CHAPTER II

THE PERIOD OF TRANSITION. SHELL-HEAPS

During the last great advance of the ice in the earlier Magdalenian

epoch the Scandinavian peninsula had been buried beneath a great mass of

ice, and resembled the central portion of Greenland to-day. A great

glacier extended southward, obliterating the Baltic Sea and crowding

into northern Germany. As the glaciers withdrew, North Germany became a

vast tundra, across which we may imagine the reindeer and other Arctic

and subarctic mammals retreating northeastward before the milder forest

and meadow conditions already prevailing in France and Russia.[27] The

low temperature of the water of the emerging Baltic is shown by the

presence of an arctic bivalve, _Yoldia arctica_, which has given its

name to the epoch. A few scattered bone implements show the presence of

reindeer hunters in Germany at this time.

Before the close of the Yoldia period Germany began to pass from tundra

to forest--a transformation which was also now progressing in Denmark.

The temperature moderated slowly. The land rose in such a way that it

separated the Baltic from the North Sea and the Arctic Ocean, with which

it had been connected, and made of it a great fresh-water lake. The

characteristic animal of this lake was a small pond animal, _ancylus_,

which has given its name to both lake and epoch.

The next epoch--the Litorina (or Tapes) depression--was characterized by a

sinking of the land in which the barrier between the Baltic and the

North Seas gave place to a wide communication. The Baltic became more

salt than at present, and the oyster-banks became abundant. It was

during this epoch that the shell-heaps were accumulated.

The following chart gives a condensed view of the succession of events

(in reverse order):[28]

+------------------------------+---------------------------+-------+

| WESTERN AND MIDDLE | | DATE |

| EUROPE | NORTHERN EUROPE | B. C. |

+------------------------------+---------------------------+-------+

| 4. Typical Neolithic. | Typical Neolithic. | 6000- |

| | Beech and fir forests. | 2500 |

| 3. Daun Stage. | Litorina Epoch. | |

| | Oak forests. | |

| | Northern climatic | |

| | optimum. | 8000 |

| Campignian | Shell-heaps. | |

| 2. Gschnitz Stage. | Ancylus Epoch. Birch and | |

| | pine forests. | 10,000|

| Azilian-Tardenoisian. | Magelmose. | |

| 1. Bühl Stage. | Yoldia Epoch. | |

| | Swedish-Finnish Moraines | 16,000|

| Magdalenian (later) | Tundra. Dryas Flora. | |

+------------------------------+---------------------------+-------+

The growth and succession of the forests of Denmark, accompanying

changes in conditions of soil and climate, have been clearly traced by

Steenstrup.[29] The scene of his investigations was a moraine country

broken by low ranges of hills in the island of Zealand, north of

Copenhagen. The hills are often strewn with erratic blocks of rock

brought by glaciers, with here and there small lakes, ponds, or

peat-bogs often giving place to meadow or forest.

Some of these depressions are filled with a poor variety of peat, dug

for fuel, and the sides are often abrupt, steep, and deep. These sides

furnish a calendar by showing the different layers which have been

formed by successive generations of tree-growth falling into the bog.

Thus, in the upper layers we find remains of trees which still flourish

in Denmark, while the deepest strata contain the remains of reindeer.

The thickness of these layers is between five and seven metres. Their

formation, according to Steenstrup, occupied 10,000 to 12,000 years.(1)

The following layers are found in these "calendars," beginning at the

surface:

1. Surface layer. Remains of the beech, which furnishes the chief beauty

of the forests of Denmark to-day.

2. Oak. The beginning of this layer was contemporary with the Litorina

depression.

3. Scotch pine (_pinus sylvestris_). The earliest pines were dwarfed,

the trunks showing as many as seventy rings to the inch. In upper strata

their trunks were a metre or so in diameter. In the Lillemose moor, near

Rudesdal, the whole eastern side, twenty metres deep, was filled with

pines. While no human remains have been found in these moors, a stone

axe embedded in a pine trunk, and a stone arrow-head in a bone of the

_bos primigenius_ (which, like the auerhahn or pine partridge lived on

the young pine shoots) have been discovered. The soil best adapted to

the pine is a damp soil, poor in humus, whereas the present rich,

fertile soil of Denmark is best suited to the beech. This explains the

fact that pine forests no longer grow there.

4. At the bottom, poplars and aspens. The clay underlying the pines and

poplars contains leaves of arctic willows and saxifrages.

Through these types of strata we may trace the epochs described

at the beginning of the chapter. The pine characterizes the

Azilian-Tardenoisian-Ancylus Epoch; at the time of the Litorina

depression it was fast giving place to the oak, which remains

characteristic of the Neolithic and Bronze periods, yielding to the

beech during the Iron Age. But this advance must have been gradual and

the boundary of advance irregular.

Blytt has traced a very similar succession of changes in flora and

climate in southern Norway, and Geikie in Scotland.[30] These changes

are very important in our study of the traces of man's first appearance

in Denmark as furnishing not only their setting but also their

chronology.

Shell-heaps are found all over the world in favorable sheltered

localities where sea food is abundant, especially near clam flats. Hence

they are not characteristic of any one race or time. Some are very

ancient, some comparatively or very modern. They merely show the remains

of the camping-grounds of people in a low stage of culture. Every one

has its own history and its own slight or marked peculiarities.

The Danish shell-heaps or kitchen-middens are mounds generally about

fifty metres wide and one hundred metres long, and perhaps one metre in

thickness. But, as we should naturally expect, the size varies greatly

according to the advantages of the situation, the number of inhabitants,

and the length of time that it was inhabited.

[Illustration: SHELL-HEAP]

[Illustration: SHELL-HEAP AXE]

[Illustration: SHELL-HEAP JAR]

The age of these shell-heaps is shown approximately by the presence of

the auerhahn, proving the neighborhood of pine forests. The charcoal in

the fireplaces came from oak wood, showing that oak forests are

overspreading the country. The Baltic was more salt than at present, and

the shore line was depressed. These facts indicate a period of

transition from the Ancylus to the Litorina Epoch. The stone implements

resemble those of western Europe during the late transition epoch, and

do not occur in the oldest graves. There are no domestic animals except

the dog, and no cultivated plants except some wheat in the later

remains. All this seems to prove that genuine Neolithic culture had not

yet reached the shores of the Baltic. They are composed mostly of oyster

shells with a mingling of those of scallops, mussels, and periwinkles.

The oyster has now disappeared from large parts of the coast and in

others has decreased in size. Land elevation has narrowed the connection

of the Baltic with the North Sea, and the water contains less salt.

Remains of cod and herring show that the fishermen who lived on or near

these harbors ventured out to sea in dugouts or on rafts, and that they

must have made lines for fishing in fairly deep water. Remains of other

fish occur. Bones of birds are often very abundant, especially swamp,

shore, and swimming species; wild geese and ducks, swans and gulls, the

_Alca impennis_ or wingless auk, now extinct. The blackcock, or "spruce

(pine) partridge," was then common, but has now disappeared from Denmark

with the pine whose buds formed a large part of its food.

Bones of stag, deer, and wild boar form, according to Steenstrup, 97 per

cent of all those of mammals found at Havelse.[31] Bones of seal, otter,

wolf, fox, bear, beaver, and wildcat also occur. There are no traces of

reindeer or musk-ox. These animals had already migrated or died out.

Steenstrup noticed that the long bones of birds are about twenty times

as numerous as others of their skeletons, and that the heads or ends of

the long bones of mammals are generally missing. These were exactly the

parts which are gnawed by dogs, whose remains also occur. Hence he drew

the inference, now universally accepted, that the dog was domesticated

in Denmark at this time. It was a small species, apparently akin to the

jackal and of southeastern origin. No remains of other domesticated

animals have been found, nor of cultivated plants, except a few casts of

grains of wheat in the pottery of the upper layers of some of the

heaps.

Daggers, awls, and needles were made of bone; also combs apparently used

for stretching sinews into long threads. The flint implements are rudely

chipped, never polished. We find long flakes used as knives, and

numerous scrapers and borers.[32] The axe, if we may call it so, was of

peculiar form, approaching the triangular and looking as if made out of

a circular disk of flint by breaking away two sides of the periphery,

leaving a somewhat flaring cutting edge. The middle was thick, the edge

tapered somewhat rapidly, making a rough but quite durable instrument.

Longer implements in the form of chisels or picks were also roughly

flaked with skilfully retouched edges, often with one end narrowed or

bluntly pointed. In all cases the work is very rude compared with the

best specimens of Paleolithic time. Arrow-heads are common, usually with

a broad edge instead of a point, well suited to killing birds and small

mammals. The bone harpoon seems to have gone out of use.

The pottery is thick, heavy, crude, with practically no ornament, except

finger-prints around the upper edge. The jars are sometimes of large

size; often the base is pointed instead of flat or rounded. Hearths of

calcined stones are abundant. Sometimes these are surrounded by circular

depressions in the heaps, which may mark the form and position of huts

or shelters; or these may have been placed under the lee of the near-by

forests. No graves or human remains of this period have been found.

Shell-heaps quite similar to those of Denmark were discovered at Mugem,

in Portugal, in the valley of the Tagus, twenty-five to thirty metres

above sea-level, and thirty to forty miles from the mouth of the river.

The shells are of marine origin, and indicate a considerable elevation

of land since their accumulation. The stone implements are very

primitive and of Azilian-Tardenoisian type. Large flat stones, perhaps

for grinding, perhaps for dressing skins, occur. Pottery occurs only in

the upper layers, where the bones of mammals increase in number. There

are no polished implements, no traces of domesticated animals, not even

of the tame dog. Graves were found here and there; and while the skulls

were badly contorted, they seemed to show that the inhabitants were

partly long-headed, partly broad-heads. Remains, apparently of the same

age, have been found in Great Britain.

Even the Danish shell-heaps are not all of the same age. According to

Forrer, Havno is ancient; Ertebolle is also old, but was long inhabited,

and some of its uppermost layers may be full Neolithic; Aalborg and

others are younger. Mugem strikes us as more ancient than the similar

Danish remains. Other remains near the Baltic suggest very strongly

quite marked differences in age or in the culture of their inhabitants,

or in both these respects. We can notice only two of these.

Maglemose lies on the west coast of Zealand near the harbor of Mullerup.

Here a peat-bog has encroached upon a fresh-water lake and has covered a

mud bottom strewn with shells of pond-snails and mussels. Pines had

grown in the swamp, and their stumps still protrude into or above the

moss. The implements were found a little above the old lake bottom

between seventy centimetres and one metre below the surface of the peat.

The remains of the settlement were distributed over an area about one

hundred feet long and broad. The charred or burned wood was very largely

(eighty per cent) pine, ten per cent hazel, a little elm and poplar. No

oak was found here, but oak-pollen grains were found in the same level

as the settlement, or slightly higher and later. Flint cracked by heat

and charred fragments of wood were found, but no definite hearths. Bones

of fresh-water fish and of swamp turtles occur. The shore could not have

been very distant even if it stood considerably higher, but no bones of

marine fish have been found. Many birds were hunted. The mammals include

boar, deer, stag, and urus. The dog is the only domesticated animal.

Flint chips are abundant at Maglemose; long knife-flakes and axes are

rare. Scrapers and nuclei are numerous. The arrow-heads are long and

pointed instead of broad and edged, as in the usual Danish shell-heap.

Many of these so-called arrow-heads may have been nothing more than

microliths used for a great variety of purposes. No flint implements or

fragments show any trace of polishing. Bone implements are numerous. We

find rude harpoons of a very late Magdalenian type. Also, some of the

bone implements are ornamented with various patterns of incised lines,

and even one or two rude drawings of animals occur. The culture

evidently differs quite markedly from that of the ordinary shell-heaps.

It is worthy of notice that the mud of the lake bottom and the overlying

peat were continuous over and around the whole area of the settlement;

there is no sign of any island at this point and the settlement was

some 350 metres from the original shore of the lake. There are abundant

traces of fire but no hearths. No traces of piles have been discovered.

All this seems to corroborate Sarauw's view that the people lived on a

raft all the year round. Sarauw considers the remains as of the same age

as the oldest shell-heaps. But there is a wide-spread tendency to

consider Maglemose as considerably older, belonging probably to the

close of the Ancylus Epoch.

Virchow has described a heap composed of mussel-shells on the outlet of

Burtnecker Lake, east of Riga, called Rinnekalns.[33] Its most

interesting feature is its pottery made of clay mixed with powdered

mussel-shells, giving it a peculiar glitter. It is ornamented with lines

arranged in an angular geometrical pattern encircling the vessel.

Similar pottery can be followed far southward into Russia and westward

as far as East Prussia, but not farther into Germany. Bored teeth used

for ornaments occur. Bone implements are numerous, often ornamented with

fine lines in zigzag or network. We find harpoons also. The flint

industry was poorly and sparingly developed. Graves were discovered, but

their contents proved that they belonged to a much later period.

The culture is peculiar, paralleled to a certain extent but not repeated

in western Europe. We still seem to detect the influence of a decadent,

late Magdalenian style of ornament. Virchow considered them as very late

Paleolithic or very early Neolithic.

The shell-heaps of different regions resemble one another in general

features, but differ and show their individuality in details of culture.

These peculiarities may be due to difference of age or of culture or

population, or to both. We must first attempt to find some place for

them in the chronological succession discovered in France. They cannot

be much older than the French period of transition, when Scandinavia

first became habitable. But good cave-series covering the transition

epoch are rare, and usually very incomplete. In 1887 Piette found a

remarkable series in a cave or natural tunnel at Mas d'Azil, near

Toulouse.[34] The most important strata were the following:

1. A dark layer evidently Magdalenian.

2. A yellow layer deposited by river floods.

3. Dark Magdalenian layer, with reindeer harpoons, engravings, and

sculptures. Reindeer becoming rare; stag increasing.

4. Barren yellow layer, like 2.

5. Reddish layer (Azilian). No reindeer. Stag abundant. Flints nearly

all of Magdalenian types. Flattened stag-horn harpoons perforated at

base. Bone points and smoothers. Pointed flat pebbles. Bones of stag,

bear, boar, wildcat, beaver.

6. Bones of wild boar, stag, horse. Flints similar to those in 5.

Beginnings of pottery and of polishing; but not of polished axes.

Piette's Arisian. Beginning of Neolithic.

7. Neolithic and Bronze remains.

Layer 5 evidently represents a period posterior to the Magdalenian and

anterior to the real Neolithic. Hence Piette considered it as marking a

distinct Azilian Epoch, resembling the Magdalenian in most of its flint

implements, in the absence of pottery and of polished axes. But the

reindeer has here given place to the stag, and the harpoon has changed

correspondingly and is less skilfully made. Bone implements are

decadent.

Another culture, the Tardenoisian, was of exceedingly wide range. It

took its name from Fère-en-Tardenois, Department of Aisne, northeast of

Paris, and was characterized by its very small "pygmy" flints of

various, usually geometric forms.[35] This microlithic industry was

found in France, Belgium, England, Germany, Russia, and along the

southern shore of the Mediterranean. The culture was well represented

along rivers and inlets, and seemed to characterize a fishing rather

than hunting folk.

In 1909 Breuil and Obermaier found in the grotto of Valle, in northern

Spain, a classic Azilian deposit, forming the lower levels of a series

rich in these microliths or pygmy flints. The Azilian was more nearly a

continuation of the Magdalenian culture, while the Tardenoisian, in

France, seemed to be an importation from the Mediterranean region. Since

the two were so closely related in point of time it seemed safe and wise

to combine the two names and call the epoch the Azilian-Tardenoisian,

the Azilian representing the older portion.

The station of Campigny, on the lower Seine, seems to be somewhat later

than the Azilian-Tardenoisian.[36] Here, in a pit oval in outline, with

a long diameter of 4.30 metres, evidently an ancient dwelling, there

were found bits of pottery, utensils of older stone epochs, no polished

implements, but the tranchet or axe and the pick (pic) characteristic of

the Danish shell-heaps. These Campignian remains are hardly widely

enough diffused or sufficiently definite to give name to a distinct

epoch. They may well be nearly contemporaneous with the (older?)

shell-heaps.

The whole transition epoch, which we have hastily surveyed, shows us a

series or mixture of disconnected cultures, yet with curious and

striking interrelations. This may be partly due to the fact that the

population of Europe was diminished and scattered. Little groups of

people formed more or less isolated communities, and developed their own

special peculiarities according to situation, needs, and opportunities.

Connecting links, or intermediate cultures, which may once have existed,

have been completely lost or still remain to be discovered. The general

desertion of the caves destroyed one of our best sources of continuous

records.

But the cause of this diversity lies deeper. New cultures and new waves

of migration of peoples were pouring into Europe, especially into the

Baltic region now left free of ice, enjoying a mild climate, and

offering an abundance of food along the shores of its rivers, lakes, and

seas. The Tardenoisian culture had spread northward from the

Mediterranean. The broad-headed people of Furfooz, Grenelle, and Ofret

had apparently crossed Europe from the east and had settled in a long

zone extending northward and southward through Belgium and France and

probably southward into Spain, for we remember the broad-heads found at

Mugem, in Portugal. But their distribution was far wider than this strip

of territory. New Neolithic types of culture had already entered Italy,

perhaps as early as Magdalenian times. Series of waves appear to have

passed into Poland, Russia, and Siberia, and to have moved northward

until they reached the coast in Scandinavia and to the eastward. In all

these cases we may probably imagine a gradual and perhaps slow

infiltration or "seeping" in of the new population rather than an

invasion in crowds or masses, such as we are likely to imagine. Vast

stretches of habitable land had been newly opened, and there was plenty

of room for all comers. In many regions the old population may have

remained comparatively undisturbed until a much later date. But even

they slowly came under the influence of the new and improved technique

and mode of life. All this collision of culture and conflict of peoples

meant stimuli, awakening, the jogging of dull minds, a veritable spur of

necessity. A new day was beginning to break. The dawn was dim and

cloudy, but there was the possibility and prospect of clear shining.

The New Stone Age in Northern Europe · 第 2 / 12 章