CHAPTER II

THE OBVIOUS BLUNDERS

I have noted that Catholicism really is in the twentieth century what it

was in the second century; it is the New Religion. Indeed its very

antiquity preserves an attitude of novelty. I have always thought it

striking and even stirring that in the venerable invocation of the

“Tantum Ergo,” which for us seems to come loaded with accumulated ages,

there is still the language of innovation; of the antique document that

must yield to a new rite. For us the hymn is something of an antique

document itself. But the rite is always new.

But if a convert is to write of conversion he must try to retrace his

steps out of that shrine back into that ultimate wilderness where he

once really believed that this eternal youth was only the “Old

Religion.” It is a thing exceedingly difficult to do and not often done

well, and I for one have little hope of doing it even tolerably well.

The difficulty was expressed to me by another convert who said, “I

cannot explain why I am a Catholic; because now that I am a Catholic I

cannot imagine myself as anything else.” Nevertheless, it is right to

make the imaginative effort. It is not bigotry to be certain we are

right; but it is bigotry to be unable to imagine how we might possibly

have gone wrong. It is my duty to try to understand what H. G. Wells can

possibly mean when he says that the mediæval Church did not care for

education but only for imposing dogmas; it is my duty to speculate

(however darkly) on what can have made an intelligent man like Arnold

Bennett stone-blind to all the plainest facts about Spain; it is my duty

to find if I can the thread of connected thought in George Moore’s

various condemnations of Catholic Ireland; and it is equally my duty to

labour till I understand the strange mental state of G. K. Chesterton

when he really assumed that the Catholic Church was a sort of ruined

abbey, almost as deserted as Stonehenge.

I must say first that, in my own case, it was at worst a matter of

slights rather than slanders. Many converts far more important than I

have had to wrestle with a hundred devils of howling falsehood; with a

swarm of lies and libels. I owe it to the liberal and Universalist

atmosphere of my family, of Stopford Brooke and the Unitarian preachers

they followed, that I was always just sufficiently enlightened to be out

of the reach of Maria Monk. Nevertheless, as this is but a private

privilege for which I have to be thankful, it is necessary to say

something of what I might be tempted to call the obvious slanders, but

that better men than I have not always seen that the slander was

obvious. I do not think that they exercise much influence on the

generation that is younger than mine. The worst temptation of the most

pagan youth is not so much to denounce monks for breaking their vow as

to wonder at them for keeping it. But there is a state of transition

that must be allowed for in which a vague Protestant prejudice would

rather like to have it both ways. There is still a sort of woolly-minded

philistine who would be content to consider a friar a knave for his

unchastity and a fool for his chastity. In other words, these dying

calumnies are dying but not dead; and there are still enough people who

may still be held back by such crude and clumsy obstacles that it is

necessary to some extent to clear them away. After that we can consider

what may be called the real obstacles, the real difficulties we find,

which, as a fact, are generally the very opposite of the difficulties we

are told about. But let us consider the evidence of all these things

being black, before we go on to the inconvenient fact of their being

white.

The usual protest of the Protestant, that the Church of Rome is afraid

of the Bible, did not, as I shall explain in a moment, have any great

terrors for me at any time. This was by no merit of my own, but by the

accident of my age and situation. For I grew up in a world in which the

Protestants, who had just proved that Rome did not believe the Bible,

were excitedly discovering that they did not believe the Bible

themselves. Some of them even tried to combine the two condemnations and

say that they were steps of progress. The next step in progress

consisted in a man kicking his father for having locked up a book of

such beauty and value, a book which the son then proceeded to tear into

a thousand pieces. I early discovered that progress is worse than

Protestantism so far as stupidity is concerned. But most of the

free-thinkers who were friends of mine happened to think sufficiently

freely to see that the Higher Criticism was much more of an attack on

Protestant Bible-worship than on Roman authority. Anyhow, my family and

friends were more concerned with the opening of the book of Darwin than

the book of Daniel; and most of them regarded the Hebrew Scriptures as

if they were Hittite sculptures. But, even then, it would seem odd to

worship the sculptures as gods and then smash them as idols and still go

on blaming somebody else for not having worshipped them enough. But here

again it is hard for me to know how far my own experience is

representative, or whether it would not be well to say more of these

purely Protestant prejudices and doubts than I, from my own experience,

am able to say.

The Church is a house with a hundred gates; and no two men enter at

exactly the same angle. Mine was at least as much Agnostic as Anglican,

though I accepted for a time the borderland of Anglicanism; but only on

the assumption that it could really be Anglo-Catholicism. There is a

distinction of ultimate intention there which in the vague English

atmosphere is often missed. It is not a difference of degree but of

definite aim. There are High Churchmen as much as Low Churchmen who are

concerned first and last to save the Church of England. Some of them

think it can be saved by calling it Catholic, or making it Catholic, or

believing that it is Catholic; but _that_ is what they want to save. But

I did not start out with the idea of saving the English Church, but of

finding the Catholic Church. If the two were one, so much the better;

but I had never conceived of Catholicism as a sort of showy attribute or

attraction to be tacked on to my own national body, but as the inmost

soul of the true body, wherever it might be. It might be said that

Anglo-Catholicism was simply my own uncompleted conversion to

Catholicism. But it was from a position originally much more detached

and indefinite that I had been converted, an atmosphere if not agnostic

at least pantheistic or Unitarian. To this I owe the fact that I find it

very difficult to take some of the Protestant propositions even

seriously. What is any man who has been in the real outer world, for

instance, to make of the everlasting cry that Catholic traditions are

condemned by the Bible? It indicates a jumble of topsy-turvy tests and

tail-foremost arguments, of which I never could at any time see the

sense. The ordinary sensible sceptic or pagan is standing in the street

(in the supreme character of the man in the street) and he sees a

procession go by of the priests of some strange cult, carrying their

object of worship under a canopy, some of them wearing high head-dresses

and carrying symbolical staffs, others carrying scrolls and sacred

records, others carrying sacred images and lighted candles before them,

others sacred relics in caskets or cases, and so on. I can understand

the spectator saying, “This is all hocus-pocus”; I can even understand

him, in moments of irritation, breaking up the procession, throwing down

the images, tearing up the scrolls, dancing on the priests and anything

else that might express that general view. I can understand his saying,

“Your croziers are bosh, your candles are bosh, your statues and scrolls

and relics and all the rest of it are bosh.” But in what conceivable

frame of mind does he rush in to select one particular scroll of the

scriptures of this one particular group (a scroll which had always

belonged to them and been a part of their hocus-pocus, if it was

hocus-pocus); why in the world should the man in the street say that one

particular scroll was _not_ bosh, but was the one and only truth by

which all the other things were to be condemned? Why should it not be as

superstitious to worship the scrolls as the statues, of that one

particular procession? Why should it not be as reasonable to preserve

the statues as the scrolls, by the tenets of that particular creed? To

say to the priests, “Your statues and scrolls are condemned by our

common sense,” is sensible. To say, “Your statues are condemned by your

scrolls, and we are going to worship one part of your procession and

wreck the rest,” is not sensible from any standpoint, least of all that

of the man in the street.

Similarly, I could never take seriously the fear of the priest, as of

something unnatural and unholy; a dangerous man in the home. Why should

a man who wanted to be wicked encumber himself with special and

elaborate promises to be good? There might sometimes be a reason for a

priest being a profligate. But what was the reason for a profligate

being a priest? There are many more lucrative walks of life in which a

person with such shining talents for vice and villainy might have made a

brighter use of his gifts. Why should a man encumber himself with vows

that nobody could expect him to take and he did not himself expect to

keep? Would any man make himself poor in order that he might become

avaricious; or take a vow of chastity frightfully difficult to keep in

order to get into a little more trouble when he did not keep it? All

that early and sensational picture of the sins of Rome always seemed to

me silly even when I was a boy or an unbeliever; and I cannot describe

how I passed out of it because I was never in it. I remember asking some

friends at Cambridge, people of the Puritan tradition, why in the world

they were so afraid of Papists; why a priest in somebody’s house was a

peril or an Irish servant the beginning of a pestilence. I asked them

why they could not simply disagree with Papists and say so, as they did

with Theosophists or Anarchists. They seemed at once pleased and shocked

with my daring, as if I had undertaken to convert a burglar or tame a

mad dog. Perhaps their alarm was really wiser than my bravado. Anyhow, I

had not then the most shadowy notion that the burglar would convert me.

That, however, I am inclined to think, is the subconscious intuition in

the whole business. It must either mean that they suspect that our

religion has something about it so wrong that the hint of it is bad for

anybody; or else that it has something so right that the presence of it

would convert anybody. To do them justice, I think most of them darkly

suspect the second and not the first.

A shade more plausible than the notion that Popish priests merely seek

after evil was the notion that they are exceptionally ready to seek good

by means of evil. In vulgar language, it is the notion that if they are

not sensual they are always sly. To dissipate this is a mere matter of

experience; but before I had any experience I had seen some objections

to the thing even in theory. The theory attributed to the Jesuits was

very often almost identical with the practice adopted by nearly

everybody I knew. Everybody in society practised verbal economies,

equivocations and often direct fictions, without any sense of essential

falsehood. Every gentleman was expected to say he would be delighted to

dine with a bore; every lady said that somebody else’s baby was

beautiful if she thought it as ugly as sin; for they did not think it a

sin to avoid saying ugly things. This might be right or wrong; but it

was absurd to pillory half a dozen Popish priests for a crime committed

daily by half a million Protestant laymen. The only difference was that

the Jesuits had been worried enough about the matter to try to make

rules and limitations saving as much verbal veracity as possible;

whereas the happy Protestants were not worried about it at all, but told

lies from morning to night as merrily and innocently as the birds sing

in the trees. The fact is, of course, that the modern world is full of

an utterly lawless casuistry because the Jesuits were prevented from

making a lawful casuistry. But every man is a casuist or a lunatic.

It is true that this general truth was hidden from many by certain

definite assertions. I can only call them, in simple language,

Protestant lies about Catholic lying. The men who repeated them were not

necessarily lying, because they were repeating. But the statements were

of the same lucid and precise order as a statement that the Pope has

three legs or that Rome is situated at the North Pole. There is no more

doubt about their nature than that. One of them, for instance, is the

positive statement, once heard everywhere and still heard often: “Roman

Catholics are taught that anything is lawful if done for the good of the

Church.” This is not the fact; and there is an end of it. It refers to a

definite statement of an institution whose statements are very definite;

and it can be proved to be totally false. Here as always the critics

cannot see that they are trying to have it both ways. They are always

complaining that our creed is cut and dried; that we are told what to

believe and must believe nothing else; that it is all written down for

us in bulls and confessions of faith. In so far as this is true, it

brings a matter like this to the point of legal and literal truth, which

can be tested; and so tested, it is a lie. But even here I was saved at

a very early stage by noticing a curious fact. I noticed that those who

were most ready to blame priests for relying on rigid formulas seldom

took the trouble to find out what the formulas were. I happened to pick

up some of the amusing pamphlets of James Britten, as I might have

picked up any other pamphlets of any other propaganda; but they set me

on the track of that delightful branch of literature which he called

Protestant Fiction. I found some of that fiction on my own account,

dipping into novels by Joseph Hocking and others. I am only concerned

with them here to illustrate this particular and curious fact about

exactitude. I could not understand why these romancers never took the

trouble to find out a few elementary facts about the thing they

denounced. The facts might easily have helped the denunciation, where

the fictions discredited it. There were any number of real Catholic

doctrines I should then have thought disgraceful to the Church. There

are any number which I can still easily imagine being made to look

disgraceful to the Church. But the enemies of the Church never found

these real rocks of offence. They never looked for them. They never

looked for anything. They seemed to have simply made up out of their own

heads a number of phrases, such as a Scarlet Woman of deficient

intellect might be supposed to launch on the world; and left it at that.

Boundless freedom reigned; it was not treated as if it were a question

of fact at all. A priest might say anything about the Faith; because a

Protestant might say anything about the priest. These novels were padded

with pronouncements like this one, for instance, which I happen to

remember: “Disobeying a priest is the one sin for which there is no

absolution. We term it a reserved case.” Now obviously a man writing

like that is simply imagining what might exist; it has never occurred to

him to go and ask if it does exist. He has heard the phrase “a reserved

case” and considers, in a poetic reverie, what he shall make it mean. He

does not go and ask the nearest priest what it does mean. He does not

look it up in an encyclopædia or any ordinary work of reference. There

is no doubt about the fact that it simply means a case reserved for

ecclesiastical superiors and not to be settled finally by the priest.

That may be a fact to be denounced; but anyhow it is a fact. But the man

much prefers to denounce his own fancy. Any manual would tell him that

there is no sin “for which there is no absolution”; not disobeying the

priest; not assassinating the Pope. It would be easy to find out these

facts and quite easy to base a Protestant invective upon them. It

puzzled me very much, even at that early stage, to imagine why people

bringing controversial charges against a powerful and prominent

institution should thus neglect to test their own case, and should draw

in this random way on their own imagination. It did not make me any more

inclined to be a Catholic; in those days the very idea of such a thing

would have seemed crazy. But it did save me from swallowing all the

solid and solemn assertion about what Jesuits said and did. I did not

accept quite so completely as others the well-ascertained and widely

accepted fact that “Roman Catholics may do anything for the good of the

Church”; because I had already learned to smile at equally accepted

truths like “Disobeying a priest is the one sin for which there is no

absolution.” I never dreamed that the Roman religion was true; but I

knew that its accusers, for some reason or other, were curiously

inaccurate.

It is strange to me to go back to these things now, and to think that I

ever took them even as seriously as that. But I was not very serious

even then; and certainly I was not serious long. The last lingering

shadow of the Jesuit, gliding behind curtains and concealing himself in

cupboards, faded from my young life about the time when I first caught a

distant glimpse of the late Father Bernard Vaughan. He was the only

Jesuit I ever knew in those days; and as you could generally hear him

half a mile away, he seemed to be ill-selected for the duties of a

curtain-glider. It has always struck me as curious that this Jesuit

raised a storm by refusing to be Jesuitical (in the journalese sense I

mean), by refusing to substitute smooth equivocation and verbal evasion

for a brute fact. Because he talked about “killing Germans” when Germans

had to be killed, all our shifty and shamefaced morality was shocked at

him. And none of those protesting Protestants took thought for a moment

to realise that they were showing all the shuffling insincerity they

attributed to the Jesuits, and the Jesuit was showing all the plain

candour that they claimed for the Protestant.

I could give a great many other instances besides these I have given of

the hidden Bible, the profligate priest or the treacherous Jesuit. I

could go steadily through the list of all these more old-fashioned

charges against Rome and show how they affected me, or rather why they

did not affect me. But my only purpose here is to point out, as a

preliminary, that they did not affect me at all. I had all the

difficulties that a heathen would have had in becoming a Catholic in the

fourth century. I had very few of the difficulties that a Protestant

had, from the seventeenth to the nineteenth. And I owe this to men whose

memories I shall always honour; to my father and his circle and the

literary tradition of men like George Macdonald and the Universalists of

the Victorian Age. If I was born on the wrong side of the Roman wall, at

least I was not born on the wrong side of the No Popery quarrel; and if

I did not inherit a fully civilised faith, neither did I inherit a

barbarian feud. The people I was born amongst wished to be just to

Catholics if they did not always understand them; and I should be very

thankless if I did not record of them that (like a very much more

valuable convert) I can say I was born free.

I will add one example to illustrate this point, because it leads us on

to larger matters. After a long time—I might almost say after a

lifetime—I have at last begun to realise what the worthy Liberal or

Socialist of Balham or Battersea really means when he says he is an

Internationalist and that humanity should be preferred to the narrowness

of nations. It dawned on me quite suddenly, after I had talked to such a

man for many hours, that of course he had really been brought up to

believe that God’s Englishmen were the Chosen Race. Very likely his

father or uncle actually thought they were the lost Ten Tribes. Anyhow,

everything from his daily paper to his weekly sermon assumed that they

were the salt of the earth, and especially that they were the salt of

the sea. His people had never thought outside their British nationality.

They lived in an Empire on which the sun never set, or possibly never

rose. Their Church was emphatically the Church of England—even if it was

a chapel. Their religion was the Bible that went everywhere with the

Union Jack. And when I realised that, I realised the whole story. That

was why they were excited by the exceedingly dull theory of the

Internationalist. That was why the brotherhood of nations, which to me

was a truism, to them was a trumpet. That was why it seemed such a

thrilling paradox to say that we must love foreigners; it had in it the

divine paradox that we must love enemies. That was why the

Internationalist was always planning deputations and visits to foreign

capitals and heart-to-heart talks and hands across the sea. It was the

marvel of discovering that foreigners had hands, let alone hearts. There

was in that excitement a sort of stifled cry: “Look! Frenchmen also have

two legs! See! Germans have noses in the same place as we!” Now a

Catholic, especially a born Catholic, can never understand that

attitude, because from the first his whole religion is rooted in the

unity of the race of Adam, the one and only Chosen Race. He is loyal to

his own country; indeed he is generally ardently loyal to it, such local

affections being in other ways very natural to his religious life, with

its shrines and relics. But just as the relic follows upon the religion,

so the local loyalty follows on the universal brotherhood of all men.

The Catholic says, “Of course we must love all men; but what do all men

love? They love their lands, their lawful boundaries, the memories of

their fathers. That is the justification of being national, that it is

normal.” But the Protestant patriot really never thought of any

patriotism except his own. In that sense Protestantism is patriotism.

But unfortunately it is only patriotism. It starts with it and never

gets beyond it. We start with mankind and go beyond it to all the varied

loves and traditions of mankind. There never was a more illuminating

flash than that which lit up the last moment of one of the most glorious

of English Protestants; one of the most Protestant and one of the most

English. For that is the meaning of that phrase of Nurse Cavell, herself

the noblest martyr of our modern religion of nationality, when the very

shaft of the white sun of death shone deep into her mind and she cried

aloud, like one who had just discovered something, “I see now that

patriotism is not enough.”

There was this in common between the Catholics to whom I have come and

the Liberals among whom I was born: neither of them would ever have

imagined for a moment that patriotism was enough. But that insular

idealism by which that great lady lived really had taught her

unconsciously from childhood that patriotism _was_ enough. Not seldom

has the English lady appeared in history as a heroine; but generally as

facing and defying strangers or savages, not specially as feeling them

as fellows and equals. Those last words of the English martyr in Belgium

have often been quoted by mere cosmopolitans; but cosmopolitans are the

last people really to understand them. _They_ are generally trying to

prove, not that patriotism is not enough, but that it is a great deal

too much. The point is here that hundreds of the most heroic and

high-minded people in Protestant countries have really assumed that it

is enough to be a patriot. The most careless and cynical of Catholics

knows better; and so did the most vague and visionary of Universalists.

Of all the Protestant difficulties, which I here find it hard to

imagine, this is perhaps the most common and in many ways commendable:

the fact that the normal British subject begins by being so very

British. By accident I did not. The tradition I heard in my youth, the

simple, the too simple truths inherited from Priestly and Martineau, had

in them something of that grand generalisation upon men as men which, in

the first of those great figures, faced the howling Jingoism of the

French Wars and defied even the legend of Trafalgar. It is to that

tradition that I owe the fact, whether it be an advantage or a

disadvantage, that I cannot worthily analyse the very heroic virtues of

a Plymouth Brother whose only centre is Plymouth. For that rationalism,

defective as it was, began long ago in the same central civilisation in

which the Church herself began; if it has ended in the Church it began

long ago in the Republic: in a world where all these flags and frontiers

were unknown; where all these state establishments and national sects

were unthinkable; a vast cosmopolitan cosmos that had never heard the

name of England, or conceived the image of a kingdom separate and at

war; in that vast pagan peace which was the matrix of all these

mysteries, which had forgotten the free cities and had not dreamed of

the small nationalities; which knew only humanity, the _humanum genus_,

and the name of Rome.

The Catholic Church loves nations as she loves men; because they are her

children. But they certainly are her children, in the sense that they

are secondary to her in time and process of production. This is, as it

happens, a very good example of a fallacy that often confuses discussion

about the convert. The same people who call the convert a pervert, and

especially a traitor to patriotism, very often use the other catchword

to the effect that he is forced to believe this or that. But it is not

really a question of what a man is made to believe but of what he must

believe; what he cannot help believing. He cannot disbelieve in an

elephant when he has seen one; and he cannot treat the Church as a child

when he has discovered that she is his mother. She is not only his

mother but his country’s mother in being much older and more aboriginal

than his country. She is such a mother not in sentimental feeling but in

historical fact. He cannot think one thing when he knows the contrary

thing. He cannot think that Christianity was invented by Penda of

Mercia, who sent missionaries to the heathen Augustine and the rude and

barbarous Gregory. He cannot think that the Church first rose in the

middle of the British Empire, and not of the Roman Empire. He cannot

think that England existed, with cricket and fox-hunting and the

Jacobean translation all complete, when Rome was founded or when Christ

was born. It is no good talking about his being “free” to believe these

things. He is exactly as free to believe them as he is to believe that a

horse has feathers or that the sun is pea green. He cannot believe them

when once he fully realises them; and among such things is the notion

that the national claim upon a good patriot is in its nature more

absolute, ancient and authoritative than the claim of the whole

religious culture which first mapped out its territories and anointed

its kings. That religious culture does indeed encourage him to fight to

the last for his country, as for his family. But that is because the

religious culture is generous and imaginative and humane and knows that

men must have intimate and individual ties. But those secondary

loyalties are secondary in time and logic to the law of universal

morality which justifies them. And if the patriot is such a fool as to

force the issue against that universal tradition from which his own

patriotism descends, if he presses his claim to priority over the

primitive law of the whole earth—then he will have brought it on himself

if he is answered with the pulverising plainness of the Book of Job. As

God said to the man, “Where were you when the foundations of the world

were laid?” We might well say to the nation, “Where were you when the

foundations of the Church were laid?” And the nation will not know in

the least what to answer—if it should wish to answer—but will be forced

to put its hand upon its mouth, if only like one who yawns and falls

asleep.

I have taken this particular case of patriotism because it concerns at

least an emotion in which I profoundly believe and happen to feel

strongly. I have always done my best to defend it; though I have

sometimes become suspect by sympathising with other people’s patriotism

besides my own. But I cannot see how it can be defended except as part

of a larger morality; and the Catholic morality happens to be one of the

very few large moralities now ready to defend it. But the Church defends

it as one of the duties of men and not as the whole duty of man; as it

was in the Prussian theory of the State and too often in the British

theory of the Empire. And for this the Catholic rests, exactly as the

Universalist Unitarian rested, upon the actual fact of a human unity

anterior to all these healthy and natural human divisions. But it is

absurd to treat the Church as a novel conspiracy attacking the State,

when the State was only recently a novel experiment arising within the

Church. It is absurd to forget that the Church itself received the first

loyalties of men who had not yet even conceived the notion of founding

such a national and separate state; that the Faith really was not only

the faith of our fathers, but the faith of our fathers before they had

even named our fatherland.

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THE REAL OBSTACLES

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The Catholic Church and conversion · 第 2 / 6 章