Genl directs that

none of the troops go out of drum call, without liberty from the

Comg officer of the regt. The rolls of companies are to be

called 4 times a day. Men not to be found when the regts are called

to parade may expect to be severely punished & the officers if

negligent of their duty are to be arrested--Adjutant Colman is

appointed to do the duty of Brigade Major for Genl Nixon's Brigade

while Major Box is employed on the Fortifications.

Oct. 13th.

Gen. Nixon's & Gen. Roberdeau's Brigade are to draw & cook themselves

3 days provisions immediately. The guard to be relieved from Col.

Ewing's Brigade, the guards at Bergen to be excepted. The other two

Brigades to hold themselves in readiness to march at a moment's

warning. Cap. Spurr from Col. Hitchcock's regt is to oversee

fatigue parties employed on Fortifications. The Comy is desired to

kill all the fat cattle brought from Bergen, that the inhabitants

don't claim--take an account of all the marks & numbers & have their

value estimated by 2 or 3 good men. The sheep that are fit are to be

killed for the use of the Army. An exact account of their number &

marks and value is to be kept. The Qr. M. Gen. is directed to take

all horses brought from Bergen & not claimed & to employ such as are

fit in the service; the rest to be disposed of at Public Vendue. Lest

any should be injured that cannot claim his property, a record is to

be kept describing the natural & artificial marks & the value of each.

GENERAL NIXON'S ORDERS.

FORT CONSTITUTION Oct. 13th.

It is Gen. Greene's orders that my Brigade move over the Ferry

immediately. The regiments to leave a careful officer & 12 men each to

bring forward their baggage to King's Bridge, who is to take care that

none of it be left behind or lost. When the Regts are over the

ferry, they will march to Mt Washington & remain there till further

orders--You will hurry the march as fast as possible, as they must

cross the ferry this night--

JNO NIXON B.G.

To Dudley Colman, A.B.M.

EAST CHESTER Oct. 16th.

The several regts in this Brigade are to draw 4 days provision &

have it cooked immediately. The Q.M. will apply to the assistant Q.M.

Genl for carriages to transport their provisions. Col. Varnum's

Regt to relieve Col. Nixon's at Froggs Point this P.M.

Oct. 16th.

Sir--You are to order Col. Varnum's regt to march immediately to

Froggs Neck to relieve Col. Ritzema's or Col. Malcolm's regt (which

of the two you find there not relieved). You will get a pilot from

Col. Nixon's regt to direct them thither.

JNO. NIXON B.G.

To Dudly Colman, Brigade Major.

MILES SQUARE, EAST CHESTER Oct. 18th.

Sir--You will have a working party of 300 men & officers ready to go

to work as soon as the tools arrive, which I have sent for & you will

see that suitable guards are mounted by each regiment.

JNO. NIXON, B. Gen.

To D. Colman, B. Major.

GENERAL LEE'S ORDERS.

MILES SQUARE, Oct. 19th.

Gen. Lee returns his warmest thanks to Col. Glover, and the Brigade

under his command, not only for his gallant behavior yesterday, but

for their prudent, cool, orderly & soldier like conduct in all

respects. He assures these brave men that he shall omit no opportunity

of showing his gratitude. The wounded are to be immediately sent to

Valentines Hill at the second Liberty pole where surgeons should at

once repair to dress their wounds. They are afterwards to be forwarded

to Fort Washington.

[No. 45.]

GENERAL LEE TO COLONEL CHESTER

CAMP [MORRISTOWN?] Decr: 7th 1776.

SIR--

You are to proceed from hence to a certain mill about 8 miles distant

where you are to take Post in the most advantageous manner possible,

with half your Party, and remain yourself: The other half you are to

detach under the most understanding, cool officer you can select. He

is to proceed to Harrington Township, where they are to collect, all

the serviceable horses, all the spare Blankets (that is to leave a

sufficient number to cover the People) they are to collect any spare

shoes, great Coats, to serve as Watch Coats--The People from whom they

are taken are not to be insulted; either by actions or language; but

told that the urgent necessity of the Troop, obliges us to the

Measure--That unless we adopt it, their liberties must Perish--That

they must make an Estimate, of what is taken and the Publick shall pay

them--The officer who commands the Party detach'd, above all, must

take care to advance a Party, to look out, on the Road of Hackinsack

in the Front of the Party who are collecting, that they may not be

surprised, whilst they are thus occupied--A Canadian and Monsr.

Vernajou will conduct you; when the whole is finished, you are to

march by another Road to Morristown: By a Road which will be

indicated: you are not to suffer any Country People to pass by you,

who might inform the Enemy of your motions--if the Collecting Party

should be attacked, they will naturally return but in good order to

your Post--the horses and necessaries collected are to be brought up

to Morris Town and then be disposed of by the General--

CHARLES LEE, Major-General.

COLONEL CHESTER.

[Original in possession of Rev. Dr. John Chester,

Washington, D.C.]

[No. 46.]

CAPTAIN BRADFORD'S ACCOUNT OF THE CAPTURE OF GENERAL LEE[244]

[Footnote 244: Capt. Bradford, of Rhode Island, was Aide-de-Camp to

General Lee at the time of the latter's capture, and gave this account

of the affair to the Rev. Dr. Stiles, then at Dighton, R.I.]

"Gen. Lee had advanced with his Division to Baskenridge, about

twenty-two miles from the Enemy's advanced Guards, where they lodged

the night of Dec. 12th, Gen. Sullivan being with the body of the

Division, & Gen. Lee in the Rear, or on the flank of the rear about 2

Miles from the body, having with him only his aid-de-camp, Mr.

Bradford, a Major with an express from Gen. Gates, a French Colonel, a

French Captain, the latter in our service, the former just from Paris

by the way of Dartmouth in Mass. with dispatches for Congress, &

perhaps a dozen guards. The house was surrounded on one side with a

wood, on the other an orchard. The Gen. had just sent forward Gen.

Sullivan, who marched with the Division about 8 o'clock in the

morning, tarrying himself to finish dispatches to Gen. Gates, which

having just done, dressed & sent for his horses, was ready to mount, &

would have been gone in 5 or 10 minutes, when about 10 o'clock they

were surprised with about 50 horse, which came on the house from the

wood & orchard at once & surrounding fired upon it. The French Col.

escaped & was pursued & overtaken. Gen. Lee looked out of the window

to see how the guards behaved, & saw the enemy twice with his hanger

cut off the arm of one of the Guards crying for quarter--the guard

behaved well, fired at first, but were rushed upon & subdued. The Gen.

sees then that they must submit, & after walking the chamber perhaps

10 or 15 minutes, told his aid-de-camp to go down & tell them Gen. Lee

submitted. Mr. Bradford went to the door & on opening it a whole

volley of shot came in the door--he spoke loud & opened again &

delivered his orders. Gen. Lee came forward & surrendered himself a

prisoner of war, saying he trusted they would use him like a

gentleman. Of this one of them gave assurance & ordered him instantly

to mount. He requested His Hat & Cloke and Mr. Bradford went in to

fetch it, but changing his clothes on his return they did not know him

from a servant & laying down the General's Hat and Cloke he escaped

back into the house. They immediately rode back in triumph with the

Genl."

[From the Stiles MS. Diary, Yale College Library.]

[No. 47.]

GENERAL OLIVER WOLCOTT TO HIS WIFE

LITCHFIELD, CONN.

PHILADELPHIA[245] December 13 1776

[Footnote 245: Gen. Wolcott, at this date, was a delegate in Congress

from Connecticut.]

MY DEAR SPOUSE

The 11th in the Evening a Detachment of the Enemy took possession

of Burlington, about 20 miles from this City on the Jersey shore. The

Rest of their Army are at Trenton, and upon the Banks of the River

above it; their numbers are uncertain, but are computed about twelve

thousand, and as their Designs, are undoubtedly to gain Possession of

this City, the Congress, upon the advice of Genls Putnam and

Mifflin (who are now here to provide for the Protection of the

Place,) as well as the Result of their own Opinion, have adjourned

themselves to Baltimore in Maryland, about 110 miles from this City,

as it was judged, that the Council of America, ought not to sit in a

Place liable to be interrupted by the rude Disorder of Arms, so that I

am at this moment, going forward for that place. Whether the Army will

succeed in their cruel Designs against this City, must be left to time

to discover. Congress have ordered the General to defend it to the

last extremity, and God grant that he may be successful in his

Exertions.

Whatever Event may take place, the American Cause will be supported to

the last, and I trust in God that it will succeed. The Grecian, Roman

and Dutch States were in their Infancy reduced to the greatest

Distress, infinitely beyond what we have yet experienced. The God who

governs the Universe and who holds Empires in His Hand, can with the

least Effort of His Will, grant us all that Security Opulence and

Power which they have enjoyed.

The present scene it is true appears somewhat gloomy, but the natural

or more obvious cause seems to be owing to the term of enlistment of

the Army having expired. I hope we may have a most respectable one

before long established. The business of war is the result of

Experience.

It is probable that France before long will involve Great Britain in a

war who by unhappy Experience may learn the Folly of attempting to

enslave a People who by the ties of Consanguinity and Affection ever

were desirous of promoting her truest Happiness.

Gen. Howe has lately published a Proclamation abusing the Congress as

having sinister Designs upon the People and has offered to such as

will accept of Pardon upon an unlimited Submission, "Royal

Forgiveness." But who is base enough to wish to have a precarious Care

dependent upon the caprice of Power, unrestrained by any Law and

governed by the dangerous thirst of Avarice and Ambition?

My best love to my children and friends. May the Almighty ever have

you and them in his protection

yours with the most

Inviolable affection

OLIVER WOLCOTT.

To MRS. LAURA WOLCOTT

Litchfield

Connecticut.

[Original in possession of Frederick H. Wolcott, Esq.,

Astoria, L.I.]

BATTLES

TRENTON AND PRINCETON.

[No. 48.]

CAPTAIN WILLIAM HULL TO ANDREW ADAMS

LITCHFIELD, CONN.

TRENTON, Jany 1st, 1777.

DEAR SIR:

Have but a moment which shall embrace with Pleasure to inform you of

the present State of our Army and our late Success. After we had

recruited a few days of a fatiguing March of more than 250 Miles

(thro' all our Windings) Genl. Washington gave orders for us to be

every way equiped for Action. On the Evening of the 25th Ult. we were

ordered to March to a ferry [McConkey's] about twelve Miles from

Trenton, where was stationed near two Thousand Hessians. As violent a

Storm ensued of Hail & Snow as I ever felt. The Artillery and Infantry

all were across the Ferry about twelve O'clock, consisting of only

twenty one hundred principally New England Troops. In this Violent

Storm we marched on for Trenton. Before Light in the Morning we gained

all the Roads leading from Trenton. The Genl. gave orders that every

Officer's Watch should be set by his, and the Moment of Attack was

fixed. Just after Light, we came to their out Guard, which fired upon

us and retreated. The first Sound of the Musquetry and Retreat of the

Guards animated the Men and they pushed on with Resolution and

Firmness. Happily the fire begun on every Side at the same instant,

their Main body had just Time to form when there ensued a heavy

Cannonade from our Field Pieces and a fine brisk and lively fire from

our Infantry. This continued but a Short Time before the Enemy finding

themselves flanked on every Side laid down their Arms. The Resolution

and Bravery of our Men, their Order and Regulariety gave me the

highest Sensation of Pleasure. Genl. Washington highly congratulated

the Men on next day in Genl. Orders, and with Pleasure observed, that

he had been in Many Actions before, but always perceived some

Misbehaviour in some individuals, but in that Action he saw none.

Pennsylvania itself is obliged to acknowledge the Bravery of New Eng'd

Troops. I have a List from Head Quarters of the Killed and taken,

which was taken the day after the Action, since which many more have

been brought in: 1 Col. wounded since dead, 2 Lieut. Cols. taken, 3

Majors, 4 Capts. 8 Lieuts., 12 Ens'ns, 92 Serj'ts, 9 Musicians, 12

Drums, 25 Servants, 842 Privates, 2 Capt's Killed, 2 Lieuts. killed 50

privates Six Brass Field Pieces, One Mortar, and about 1500 Stand of

Arms. A large Number of Horses and a vast Quantity of Plunder of every

kind. And this, Sir, I will assure you with only the Loss of six or

seven on our side, this is no Exaggeration but simple fact, 'tis

impossible to describe the scene to you as it appeared. We immediately

retreated across the River and did not get to our Tents till next

Morning--two Nights and one day in as violent a Storm as I ever felt.

What can't Men do when engaged in so noble a Cause. Our Men's Time

Expired Yesterday, they have generally engaged to tarry six weeks

longer. My company almost to a man. Orders have now come for us to

march for Princetown. We have a Rumor that it was burned last night by

the Enemy, who we suppose are about retreating. Compliments to Miss

Adams & Children. Adieu and believe me to be sincerely yours,

WM. HULL.

[_Legacy of Historical Gleanings._ By Mrs. C.V.R. Bonney.

Vol. I., p. 57. Munsell, Albany. 1875.]

[No. 49.]

COLONEL KNOX TO HIS WIFE

DELAWARE RIVER, NEAR TRENTON,

Dec. 28, 1776, near 12 o'clock.

... Trenton is an open town, situated nearly on the banks of the

Delaware, accessible on all sides. Our army was scattered along the

river for nearly twenty-five miles. Our intelligence agreed that the

force of the enemy in Trenton was from two to three thousand, with

about six field cannon, and that they were pretty secure in their

situation, and that they were Hessians--no British troops. A hardy

design was formed of attacking the town by storm. Accordingly a part

of the army, consisting of about 2,500 or 3,000, passed the river on

Christmas night, with almost infinite difficulty, with eighteen

field-pieces. The floating ice in the river made the labor almost

incredible. However, perseverance accomplished what at first seemed

impossible. About two o'clock the troops were all on the Jersey side;

we then were about nine miles from the object. The night was cold and

stormy; it hailed with great violence; the troops marched with the

most profound silence and good order. They arrived by two routes at

the same time, about half an hour after daylight, within one mile of

the town. The storm continued with great violence, but was in our

backs, and consequently in the faces of our enemy. About half a mile

from the town was an advanced guard on each road, consisting of a

captains guard. These we forced, and entered the town with them

pell-mell; and here succeeded a scene of war of which I had often

conceived, but never saw before. The hurry, fright, and confusion of

the enemy was [not] unlike that which will be when the last trump

shall sound. They endeavored to form in streets, the heads of which we

had previously the possession of with cannon and howitzers; these, in

the twinkling of an eye, cleared the streets. The backs of the houses

were resorted to for shelter. These proved ineffectual; the musketry

soon dislodged them. Finally they were driven through the town into an

open plain beyond. Here they formed in an instant. During the contest

in the streets measures were taken for putting an entire stop to their

retreat by posting troops and cannon in such passes and roads as it

was possible for them to get away by. The poor fellows after they were

formed on the plain saw themselves completely surrounded, the only

resource left was to force their way through numbers unknown to them.

The Hessians lost part of their cannon in the town; they did not

relish the project of forcing, and were obliged to surrender upon the

spot, with all their artillery, six brass pieces, army colors, &c. A

Colonel Rawle commanded, who was wounded. The number of prisoners was

above 1,200, including officers,--all Hessians. There were few killed

or wounded on either side. After having marched off the prisoners and

secured the cannon, stores, &c, we returned to the place, nine miles

distant, where we had embarked. Providence seemed to have smiled upon

every part of this enterprise. Great advantages may be gained from it

if we take the proper steps. At another post we have pushed over the

river 2,000 men, to-day another body, and to-morrow the whole army

will follow. It must give a sensible pleasure to every friend of the

rights of man to think with how much intrepidity our people pushed the

enemy, and prevented their forming in the town.

His Excellency the General has done me the unmerited great honor of

thanking me in public orders in terms strong and polite. This I should

blush to mention to any other than to you, my dear Lucy; and I am

fearful that even my Lucy may think her Harry possesses a species of

little vanity in doing [it] at all.

MORRISTOWN Jan. 7 1777.

I wrote to you from Trenton by a Mr. Furness which I hope you have

received. I then informed you that we soon expected another tussle. I

was not out in my conjecture. About three o'clock on the second of

January, a column of the enemy attacked a party of ours which was

stationed one mile above Trenton. Our party was small and did not make

much resistance. The enemy, who were Hessians, entered the town

pell-mell pretty much in the same manner that we had driven them a few

days before.

Nearly on the other side of Trenton, partly in the town, runs a brook

[the Assanpink], which in most places is not fordable, and over which

through Trenton is a bridge. The ground on the other side is much

higher than on this, and may be said to command Trenton completely.

Here it was our army drew up with thirty or forty pieces in front. The

enemy pushed our small party through the town with vigor, though not

with much loss. Their retreat over the bridge was thoroughly secured

by the artillery. After they had retired over the bridge, the enemy

advanced within reach of our cannon, who saluted them with great

vociferation and some execution. This continued till dark when of

course it ceased, except a few shells which we now and then chucked

into town to prevent their enjoying their new quarters securely. As I

before mentioned, the creek was in our front, our left on the

Delaware, our right in a wood parallel to the creek. The situation was

strong, to be sure; but hazardous on this account, that had our right

wing been defeated, the defeat of the left would almost have been an

inevitable consequence, and the whole thrown into confusion or pushed

into the Delaware, as it was impassable by boats.

From these circumstances the general thought best to attack

Princeton, twelve miles in the rear of the enemy's grand army, and

where they had the 17th, 40th, and 55th regiments, with a number of

draughts, altogether perhaps twelve hundred men. Accordingly about one

o'clock at night we began to march and make this most extra

manoevre. Our troops marched with great silence and order, and

arrived near Princeton a little after daybreak. We did not surprise

them as at Trenton; for they were on their march down to Trenton, on a

road about a quarter of a mile distant from that in which we were. You

may judge of their surprise when they saw such large columns marching

up. They could not possibly suppose it was our army, for that they

took for granted was cooped up near Trenton. They could not possibly

suppose it was their own array returning by a back road; in short, I

believe they were as much astonished as if an army had dropped

perpendicularly upon them. However they had not much time for

consideration. We pushed a party to attack them. This they repulsed

with great spirit, and advanced upon another column just then coming

out of a wood, which they likewise put in some disorder; but fresh

troops coming up, and the artillery beginning to play, they were after

a smart resistance put totally to the rout. The 18th regiment used

their bayonets with too much severity upon a party they put to flight;

but they were paid for it in proportion, very few escaping. Near sixty

were killed on the spot besides the wounded. We have taken between

three and four hundred prisoners, all British troops. They must have

lost in this affair nearly five hundred killed, wounded, and

prisoners. We lost some gallant officers. Brigadier-General Mercer was

wounded: he had three separate stabs with a bayonet. A Lieutenant-Colonel

Fleming was killed, and Captain Neil of the artillery an excellent

officer. Mercer will get better. The enemy took his parole after we

left Princeton. We took all their cannon, which consisted of two brass

six-pounders, a considerable amount of military stores, blankets,

guns, &c. They lost, among a number of other officers, a Captain

Leslie, a son of the Earl of Leven and nephew to General Leslie: him

we brought off and buried with honors of war.

After we had been about two hours at Princeton, word was brought that

the enemy was advancing from Trenton. This they did, as we have since

been informed, in a most infernal sweat,--running, puffing, and

blowing, and swearing at being so outwitted. As we had other objects

in view, to wit, breaking up their quarters, we pursued our march to

Somerset Court House, where there were about thirteen hundred

quartered, as we had been informed. They, however, had marched off,

and joined the army at Trenton. We at first intended to have made a

forced march to Brunswick; but our men having been without rest, rum,

or provisions for two nights and days were unequal to the task of

marching seventeen miles further. If we could have secured one

thousand fresh men at Princeton to have pushed for Brunswick, we

should have struck one of the most brilliant strokes in all history.

However the advantages are very great: already they have collected

their whole force, and drawn themselves to one point, to wit,

Brunswick.

The enemy were within nineteen miles of Philadelphia, they are now

sixty miles. We have driven them from almost the whole of West Jersey.

The panic is still kept up. We had a battle two days ago with a party

of ours and sixty Waldeckers, who were all killed or taken, in

Monmouth County in the lower part of the Jerseys. It is not our

interest to fight a general battle, nor can I think, under all

circumstances, it is the enemy's. They have sent their baggage to

Staten Island from the Jerseys, and we are very well informed they are

doing the same from New York. Heath will have orders to march there

and endeavor to storm it from that side. 'There is a tide in the

affairs of men, which taken at the flood leads on to victory.'

[_Life, etc. of General Knox._ By Francis S. Drake. Boston,

1873.]

[No. 50.]

COL. HASLET TO CÆSAR RODNEY

ALLENTOWN January 2nd 1777.

This morning we were called up at 2 o'clock under a pretended alarm

that we were to be attacked by the enemy but by daylight we were

ordered to march for Trenton, and when we reached Crosswicks found

that the brigade had gone. We reached Trenton about 11 o'clock and

found all the troops from our different posts in Jersey, collected and

collecting there under General Washington himself; and the regular

troops were already properly disposed to receive the enemy, whose main

body was then within a few miles and determined to dispossess us.

Trenton stands upon the River Delaware, with a creek called the

Assanpink passing through the town across which there is a bridge.

The enemy came down on the upper side of this creek, through the town,

and a number of our troops were posted with Riflemen and artillery to

oppose their approach.

The main body of our army was drawn up on a plain below, or on the

lower side of the Assanpink, near the bridge, and the main force of

our Artillery was posted on the banks and high ground along the creek

in front of them.

Gen. Mercer's brigade was posted about 2 miles up the creek, and the

troops under Gen. Cadwallader were stationed in a field on the right

about a mile from the town, on the main road, to prevent the enemy

from flanking. We had five pieces of Artillery with our division and

about 20 more in the field, near, and at the town. Our numbers were

about five thousand, and the enemy's about seven thousand. The attack

began about 2 o'clock and a heavy fire upon both sides, chiefly from

the artillery continued untill dark.

At this time the enemy were left in possession of the upper part of

the town, but we kept possession of the bridge, altho' the enemy

attempted several times to carry it but were repulsed each time with

great slaughter. After sunset this afternoon the enemy came down in a

very heavy column to force the bridge. The fire was very heavy and the

Light troops were ordered to fly to the support of that important

post, and as we drew near, I stepped out of the front to order my men

to close up; at this time Martinas Sipple was about 10 sets behind the

man next in front of him; I at once drew my sword and threatened to

cut his head off if he did not keep close, he then sprang forward and

I returned to the front. The enemy were soon defeated and retired and

the American army also retired to the woods, where they encamped and

built up fires. I then had the roll called to see if any of our men

were missing and Martinas was not to be found, but Leut. Mark McCall

informed me that immediately upon my returning to the head of the

column, after making him close up, he fled out of the field.[246] We

lost but few men; the enemy considerably more. It is thought Gen.

Washington did not intend to hold the upper part of the town.

[Footnote 246: Sipple afterwards joined the Delaware Regiment under

Col. David Hall, and is said to have proved a brave and faithful

soldier.]

[Original in possession of Cæsar A. Rodney, Esq.]

[No. 51.]

JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY[247]

[Footnote 247: Captain Rodney marched with a Delaware company to the

relief of Washington in the dark days of the campaign. Four other

companies from Philadelphia, joined with his, formed a battalion under

Captain Henry--Rodney being second in command. He was with

Cadwallader's force during the battle of Trenton; and his vivid

description of the storm that night, and the condition of the river

[_Force_, fifth series, vol. iii.], has frequently been quoted by

historical writers. His interesting account of subsequent events, as

given above, is now published for the first time. It has been made the

subject of a highly interesting paper prepared and read by Cæsar A.

Rodney, Esq., of Wilmington, before the Historical Societies of

Delaware and Pennsylvania.]

January 3rd 1777.

... At two o'clock this morning, the ground having been frozen firm by

a keen N. West wind, secret orders were issued to each department and

the whole army was at once put in motion, but no one knew what the

Gen. meant to do. Some thought that we were going to attack the enemy

in the rear; some that we were going to Princeton; the latter proved

to be right. We went by a bye road on the right hand which made it

about 16 miles. During this nocturnal march I with the Dover Company

and the Red Feather Company of Philadelphia Light Infantry led the van

of the army and Capt. Henry with the other three companies of

Philadelphia Light Infantry brought up the rear. The van moved on all

night in the most cool and determined order, but on the march great

confusion happened in the rear. There was a cry that they were

surrounded by the Hessians, and several corps of Militia broke and

fled towards Bordentown, but the rest of the column remained firm and

pursued their march without disorder, but those who were frightened

and fled did not recover from their panic until they reached

Burlington.

When we had proceeded to within a mile and a half of Princeton and the

van had crossed Stony Brook, Gen. Washington ordered our Infantry to

file off to one side of the road and halt. Gen. Sullivan was ordered

to wheel to the right and flank the town on that side, and two

Brigades were ordered to wheel to the left, to make a circuit and

surround the town on that side and as they went to break down the

Bridge and post a party at the mill on the main road, to oppose the

enemy's main army if they should pursue us from Trenton.

The third Division was composed of Gen. Mercer's Brigade of

Continental troops, about 300 men, and Cadwalader's brigade of

Philadelphia Militia to which brigade the whole of our light Infantry

Regiment was again annexed.

Mercer's brigade marched in front and another corp of infantry brought

up the rear. My company flanked the whole brigade on the right in an

Indian file so that my men were very much extended and distant from

each other; I marched in front and was followed by Sargeant McKnatt

and next to him was Nehemiah Tilton. Mercer's brigade which was headed

by Col. Haslet of Delaware on foot and Gen. Mercer on horseback was to

march straight on to Princeton without turning to the right or left.

It so happened that two Regiments of British troops that were on their

march to Trenton to reinforce their army there, received intelligence

of the movements of the American Army (for the sun rose as we passed

over Stony Brook) and about a mile from Princeton they turned off from

the main road and posted themselves behind a long string of buildings

and an orchard on the straight road to Princeton.

The two first Divisions of our army therefore passed wide to the right

and left, and leaving them undiscovered went into Princeton. Gen.

Mercer's Brigade, owing to some delay in arranging Cadwallader's men

had advanced several hundred yards ahead and never discovered the

enemy until he was turning the buildings they were posted behind, and

then they were not more than fifty yards off.

He immediately formed his men, with great courage, and poured a heavy

fire in upon the enemy. But they being greatly superior in number

returned the fire and charged bayonets, and their onset was so fierce

that Gen. Mercer fell mortally wounded and many of his officers were

killed, and the brigade being effectually broken up, began a

disorderly flight. Col. Haslet retired some small distance behind the

buildings and endeavored to rally them, but receiving a bullet through

his head, dropt dead on the spot and the whole brigade fled in

confusion. At this instant Gen. Cadwallader's Philadelphia Brigade

came up and the enemy checked by their appearance took post behind a

fence, and a ditch in front of the buildings before mentioned, and so

extended themselves that every man could load and fire incessantly;

the fence stood on low ground between two hills; on the hill behind

the British line they had eight pieces of artillery which played

incessantly with round and grape shot on our brigade, and the fire

was extremely hot. Yet Gen. Cadwalader led up the head of the column

with the greatest bravery to within 50 yards of the enemy, but this

was rashly done, for he was obliged to recoil; and leaving one piece

of his artillery, he fell back about 40 yards and endeavored to form

the brigade, and some companies did form and gave a few vollies, but

the fire of the enemy was so hot, that, at the sight of the Regular

troops running to the rear, the militia gave way and the whole brigade

broke and most of them retired to a woods about 150 yards in the rear;

but two pieces of artillery stood their ground and were served with

great skill and bravery.

At this time a field officer was sent to order me to take post on the

left of the artillery, until the brigade should form again, and, with

the Philadelphia Infantry keep up a fire from some stacks and

buildings, and to assist the artillery in preventing the enemy from

advancing. We now crossed the enemy's fire from right to Left and took

position behind some stacks just on the left of the artillery; and

about 30 of the Philadelphia Infantry were under cover of a house on

our left and a little in the rear.

About 150 of my men came to this post, but I could not keep them all

there, for the enemies fire was dreadful and three balls, for they

were very thick, had grazed me; one passed within my elbow nicking my

great coat and carried away the breech of Sargeant McKnatts gun, he

being close behind me, another carried away the inside edge of one of

my shoe soles, another had nicked my hat and indeed they seemed as

thick as hail. From these stacks and buildings we, with the two pieces

of Artillery kept up a continuous fire on the enemy, and in all

probability it was this circumstance that prevented the enemy from

advancing, for they could not tell the number we had posted behind

these covers and were afraid to attempt passing them; but if they had

known how few they were they might easily have advanced while the two

brigades were in confusion and routed the whole body, for it was a

long time before they could be reorganized again and indeed many, that

were panic struck, ran quite off. Gen. Washington having rallied both

Gen. Mercer's and Gen. Cadwallader's brigade, they moved forward and

when they came to where the Artillery stood began a very heavy platoon

fire on the march. This the enemy bore but a few minutes and then

threw down their arms and ran. We then pushed forwards towards the

town spreading over the fields and through the woods to enclose the

enemy and take prisoners. The fields were covered with baggage which

the Gen. ordered to be taken care of. Our whole force met at the Court

House and took there about 200 prisoners and about 200 others pushed

off and were pursued by advanced parties who took about 50 more. In

this engagement we lost about 20 killed, the enemy about 100 men

killed and lost the field. This is a very pretty little town on the

York road 12 miles from Trenton; the houses are built of brick and are

very elegant especially the College which has 52 rooms in it; but the

whole town has been ravaged and ruined by the enemy.

As soon as the enemy's main army heard our cannon at Princeton (and

not 'til then) they discovered our manouvre and pushed after us with

all speed and we had not been above an hour in possession of the town

before the enemy's light horse and advanced parties attacked our party

at the bridge, but our people by a very heavy fire kept the pass until

our whole army left the town. Just as our army began our march through

Princetown with all their prisoners and spoils the van of the British

army we had left at Trenton came in sight, and entered the town about

an hour after we left it, but made no stay and pushed on towards

Brunswick for fear we should get there before him, which was indeed

the course our General intended to pursue had he not been detained too

long in collecting the Baggage and Artillery which the enemy had left

behind him. Our army marched on to Kingston then wheeled to the left

and went down the Millstone, keeping that River on our left; the main

body of the British army followed, but kept on through Kingston to

Brunswick; but one division or a strong party of horse took the road

to the left of the Millstone and arrived on the hill, at the bridge on

that road just as the van of the American Army arrived on the opposite

side. I was again commanding the van of our army, and General

Washington seeing the enemy, rode forward and ordered me to halt and

take down a number of carpenters which he had ordered forward and

break up the bridge, which was done and the enemy were obliged to

return. We then marched on to a little village called Stone brook or

Summerset Court House about 15 miles from Princeton where we arrived

just at dusk. About an hour before we arrived here 150 of the enemy

from Princeton and 50 which were stationed in this town went off with

20 wagons laden with Clothing and Linen, and 400 of the Jersey militia

who surrounded them were afraid to fire on them and let them go off

unmolested and there were no troops in our army fresh enough to

pursue them, or the whole might have been taken in a few hours. Our

army now was extremely fatigued not having had any refreshment since

yesterday morning, and our baggage had all been sent away the morning

of the action at Trenton; yet they are in good health and in high

spirits....

MORRISTOWN January 6th 1777.

We left Pluckemin this morning and arrived at Morristown just before

sunset. The order of march, was first a small advance guard, next the

officers who were prisoners, next my Light Infantry Regiment, in

columns of four deep; next the prisoners flanked by the riflemen, next

the head of the main column, with the artillery in front. Our whole

Light Infantry are quartered in a very large house belonging to Col.

Ford having 4 Rooms on a floor and Two stories high. This town is

situated among the mountains of Morris County, about 18 miles from

Elizabethtown, 28 from Brunswick and 20 from Carroll's Ferry.

[Originals in possession of Cæsar A. Rodney, Esq.]

[No. 52.]

POSITION OF THE BRITISH AT THE CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN

"The following were the exact stations of Gen. Howe's army on the 6th

of January, 1777, from an authentic account.

At New York.--The first brigade of British consisting of the 4th,

15th, 27th, and 45th regiments; a squadron of light dragoons of the

17th; and three Hessian regiments, viz. Hereditary Prince, Cassel and

Donop.

At Harlem.--The sixth brigade, British, consisting of the 23d, 44th,

and 6th regiments, and a brigade of Hessians.

At Amboy.--33d and 71st Regiments, and remains of 7th and 16th [?]

regiments; a detachment of dragoons, and the Waldeck regiment.

At Brunswick.--The guards, grenadiers, and light infantry. Second

brigade, British, consisting of the 5th, 28th, 35th, and 49th

regiments. Fourth brigade, British, consisting of the 17th, 40th,

46th, and 55th regiments, and the 42 regiment, which is not brigaded.

Also Donop's corps, Hessian grenadiers, and chasseurs.

At Bergen.--The 57th regiment, ordered to Amboy, and preparing to

embark.

At Rhode Island.--Third and fifth brigades of British, consisting of

the 10th, 37th, 38th, and 52d; of the 22d, 43d, 54th, and 63d

regiments; a battalion of grenadiers, and one of light infantry; a

troop of light dragoons; a detachment of artillery, and two brigades

of Hessians.

This account shews clearly what places Gen. Howe is in possession of,

and what he is not; that in Jersey he has only Brunswick and Amboy,

and in New York only York city and Harlem. All other places are in

possession of the Americans, who seem by the last accounts to be

endeavoring to cut off the troops at Brunswick."

[_London Chronicle_, March 1-4, 1777.]

RETURNS AND STATEMENTS

PRISONERS.

1776.

[No. 53.]

NARRATIVE OF LIEUT. JABEZ FITCH[248]

[Footnote 248: Of Colonel Huntington's regiment.]

TAKEN PRISONER ON LONG ISLAND.

... "I myself was so happy as to fall at first into ye hands ... of

ye 57th Regt who used me with some degree of Civility, altho,

some perticular Offrs were very liberal of their favourite Term

(Rebels) & now & then did not forget to Remind me of a halter, &c;

they did not Rob or Strip me of any of my Clothing, only took my Arms

& Amunition, & after keeping me in ye Field sometime, in Confinment

with several others under a Strong Guard, was sent off to Genll

Grants Quarters, at Gowaynes. In this March we passd through ye

Front of several Brigades of Hessians who were peraded on several

Emininences in order of Battle; they Indeed made a very Warlike

appearance, & as no power appear'd at yt [that] time to oppose them,

their whole attention seemed to be fixed on us, nor were they by any

means, sparing of their Insults; But their Offrs Esspacially,

Represented to ye life (as far as their Capacitys would admit)

ye conduct of Infernal Spirits, under Certain Restrictions; Having

pas'd through those Savage Insults, we at length came to a hill nigh

to the place where we at first engaged ye Enimy ye morning; we

were here met by a number of Insolent Soldiers among whom was one

Woman who appeared remarkably Malicious and attempted several times,

to throw Stones at us, when one of our Guard Informed me yt her

husband had been killed in this Day's Action; we were then conducted

down to a barn near ye water side, where we were drove into a Yard

among a great number of Offrs & men who had been taken before us; soon

after we came here, Capt. Jewett with a number of others were brought

in, & Confin'd with us; Capt. Jewett had Recd two Wounds with a

Bayonet after he was taken & Strip'd of his Arms, & part of his

Cloths, one in ye Brest & ye other in ye Belly, of wich he

Languished with great pain untill ye Thirdsday following when he

Died; Sargt Graves was also Stab'd in ye Thigh with a Bayonet,

after he was taken with Capt Jewett, of wich wound he recovered

altho' he afterward perrish'd in Prison with many hundred others at N.

York.... After being some time confined in this Yard, Capt Jewett &

some others who were wounded were ordered to some other place in order

to have their Wounds dress'd, & I see no more of them this Night....

Early next morning Capt Jewett came to us in excessive pain with

his wounds already dress'd, but yet notwithstanding ye applications

of several of ye Enimy's Cirgions, Especially one Docr Howe (a

young Scotch Gent) who treated him with great civility &

tenderness, he Languished untill ye Thirdsday following (viz: ye

29th of Augt at about 5 oClock in ye Morning) when he Expired, &

was Buried in an Orchard nigh sd House, at about 8 ye same morning,

with as much Deacence as our present Situation would Admit; I myself

[was] Indulg'd by Gnll Grant, at ye application of Majr

Brown, who Attended us in this place, to Attend ye Captains

Funeral; The aforesaid Majr Brown treated us with ye greatest

Civility & Complesance, during our confinment in this place, &

Endeavour'd to make our Accomodations, as agreable as possable;

Genll Grant also was so good as to send us (with his Compliments,)

two Quarters of Mutton well Cook'd, & several Loves of Bread, which

were Acceptable to us, as most of us had eat nothing since ye

Monday before."

[From copy of original in possession of Mr. Chas. I.

Bushnell, New York.]

[No. 54.]

EXTRACT FROM THE JOURNAL OF LIEUT. WILLIAM McPHERSON[249]

[Footnote 249: Of Colonel Miles' regiment. The journal, McPherson

says, was "wrote at John Lott's, Flatbush, L.I."]

TAKEN PRISONER ON LONG ISLAND.

"Wm McPherson, Lieut. was taken Prisoner the 27th Day of August

by the Hathians [Hessians] and was taken to Flatbush, that evening and

staid there five days and then they marched us down to the river and

sent us aboard of one of their transports. Sept. the 15th. I am as

hearty as the time will admit. The Generals who were taken on Long

Island are Genl Sullivan, Lord Sterling. They were taken the 27th

of Augt. 1776. That day there were twenty-three thousand of the King's

troops on Long Island and about twenty-six hundred of the Continental

troops against them which was suffered very much. Sept. 22d. We

sailed from below the Narrows up near New York and there we ---- the

23d day. There was some firing from the Rowbuck & another small

vessel against our work on Paulus Hook which continued about half an

hour. Col. Miles got leave to go to Philadelphia this 26th of November

1776, from New York where he was prisoner. The 7th of October we all

left the Snow Mentor and were taken into New York and was put into a

close house there. All the officers signed their parole this day & got

a small bound to walk round to stretch their legs, which we found

grateful. Nov. 20, 1776, all the officers got leave to walk in the

bounds of the City of New York."

[Original in the possession of Hon. Edward McPherson,

Gettysburg, Penn.]

[No. 55.]

DEPOSITION OF PRIVATE FOSTER

TAKEN PRISONER ON LONG ISLAND.

Thomas Foster of full age being duly sworn, deposeth and saith that he

was a soldier in the first battalion of the Pennsylvania Riflemen,

commanded by Colo. Miles; that he was made a prisoner on Long Island;

that immediately after he was made prisoner he was stripped by the

Hessians of all his clothes, except his frock and a pair of drawers;

that after they had stripped him, they put a cord about his neck and

hanged him up to the limb of a tree, where they suffered him to remain

until he was almost strangled; that they then cut him down and gave

him a little rum to recover his spirits; that they repeated this cruel

sport three times successively; that he has frequently heard it said

among the British troops that the Hessians hanged several of our

prisoners, and further this deponent says not.

his

THOMAS X FOSTER,

mark

examined and sworn in the presence of

GENL McDOUGALL

JOHN SLOSS HOBART

NATHL. SACKET

WILLIAM DUER

[Journal of the New York Provincial Congress, Vol. II.]

[No. 56.]

LETTERS FROM CAPT. NATHANIEL FITZ RANDOLPH, OF NEW JERSEY

WRITTEN WHILE PRISONER.[250]

[Footnote 250: Captain Randolph was a very brave officer from

Woodbridge, N.J., who, during the war, undertook several hazardous

scouting expeditions. He belonged to the Continental army, was five

times wounded, twice made a prisoner, and finally killed, in July,

1780, in a skirmish near Springfield, New Jersey. He was the officer

who captured the famous Colonel Billop. He appears to have been with

Colonel Heard, when the latter was sent to seize tories on Long

Island, in January, 1776; in which connection the following letter to

his wife will be of interest:

... When we Shall Return Home is unceartain we have Been Busy a

Hunting up and Disarming the Tories ever Since we Have Been Here. Have

collected upwards of two Hundred Muskits with ammunition &c. We was

two nights at Jamaica where I had to take Jonathan Rowland an own

uncle to Roberts wife. Likewise Saml Doughty an acquaintance of

Roberts. Charles Jackson is well and Desires to Be Remembered to his

fammily and I Request of you to Show his wife this Letter. I Remain

yours &c.,

NATHL. FITZ RANDOLPH.

HEMPSTEAD, Jan. 24th, 1776.

P.S. We proceed from Here to Oyster Bay.]

MY DEAR SPOUSE--these with my Love to you and Children may informe you

of my present situation, which is that I am wounded in the head and

arm but not dangerous. Should be glad that you will send me some

necessary Clothing as I now remain in close confinement. I would not

have you make yourself uneasy about me as I have been treated with

the greatest kindness by Col. Prescott who commanded the party of

King's Troops whose hands it was my misfortune to fall into. Likewise

by most of the officers of the 28th and 35th Ridgements. I have been

before Lord Cornwallace, who I believe looks upon my conduct nothing

more than becoming a soldier--and Major Generl. Grant has for my

conduct in taking his steward and stores kindly sent me word that I

may send to him for any necessarys which I may want and shall be

wellcome to. I would request to procure some person to bring what

necessarys you may send to me and believe they will not be molested or

detained if received protection. I now conclude wishing you every

happyness these times can afford and remain your ever affectionate

Husband,

NATHL. FITZ RANDOLPH.

ON BOARD GAURD HOUSE AT NEW BRUNSWICK Jan. 26th, 1777.

P.S. Joseph Combes is well and hearty, and desires that his brother

Stephen may send him some clothes, but in particular to send a pair of

Buckskin Breeches.

To Mrs. EXPERIENCE FITZ RANDOLPH--

to the care of

John Hampton

Woodbridge.

I make no doubt but every intelligence you have had concerning me has

been favorable and wish it was in my power to send you such

intelligence now--But must informe you in as few words as possible

that the wound in my head is verry painfull and dangerous and am now

close confined in the Provost Goal, By a positive order from Generl.

Howe. I would not have you make yourself uneasy about me as it will be

of But Little Service to either of us--But wish you every Happyness

the world can afford and remain your ever affectionate Husband,

NATH'L. FITZ RANDOLPH.

NEW YORK Feb. 25th 1777.

P.S. Our men who are prisoners here is verry sickly and are Dying

Dayly--John Parker an Indian Israel dyed here a few days ago--Please

to send enclosed by some safe hand.

To Mrs. EXPERIENCE FITZ RANDOLPH

East Jersey.

These with my love to you and Children may informe you that I remain

close Confined in the Provost Goal but in vain might attempt to

discribe in a particular manner the misserys that attend the Poor

Prisoners Confined in this Horrid place, they are dying dayly with

(what is called here) the Goal fever but may more properly be called

the Hungry fever which rages among the prisoners here confined in

goals they being deprived of allmost every necessary of Life. As to

the treatment I have received since a prisoner has been varrious

Sometimes like a Gentleman other times like a Ruffin, have been for a

week without a Surgeon to attend me. At other times have been attended

by eight or ten different Surgeons in one day, But have for three

weeks past had verry regular attendance. My wounds is in a fair way of

doing well and am in prety good Health. Being in great haste must

conclude, desireing you to make your self as happy as possible in your

present Situation and wait with patience until time brings a change. I

remain with sincere affection, ever your affectionate Husband,

NATHL. FITZ RANDOLPH.

NEW YORK, March 10, 1777.

P.S. David Tappin is confined in a Room where the Small Pox is and

Reuben Potter has been unwell for some days past.

[Originals in possession of Captain John Coddington Kinney,

Hartford, Conn.]

[No. 57.]

EXTRACT FROM THE JOURNAL OF CAPT. JAMES MORRIS, PRISONER AT FLATBUSH,

L.I.[251]

[Footnote 251: Captain James Morris was a Connecticut officer. He

first entered the service as ensign in Colonel Gay's Regiment, and was

engaged in the battle of Long Island. In the following year, as

lieutenant, he fought at the battle of Germantown, where he was taken

prisoner, and closely confined in Philadelphia until removed to Long

Island. When released, in 1781, he was detailed to Scammell's Light

Infantry Corps, and took part in the capture of Yorktown, Virginia.

One of his letters, written from Flatbush while prisoner, is as

follows:

FLATBUSH, LONG ISLAND, June 30, 1778.

Wednesday, the 17th inst., the American Prisoners of war left

Philadelphia. I embarked on board the Sloop Nancy, Capt. Hill. Sailed

as far as Billings Port; then went on board the Brig Minerva, Capt.

Smith, in order to sail for New York. After a passage of 12 days

arrived at New York, being the 28th inst. The 29th I was paroled upon

Long Island, and went to live at the House of Mr. John Lott. Our

treatment, both officers and soldiers, while on board the shipping,

was much better than I expected; our situation was as agreeable as

circumstances would admit. We had the liberty of any part of the ship,

and both officers and soldiers had a supply of provisions and a gill

of Rum per man per day.]

"I was put on board with the other prisoners of war [at Philadelphia]

and sailed down the river Delaware, and went to New York. We were 12

days on our passage. I was then put on my parole of honour and boarded

with a plain Dutch family in Kings County, at the west end of Long

Island. We were confined within the limits of said County.

At Flat Bush I became acquainted with a Mr Clarkson a man of

science and of a large property, he owned the most extensive private

Library that I had ever known in the United States, his wife had a

capacious mind and she was remarkably distinguished for her piety. Mr.

Clarkson made me a welcome visitor at his house and gave me access to

his library. He allowed me to take as many books as I chose and carry

them to my lodgings. I there lived two years and six months devoting

my time to reading. I read through a course of ancient and modern

history. My exercise was hand labour and walking. I tended a garden

one summer upon shares and my net profits were about twelve dollars.

The next summer I obtained the use of a small piece of Land and

planted it with potatoes from which my net profits were 30 dollars. I

was treated with great kindness by the family with which I lived. I

endeavored to be always on the pleasant side with them and to be sure,

not to be wanting in my attentions to my landlady. Here I learned that

the little nameless civilities and attentions were worth a great deal

more than they cost me. Here I was peculiarily situated to learn the

human character: for the inhabitants in this county were all attached

to the British Government and said the officers paroled there were all

rebels, and that they would finally be hung for their rebellion, so

that if any of us received any injury or met with any abuse from the

inhabitants we could have no redress we must patiently bear it. The

Dutch inhabitants were uncultivated yet many of them possessed

strength of mind and were intelligent. They were mostly strangers to

the sympathies and tender sensibilities which so much rejoiced the

heart of friends with friends and promote the happiness of society.

But notwithstanding I was thus secluded from my particular friends

and acquaintances yet I enjoyed my share of comfort and worldly

felicity. I felt no disposition to murmer and repine in my then

condition. Every day afforded me its enjoyments excepting a time when

I had a pretty severe attack with the ague and fever which reduced me

low. The whole term of my Captivity was three years and three months

lacking one day. I was exchanged on the 3rd day of Jany 1781. I was

taken from Flat Bush to New York and from thence conveyed to

Elizabethtown in New Jersey and set at liberty."

[Original in possession of Hon. Dwight Morris, Bridgeport,

Conn.]

[No. 58.]

BRITISH PRISONERS TAKEN BY THE AMERICANS ON LONG ISLAND

KINGS BRIDGE, August 29, 1776.

GENTLEMEN: I send to your care and safe keeping the following

prisoners of war, taken on _Long Island_, on the 27th instant viz:

Lieutenant _John Ragg_, of the Marines, Sergeant _David Wallace_,

Corporal _Thomas Pike_ and _Edward Gibbon_, _William Smith_, _Isaac

Hughs_, _Thomas Haraman_, _John Woodard_, _Edward Cavil_, _William

Williams_, _William Coortney_, _Stephen Weber_, _John Smith_, _Samuel

Morral_, _Thomas Sarral_, _Joseph Distant_, _Benjamin Jones_, _William

Jones_, _William Pearce_, _John Hopkins_, _Henry Weston_, _Evan

Evans_, and _John Morten_, Privates.

You will please to secure them in such manner as to prevent their

escape, observing the order of Congress in this respect.

I am, gentlemen, with Esteem,

Your humble Servant

W. HEATH, Major General.

To the Committee of the Town of Fairfield [Conn.]

[_Force_, 5th Series, vol. i, p. 1215.]

[No. 59.]

The Campaign of 1776 around New York and Brooklyn Including a new and circumstantial account of the battle of Long island and the loss of New York, with a review of events to the close of the year · 第 12 / 13 章

_Friday 12th._--A few more ships came in through the Narrows, and it