too soon to prophesy. It may very well prove decisive, for we have now
driven a wedge right in between the French Armies, behind their eastern
and northern defences, and stand with five Corps on either face of the
wedge, with three more in between ready to move to the support of
either. The French must either move against us by lateral roads and
railways, in which case we can always meet them on a broader front, or
attempt to concentrate far away to the southward, and in any case our
strength is morally more than doubled by our successes. The Germans took
the field with no overweening opinion of themselves. They are a modest
people, as a whole, given to pessimism about themselves, and ready to
believe the overdone reports as to the regeneration of their hereditary
enemy that reached them through the public Press. The French, on the
other hand, had again learnt to believe in themselves; their
journalists, who were not going to do the fighting, had lauded them to
the skies, while the nation and rank and file had believed all they were
told, even if the experienced soldiers had not. They have fought with
the greatest gallantry, but for the second time it has been their want
of thoroughness that has ruined them. In each arm and every branch they
were just a little behind their adversaries. They lost two clear days in
mobilisation, and hence were strategically unready when the blow fell.
Their Cavalry was brave, but not a match for the Germans in mobility,
and consequently was beaten. The defeat of the Cavalry led the Infantry
to blunder into a trap where no human courage could avail them, and this
again entailed a concentration backward, with the obligation of standing
on the defensive to await the arrival of a reinforcing Corps which came
just too late; and the consequences we have seen in to-day’s fight. I do
not believe the Germans have lost very heavily, though isolated bodies
may certainly have done so. But the three arms played into each other’s
hands so perfectly, and the arrival of the supports was so well timed,
that none were ever called on for exertions beyond their strength. Such
tactical handling has never been seen since Napoleon’s days. But there
is this difference to note, that this time the troops have handled
themselves instead of being handled by the General.
It is too early yet for a list of casualties to have been made out, but
at the last moment I learn that our Cavalry yesterday lost 20 per cent.
of their strength.
THE WAR IN THE FAR EAST—THE CAPTURE OF VLADIVOSTOCK.
DETAILS OF THE ENGAGEMENT.
A correspondent at Hong-Kong telegraphs under date July 18th as
follows:—
Every one is engaged in discussing what we shall do with Eastern
Siberia, now that we have got it. The fall of Vladivostock was so
sudden, and so apparently easy of accomplishment, that it almost seems
as if the Admiral, Sir Frederick Richards, and General Barker are likely
to lose the credit of the success which they themselves achieved.
It is known that the 1st Battalion Leinster Regiment, together with the
1st Battalion of the 4th Goorkhas, the 21st Bombay Rifles, another
Bombay regiment, and two batteries of Artillery, were dispatched to
Hong-Kong from India at the very beginning of the troubles, and that
they were joined there by 1000 of the finest men ever seen from
Australia, with distinct orders to the Admiral and the General at
Hong-Kong (who was given the military command) to operate against
Vladivostock.
The _Leander_ and _Mercury_ were instantly sent to the north to
reconnoitre, while the remainder of the squadron was brought to
Hong-Kong, it being understood that cruisers would be detached from the
East Indian and Australian stations to guard Singapore and the Straits.
Except two ships which claimed protection in the neutral waters of
Japan, it was known that all the Russian squadron had retired to
Vladivostock. Telegrams had further informed the Admiral that four ships
from the Pacific station had been ordered to Yokohama to wait his
orders.
It was frightful work getting the necessary armaments and stores on
board the transports, from the intense heat prevailing; but there was
much less sickness than might have been supposed, the new troops being
roomily housed on board the steamers which were to take them north, and
kept employed, except during the greatest heat, in assisting in all the
work of preparing and loading the transports. In rather over five weeks
everything was finished, and the _Archer_ and _Swift_ being left to
guard Hong-Kong in the event of any stray Russian cruiser appearing, the
remaining thirteen ships of the squadron, headed by the Admiral in the
_Imperieuse_, who had the General with him, and convoying fifteen or
sixteen transport, store, and collier steamers, sailed for Vladivostock.
The harbour of Vladivostock is one of the finest in the world. It lies
east and west, and is about two miles long in those directions, while it
is about half a mile wide from north to south. All over this fine space
there is a clear depth of from five to nine fathoms—precisely that of
greatest convenience for an anchorage. The town is situated at the
north-west angle of the harbour, and the latter is everywhere overlooked
by high ground, but especially from the south. The immediate entrance to
the harbour is by a passage a mile and a half long and three-quarters of
a mile wide, lying about N.N.E. and S.S.W., and opening into the west
part of the inner harbour. This passage is formed by a peninsula not
more than half a mile wide at any part, and more than three miles long.
It is generally high ground, rising in parts to 300 feet. The entrance
to Vladivostock is wholly covered by the large island of Kazakavitch,
which measures five or six miles either way, and contains in itself the
very fine and extended harbour of Novik Bay. The strait between this
island and the mainland, which must be entered to pass into Vladivostock
Harbour, narrows gradually, but with much indentation and many
anchorages, to the west entrance, formed between the Shkota Peninsula
before described, and the island. At this point it is only about
one-third of a mile wide, and the north shore is the end of a very
narrow, sandy spit, about a third of a mile long.
It was known that for years past the Russians had been erecting
batteries and placing mines to guard the approaches to their harbour,
and were there no other way of advancing to attack but by sea, up the
channel and into the harbour, no place is so easily defended. But as it
turned out, and is now recognised, no place is more difficult to defend
when attacked in the proper way. It is near the end of a peninsula
itself, and troops landed from anchorages at the heads of the two bays
which form the peninsula, can easily isolate and cut the town off from
the mainland, and so take it in the rear.
It was at first thought that our expedition would follow this plan of
attack, but the rendezvous made by signal immediately on leaving
Hong-Kong, namely, Novik Bay, set that question at rest.
It took the fleet ten days to reach Novik Bay, but, off Korsakov Island,
it was joined by the _Melpomene_, _Daphne_, _Champion_ and _Garnet_,
from the Pacific, and so made up to seventeen sail in all. A few hours
after, the _Leander_ and _Mercury_ rejoined, reporting that there was a
small garrison—perhaps 150 men—occupying the two batteries covering the
entrance to Novik Bay, and probably protecting a mine field, but no
other batteries or garrisons were known to be on the island. The ships
had been twice chased by four ships coming out of Vladivostock, but in
obedience to orders had not attempted to bring them to action, and had
easily out-steamed them each time.
The whole squadron now lay-to off the entrance to the bay, while 500 men
of the Sutherland Highlanders were landed south of the entrance with
directions to capture the southern battery, assisted by the fire of the
_Leander_ and _Mercury_, and to turn the guns on the northern battery,
also assisted by the ships.
This turned out to be a very small affair. The Russians taken in rear
and engaged in front, fled into the forest long before our troops
closed; and the northern battery, seeing what had happened, fired one or
two shots from the very light guns which the battery contained, spiked
them, and retired. The cables to the mines were discovered and cut, and
within four hours afterwards the whole armament was safely anchored in
Novik Bay.
The next two days were entirely occupied in filling up with coal from
two colliers, and settling the final arrangements for attack. The
Admiral himself, taking the General with him, hoisted his flag in the
_Alacrity_, and ran up the west shore of the Shkota Peninsula, drawing
the fire of a small battery at its south end, and of one or two heavier
ones at the back of the town.
On the third day, all was astir at daylight. Most of the boats of the
squadron were alongside the transports, and troops to the number of
nearly 3000 were crowded into them, besides the field-pieces of the
ships, and their crews. The steam launches and pinnaces soon took lines
of these loaded boats in tow, and steamed out of the bay, whence five or
six of the war ships had preceded them. In a very few minutes these
latter were engaging the little battery on the end of Cape Tokarofski,
as the low sandy spit is called, which made but a very feeble reply, and
soon hoisted a white flag. There were only twenty men in it, and three
small guns, so that resistance would have been hopeless. It was
ascertained to be the mine station for a line of mines across the
Strait.
The plan of attack was now cleverly developed. The landing was effected
all along the west shore of the Shkota Peninsula, and in spite of the
rough scrub with which it is covered, the seamen dragged the
field-pieces along the shore to the north. No resistance was offered; it
was impossible to offer any under the guns of the ships, and by noon the
whole body were halted for dinner.
There is a valley about half-way along the peninsula lying about N.E.
and S.W., opening on to the harbour at the northern end, and on to the
sea at the southern end. It was supposed that resistance would be
encountered here, though it was not intended to march through it, but to
adhere to the shore and the cover of the ships until the town could be
turned.
Accordingly, after dinner the advanced guard had no sooner opened this
valley than it was met by a heavy rifle and gun fire from a strong
detachment posted and entrenched across the head of it. But the General
was not to be caught napping. He had sent four field-pieces up the hill
on his right, which from its brow poured a wholly unexpected and
murderous fire down upon the Russians. This they did not stand for ten
minutes, and our march went on. Then the field-pieces on this height
found themselves overlooking the harbour, and at once turned their
attention to shelling the ships in it, though the distance was too great
to admit of effective fire.
[Illustration:
THE TAKING OF VLADIVOSTOCK: GOORKAS PROTECTING THE GUNS.
]
At this time the ships, ten or twelve of them, spread themselves in a
long line ahead of the advancing column, and searched every foot of
ground, which could be easily done as it was generally low.
There were several batteries discovered facing seaward, which the ships
engaged. The Russians stuck to their guns most manfully, and some of our
ships suffered very heavily, but none of the batteries had any efficient
rear defences, and as the gunners caught sight of the head of our column
advancing by the shore, they invariably abandoned their works and
retired to the northward, along the road that leads round that part of
the harbour.
Fearing an attempt might be made to dislodge the field-pieces on the
height, a wing of the Goorkhas was sent up to reinforce them, and it was
quite a sight to see these little fellows swarming up like so many ants.
And now the signallers with the field-pieces got to the highest point of
ground, and very soon telegraphed to the Admiral that the ships might
shell the Russian troops by firing on the signal station, which the
troops surrounded. Some of the ships could see the station, and in
obedience to signal from the Admiral began to shell it. The signallers
directed the fire from the ships, so that, without seeing the object, it
was immensely destructive, and ultimately forced the Russians to
retreat.
This being again communicated to the ships and to the landing party now
mustering in strength at the back of the town, a general advance was
made, before which the Russians fell back, and ultimately sent in a flag
of truce with terms of surrender.
Our loss was very small; only one officer of the Bombay Regiment, and 42
men killed; 5 officers and 134 men wounded. Nor was the Russian loss
much greater, being estimated at 67 killed and 203 wounded. It was the
skill of the attack in turning the Russian defences, and the immense use
that was made of the fire from the ships, which produced a result
astonishing to those who had not inquired into its causes.
EVENTS IN THE EAST OF EUROPE.
THE BELEAGUERED GARRISON IN VARNA.
LONDON, _June 11_.
The course of events in the Black Sea, since our fleet for the time
evacuated it, has been as follows:—It appears that as soon as the
Russian Fleet was driven off the sea into harbour, immediate steps were
taken by the Russian authorities to withdraw the troops which had been
gathered for the purpose of reinforcing the troops already landed in
Bulgaria. Unable to pass by sea they were useless for that purpose; and
it was hoped, if they were sent off at once to reinforce the armies
opposing Austria, that a successful action against that Power might
enable the victorious army, co-operating with the army already in
Bulgaria, to make the passage through Roumania by land and, at least,
ensure the safety of the expeditionary force in Bulgaria. Perhaps it
might be possible in that case to secure the object, dear to the heart
of the Czar, of so strengthening that expeditionary force as to enable
it to crush the Bulgarian Army. The deepest anxiety prevailed in Russia
as to the fate of those troops, somewhat rashly committed to the sea
expedition, no sufficient allowance having been made for the prompt
action of the English Fleet.
It was some time before the Russian Fleet, which had retired to
Sebastopol, discovered that the English Fleet had actually evacuated the
Black Sea. Sir George Tryon had left some cruisers as long as possible
to disguise the movement. When these also disappeared, a fear was
entertained that this was a mere ruse to draw the Russian Fleet away
from Sebastopol in order to crush it in the open sea. We regret to say
that it was through the telegraphic dispatches to the English newspapers
that, by various indirect channels, the news first reached the Russian
Government that Trebizonde had been evacuated and, subsequently, that
the English Fleet had passed into the Mediterranean. It was, however,
not till Sir George Tryon had actually reached Malta that they were
fully aware that the Black Sea had been evacuated. Then it was, after a
day of hesitation as to the best course to be pursued, decided to
establish touch with the Russian Army in Bulgaria, all communication
with which had been cut for some time. As, however, that army—not
without difficulty—had maintained its telegraphic communication with the
sea, this was effected soon after the cruisers had reached the coast, in
the neighbourhood of Varna.
It was then ascertained that the Bulgarian force in Varna itself was
still holding out; and that the Russian Army, reduced to about 35,000
men by the force left to guard the lines to the sea, by the covering
force at Varna and Shumla, and by sickness, had been able to effect very
little. It had at first advanced inland as far as Tirnova, where it
remained in an entrenched camp, waiting for information. It was believed
that the Austrian force in Servia had been too much reduced to be able
to advance, and that the Bulgarian troops were fully occupied in
Macedonia. Had the force landed been carried up to the figure that was
intended, an immediate advance on Sofia would have been attempted. As
the case stood, however, General Karanoff did not feel himself strong
enough for this, and as now his only hope was to have the way through
Roumania opened, he had turned northwards, having sent messengers
through to communicate by land with Russia. He had, however, found it
impossible to effect the passage of the Danube up to the moment when he
received the joyful telegram announcing that, in consequence of the
departure of the English Fleet, it was possible either to withdraw him
by sea in safety, or to reinforce him. As there seemed every prospect
that a great success might yet be achieved, if the force originally
intended could now be landed in Bulgaria, the cruiser carried back
proposals to that effect. Meanwhile, however, much time had been lost.
The greater part of the Russian troops had been sent inland by train
from the sea-board. Though they were at once reembarked on all available
lines, very little had been done more than preparing for embarkation at
Odessa, Sebastopol, and other ports, when the news of the Battle of
Sardinia created a sudden alarm that the Black Sea would not long be a
safe place for Russian ships. For the next ten days tremendous efforts
were made to hurry the embarkation of the troops, but by the end of that
time news reached the Russians that large numbers of English cruisers
had already appeared in the Black Sea.
ARRIVAL OF BRITISH TROOPS IN THE SEA OF MARMORA.
LORD WOLSELEY IN CONSTANTINOPLE.
News of the dispatch of the reinforcements to the Mediterranean Fleet,
announced by our naval correspondent a fortnight ago, had reached the
Russian Government, unfortunately again through the enterprise of some
English correspondents, whose information was telegraphed _viâ_ New
York, and thence by a route not as yet clearly traced to some Russian
agents, who managed to get it to their Government very rapidly. It was
therefore taken for granted that the cruisers would be promptly followed
by such ships as Admiral Tryon could spare. When then the first of
Admiral Markham’s line-of-battle ships appeared, the Russian Fleet,
afraid of being caught whilst involved in assisting in the transport of
the troops and stores to Varna, once more retired, part to Odessa, and
part to Sebastopol. Our own cruisers immediately re-occupied the
littoral of Bulgaria near Varna. They were successful in capturing one
of the transports that was attempting to escape. We have been favoured
with these particulars, which have been gathered from the prisoners
captured on this transport. As far as can be ascertained the
reinforcements landed on this occasion have, in consequence of the
delays recorded, not exceeded 15,000 or 20,000 men. Nearly all of them
are reported to have marched to join General Karanoff who is supposed to
be between the Danube and Tirnova, at which point he is expected to
effect his junction with the reinforcements.
[Illustration:
BRITISH TRANSPORTS PASSING THE DARDANELLES—FORT CHANAK SALUTING THE
ENGLISH SHIPS.
]
The greatest alarm exists at Sofia. The Bulgarian troops are still much
involved in the Macedonian campaign, and, though as many as possible
have been recalled for the defence of the capital, it was feared that,
with the sea open, the Russians would be able to pour in irresistible
numbers. And, though that danger is now over, if General Karanoff has
once more under his hands an effective force of 60,000 men, or nearly
so, it is believed that he may yet make a bold dash for the capital. The
moment the news of the Battle of Sardinia reached Spain, Sir Evelyn
Wood’s troops,—which had been held in readiness to sail at two hours’
notice from Cadiz and Gibraltar,—passed eastwards. The news reached
Alexandria and Cyprus on the same day. Embarkation was very rapid at
Alexandria. The garrison there had been largely reinforced in order to
facilitate embarkation, in consequence of the difficulties of keeping a
large fleet of transports for a long time in the open roadstead at
Famagousta. The whole of the Army of Occupation will be temporarily
employed on the Eastern expedition. Sir Francis Grenfell has announced
his confidence that he will be able, for the time the war lasts, to
ensure the safety of Egypt, provided that, should any serious movement
be threatened by the Mahdi, he is supported by a certain number of
native troops from India. This has been provided for. Within twenty-four
hours ten thousand troops in all were ready to sail from Alexandria. On
the other hand, progress at Cyprus has been much slower. The wind not
having been favourable for some days, a large part of the transports
were obliged to put to sea; and when the embarkation began, the
difficulties of embarking were very serious.
Every one in the island is groaning over the fact that nothing has been
done to develop the splendid old harbour of Famagousta during our
occupation. However, the first of the transports were ready to sail in a
day or two. As it was necessary to await the arrival of Admiral
Markham’s Fleet, or, at least, of the cruisers, before passing out of
the Sea of Marmora, the ships sailed as they were ready, and the
rendezvous was formed after passing the Dardanelles. The first troopers
to arrive in the Sea of Marmora were those from Alexandria. These were
followed immediately by about 5000 men from Malta, who had been detained
there when the alarm due to the French Declaration of War caused the
check to the expedition. The garrison has, like that of Gibraltar, been
reduced to a very low ebb, and will be made up by the Militia regiments,
who have most patriotically volunteered for service in the Mediterranean
garrisons. A portion of the troopers from Cyprus followed; but as soon
as they had entered the Sea of Marmora, Admiral Markham’s battle-ships
passed through. The cruisers sent on to protect the movement had already
entered the Black Sea, and been followed by those from Admiral Markham’s
Fleet.
Sir Evelyn Wood’s force from Gibraltar and Cadiz, rather less than eight
days from thence, arrived before nearly the whole of the force from
Cyprus had come in. On the tenth day after the battle of Sardinia—that
is, on June 4, the fleet of transports, headed by Sir Evelyn Wood’s
troopers, began the entry into the Black Sea. At the moment we write, we
hear that the whole of the transports carrying all the troops, except
the half Corps originally detained in England, have been lost to sight
from land, sailing east. As soon (as was recorded in our issue of May
28th) as the seven battle-ships and cruisers from the Baltic were known
to be on their way to England, the remaining half Corps was embarked
from the home ports, and the entire fleet, with the troopers, reached
Gibraltar about forty-eight hours after Sir Evelyn Wood had sailed. The
troopers have accordingly now entered the Sea of Marmora, and will, no
doubt, follow the rest of the fleet.
[Illustration:
THE SULTAN, LORD WOLSELEY, AND SIR CLARE FORD WATCHING THE PASSAGE OF
THE BRITISH FLEET THROUGH THE BOSPHORUS FROM THE STEPS OF THE DOLMA
BAGHTCHE PALACE.
]
Lord Wolseley has been in Constantinople for some time. He was there in
telegraphic communication with all the different bodies of troops and
with England. He was more conveniently able to obtain fresh information
from all quarters, and to be in communication with our Ambassador and
the Porte. He watched from Dolma Baghtche the magnificent sight of the
passage of our fleet and troopers towards the Black Sea. Admiral Markham
embarked in the Ambassador’s yacht, after a long conference with Lord
Wolseley, and followed up his own fleet; but we learn that just before
the first troopers of the detachment from England began to pass the
Dardanelles, the yacht returned, and Lord Wolseley embarked in it,
leaving sealed orders for the detachment from England. We hear that Lord
Wolseley talks much of the advantages of a campaign in Asia Minor, and
that actually Trebizonde has again been occupied by an advanced
detachment. Moukhtar Pacha, having been largely reinforced, is still
holding his own very well on that side. Further than that we know as yet
nothing of the nature of the future campaign. Another week will,
however, no doubt throw much light on the subject.
FEELING IN AUSTRALIA.
PROPOSAL TO SEIZE NEW CALEDONIA.
(_From our Special Correspondent, Mr. David Christie Murray._)
MELBOURNE, _June 2_.
The _Age_ and the _Argus_ of this day’s date publish the results of
several interviews. I wire you a synopsis of the ten newspaper columns
which feed the curiosity of Australian readers. Lord Hopetoun and Lord
Jersey are essentially and quite naturally non-committal. They unite in
declaring that, so far, the Colonial attitude and action have the full
approval of the Home Government, but they both decline to lend
countenance to the combined action of the Governments of Victoria and
New South Wales. Mr. Justice Windeyer, of Sydney, and Mr. Justice Way,
of Adelaide, are at one in the opinion that, France and England being at
open warfare, the Australian Fleet may at once be legitimately employed
in operations against the enemy without leave obtained from the Home
Government.