NOTES

[1] The Mindanayans are the Mindanaos or Maguindanaos, the Hilanoones

are the Ilanos; the Sologues cannot well be identified. "Alfoores"

is a corruption of the Portuguese "Alforas," which is derived from the

Arabic "al" and the preposition "fora" without. The term was applied

by the Portuguese to all natives beyond their authority, and hence

to the wild tribes of the interior. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, p. 10.

[2] Apparently referring, if one may trust to Dampier's points of

compass, to the region about Dapitan, as the Indians of that quarter

were among the first subdued by the Spaniards in Mindanao.

[3] The Tagalog word for "banana" is "saguing," which is thus almost

identical with the Mindanaon term as reported phonetically by Dampier.

[4] Cf. Dyak pangan ("kinsman, comrade, or fellow"), also panggal

("pillow"), and panggan ("bedstead"); see Ling Roth's Natives

of Sarawak, ii, p. xxvii. See Porter's Primer and Vocabulary of

Moro Dialect (Washington, 1903) p. 65, where the Moro phrase for

"sweetheart" is given as babay ("woman") a magan pangaluman.

[5] Corralat had two sons, Tiroley and Uadin, but they died young

(see Retana's edition of Combes's Hist. Mindanao, col. 738, 739). The

"sultan" mentioned by Dampier is probably the Curay who in 1701

fought a sort of duel with the sultan of Jolo, in which both were

killed. (Concepcion, Hist. de Philipinas, viii, pp. 301, 302.)

[6] Apparently referring to the weapon known as kris, which Dampier

would liken to a bayonet.

[7] Sarangani and Balut Islands; the large bay beyond is Sarangani.

[8] The Meangis Islands are a group in the Malaysian Archipelago,

in about latitude 5 deg. North, ninety miles southeast of Mindanao. The

chief island is Nanusa.

[9] The Lizard Point, the southernmost point of England, located

in Cornwall.

[10] This native was taken to England finally by Dampier, he having

obtained a half-interest in him, and was there exhibited. He died at

Oxford. See Dampier's Voyage, pp. 511, 513-517.

[11] Dampier describes the Acapulco ships and their route as

follows (chapter ix): "The Ships that Trade hither are only three,

two that constantly go once a Year between this [i.e., Acapulco]

and Manila and Luconia, one of the Philippine Islands, and one Ship

more every Year to and from Lima. This from Lima commonly arrives

a little before Christmas; she brings them Quick-silver, Cacao,

and Pieces of Eight. Here she stays till the Manila Ships arrive,

and then takes in a Cargo of Spices, Silks, Callicoes, and Muslins,

and other East-India Commodities, for the use of Peru, and then

returns to Lima. This is but a small Vessel of 20 Guns, but the two

Manila Ships are each said to be above 1000 Tun. These make their

Voyages alternately, so that one or other of them is always at the

Manila's. When either of them sets out from Acapulco, it is at the

latter end of March, or the beginning of April; she always touches to

refresh at Guam, one of the Ladrone Islands, in about 60 Days space

after she sets out. There she stays but two or three Days, and then

prosecutes her Voyage to Manila, where she commonly arrives some

time in June. By that time the other is ready to sail from thence,

laden with East-India Commodities. She stretcheth away to the North

as far as 36, or sometimes into 40 degrees of North lat. before she

gets a Wind to stand over to the American shoar. She falls in first

with the Coast of California, and then Coasts along the shoar to the

South again, and never misses a Wind to bring her away from thence

quite to Acapulco. When she gets the length of Cape St. Lucas, which

is the Southernmost point of California, she stretcheth over to Cape

Corientes, which is in about the 20th degree of North lat. from thence

she Coasts along till she comes to Sallagua, and there she sets ashoar

Passengers that are bound to the City of Mexico. From thence she makes

her best way, Coasting still along shoar, till she arrives at Acapulco,

which is commonly about Christmas, never more than 8 or 10 days before

or after. Upon the return of this Ship to Manila, the other which

stayeth there till her arrival, takes her turn back to Acapulco. Sir

John Narborough therefore was imposed on by the Spaniards, who told

him that there were 8 Sail, or more, that used this Trade."

[12] The Galapagos (or "Islands of the Tortoise") belong to the

government of Ecuador, and are located seven hundred and thirty miles

west of that country in the Pacific. They consist of six principal

and seven smaller islands. The largest is Albemarle. They are all

volcanic. Of them Dampier says (chapter v): "The Gallapagos Islands

are a great Number of uninhabited Islands, lying under, and on both

sides of the Equator. The Eastermost of them are about 110 Leagues

from the Main. They are laid down in the Longitude of 181, reaching

to the Westward as far as 176, therefore their Longitude from England

Westward is about 68 degrees. But I believe our Hydrographers do

not place them far enough to the Westward. The Spaniards who first

discovered them, and in whose draught alone they are laid down, report

them to be a great number, stretching North-West from the Line, as far

as 5 degrees N. but we saw not above 14 or 15. They are some of them

7 or 8 leagues long and 3 or 4 broad. They are of a good heighth,

most of them flat or even on the top; 4 or 5 of the Eastermost are

rocky, barren and hilly, producing neither Tree, Herb, nor Grass,

but a few Dildo-trees, except by the Sea side."

[13] Captain Davis was one of the Privateers with whom Dampier had

sailed the Spanish Main. When Captains Davis and Swan parted company

at Realejo, Dampier went with the latter in order to become acquainted

with the northern part of Mexico, in whose waters Captain Swan designed

to sail.

[14] The town of Realejo or Realexo, a seaport town of Nicaragua

situated on Realejo Bay of the Pacific Ocean, and twenty miles from

the city of Leon, whose seaport it is.

[15] The town of Copiapo or Porto Copiapo, a small seaport of Chili,

in the province of Atacama, on Copiapo Bay.

[16] Captain Harris was commander of one of the privateer ships

sailing in Spanish-American waters. When Captains Swan and Davis

parted company he accompanied the latter. See Dampier's Voyage, p. 224.

[17] Pigafetta in his relation of the first circumnavigation

(VOL. XXXIV, p. 86) notes the word used by the inhabitants of the

Moluccas for "one and the same thing" as "siama siama."

[18] A ship captain whom Dampier (see chapter xviii) met at Achin

on the island of Sumatra. Dampier and two of his companions started

for Nicobar with him, but rough weather forced them to abandon the

voyage. He importuned Dampier to make a voyage with him to Persia, but

the latter declined, preferring to go to Tonquin with Captain Welden.

[19] Captain Philip Carteret, commander of the royal British sloop

"Swallow," in his account of his circumnavigation (1766-69) devotes

his eighth chapter to "Some account of the Coast of Mindanao,

and the Islands near it, in which several Mistakes of Dampier are

corrected." See this account in Collection of Voyages (printed for

Richard Phillips, London, 1809), iii, pp. 352-361.

[20] Referring to the Basilan group, ten miles from the Mindanao coast;

the largest island is Basilan, which has an area of four hundred

and seventy-eight square miles, and there are forty-four dependent

islands (fifty-seven, according to U. S. Gazetteer). (See Census of

Philippines, i, p. 283.)

[21] Probably the small island of Guimaras, which lies between Negros

and Panay, and which is approximately as described by Dampier. Sebo

is, of course, Cebu; but Dampier evidently means Negros Island. The

bay was Igan.

[22] Dampier here describes the bejuco, or rattan.

[23] The name Mindoro is by some writers derived from mina de oro,

as it was supposed to be rich in gold. In the document showing that

the Spaniards took formal possession of it (for reference to which

see our VOL. III, p. 105, note 32), it is called Luzon le menor

("Luzon the less;" cf. p. 74).

"This island was formerly called Mainit, and the Spaniards gave it

the name of Mindoro, on account of a village called Minolo, which

lay between Puerto de Galeras and the harbor of Ylog." (Concepcion,

Hist. de Philipinas, viii, p. 8.)

[24] From 1603 the English, as well as the Dutch, had a factory at

Bantam for the purchase of pepper, which they maintained for eighty

years. In 1683 the Dutch sent a considerable force from Batavia and

expelled the English from Bantam; the latter, after being baffled at

Achin, made a settlement at Bencoolen (1685), where they built Fort

York. This site proved insalubrious, and in 1714 its successor, Fort

Marlborough, was erected, away from the river. In 1824, Bencoolen

and the factories dependent on it were given over to the Dutch,

in exchange for Malacca and some factories in India. (Crawfurd's

Dict. Ind. Islands, p. 48). Sellebar was a village not far east

from Bencoolen.

[25] The Bashee or Bachi Islands form the northern cluster of

the northern group of islands, called Batanes, which lie north of

Luzon. They are the most northern of all the American possessions in

the Orient, and are separated from Formosa by the strait of Bachi. The

islands composing the cluster are Mabudis, Misanga, Siayan, Tanan,

and Y'Ami (all inhabited), the last being the most northern. The

Batanes are composed in all of ten named islands and forty unnamed

islets and rocks, the southern cluster including Bachi Rocks; Batan,

the central and most important island of the group; Dequez; Diamis

Rocks; Diego; Ibayat (or Isbayat), the largest of these islands;

Ibugos; North; and Sabtan. The name of Bachi is sometimes extended

to the entire group, and it is probable that Dampier's five islands,

or at least some of them, were among the southern cluster; for Dequez

Island is also called Goat; Ibayat, Orange; and Ibugos, Bachi. The

group is separated on the south from the Babuyanes by the Balingtan

Channel. The larger islands bear indications of a late volcanic origin;

the smaller islands are generally low, and rest upon foundations of

coral. In this group are a number of good harbors; but communication

between the islands is difficult because of the strong currents

in the channels and the scarcity of anchorages. The exports of the

islands consist of lard, cocoanut oil, hogs, horses, goats, and some

valuable woods. The soil is fertile, especially of Batan, and many

vegetables are produced. Some of the products of the United States can

be successfully raised. The chief industry is the raising of cattle,

hogs, goats, and horses, the last being of superior quality and in

demand. A catechism of the dialect spoken in the Batanes was published

by a friar in 1834, an examination of which has led Dr. Pardo de Tavera

to the conclusion that the aboriginal tongue differed considerably

from the other Filipino dialects, as it contains the sound "tsch"

and a nasal sound like the French "en." It is probable, however, that

the present population of the Batanes, as well as of the Babuyanes,

is composed very largely of Ibanag from the Cagayan Valley (Luzon),

introduced there as colonists by the Dominican friars. This population

is Christian. The earlier population must have borne considerable

resemblance to the natives of Formosa. See Gazetteer of Philippine

Islands, and Census of the Philippines, i, pp. 264, 448.

[26] Pillau or pilau, a Turkish dish consisting of boiled rice and

mutton fat.

[27] An anchor carried at the bow of a ship.

[28] The Babuyanes Islands. Salazar relates (Hist. Sant. Rosario,

pp. 361-369) in detail a raid made by an English pirate (August, 1685)

on the islands of Babuyanes, Bari, and Camiguin, then in charge of

Dominican missionaries. They plundered the village of Babuyanes and

its church; and this raid caused the deaths of two of the missionaries

there.

[29] So in the text; probably a typographical error, since Villalba

did not leave the Philippines until 1683, and remained in Nueva

Espana until at least 1686 (Resena biografica, ii, pp. 79-80). It is

probable that this document was written at least as late as 1687,

for confirmation of which see Villalba's own statement, post, that

the mission band for which he was asking would go about eleven or

twelve years after the last concession of this sort had been made;

the mission before this one had reached Manila in August, 1679.

[30] In the Dominican mission of 1671 came thirty-five religious

(Resena biografica, ii, pp. 101-194).

[31] The mission which came to the islands in 1694 contained

forty-three religious, besides four others who remained in Nueva

Espana. (Resena biografica, ii, pp. 363-457.)

[32] Spanish, gentilhombre: an obsolete word, meaning a person

sent to the king with important despatches (Velazquez's Dictionary,

Appleton's ed.).

[33] Jacinto Garcia was born in Castellar, November 6, 1654, and at

the age of twenty-one entered the Jesuit order. Four years later

he joined the Philippine mission, he was procurator of the Manila

college for three years, and superior in Marinduque for the same

time. He died at Manila, May 1, 1710. (Murillo Velarde, fol. 397 b.)

[34] Fiancisco Salgado was born in Galacia, April 2, 1629, and at

the age of nineteen became a Jesuit novice. In 1662 he went to the

Philippines. He spent several years as a teacher, and afterwards as

vice-rector, in the college of St. Joseph, and later was rector of

Silang. He went to Europe (about 1674?) as procurator for his order,

and returned in 1679 with a band of missionaries; later, he was rector

of the Manila college, and provincial (1683). His death occurred at

Manila, July 14, 1689. (Murillo Velarde, fol. 357.)

[35] Luis Pimentel was born in Portillo, on May 30, 1612. In 1632 he

entered the Jesuit order, and eleven years later joined the Philippine

mission. He was a teacher in the college at Manila for two years,

and afterward was at the head of various Jesuit residences. He was

sent to Europe as procurator (about 1656?), and came back in 1666

with a band of missionaries; and afterward was three times rector of

St. Joseph college, and three times provincial (1670, 1675, 1687). He

died at San Miguel on July 5, 1689. (Murillo Velarde, fol. 356 b.)

[36] On account of a ranch which the college of San Ignacio at Manila

possesses in the land of Meybonga, not far from the said city--its name

being Jesus de la Pena, or Mariquina--the Society began to administer

the sacraments, establishing the mission village of Mariquina, or

Jesus de la Pena, by authority from Don Fray Pedro de Arce, bishop of

Zebu and apostolic ruler of the archbishopric of Manila, on April 16,

1630; this was confirmed by the vice-patron, Don Juan Nino de Tabora,

governor of these islands, on April 22, 1630. The said village was

cared for by the minister stationed in Santa Cruz, or by a father

sent by the rector of the college of Manila, who was the director of

the said village; for this no stipend was asked from his Majesty,

because the minister was not permanently established there, and

therefore the said college maintained him, without suspending, for

lack of a stipend, the ministry in the said village. In the year 1675,

the Society was confirmed in this administration by a royal decree,

dated July 26, on account of the Society's right to the said parish

having been disputed by the religious of St. Augustine, from November,

1669. In 1681, the number of parishioners having increased, it was

judged necessary to station a permanent minister there, for the better

administration of the sacraments, and to build a house and a larger

church; and, as it was thus necessary to incur larger expenses, the

Society asked, in 1685, that to this minister be given the stipend

which his Majesty assigns to the parish priests, in accordance with

the number of tributes. The fiscal of his Majesty replied that in

view of what the Society was accomplishing there, a suitable stipend

should be given. In the year 1686, the religious of St. Augustine

claimed that that Indian village belonged to them, as an annex to the

ministry of Pasig. The archbishop issued an act, on October 11, 1686,

in which, while admitting as valid the sacraments administered by

the Society, he took from all its religious permission to minister in

Jesus de la Pena; and on March 10, 1687, he declared that the lawful

parish priest of the mission of Jesus de la Pena was the prior of

Pasig, a religious of St. Augustine. In this spoliation concurred

also, through complaisance, the governor Don Gabriel Curuzelaegui,

who on March 23 of the said year decreed that Don Juan Pimentel,

alcalde of Tondo, should begin proceedings against the Society in

the mission of Jesus de la Pena, as the king commanded; and that he

should assist the provisor in tearing down our church--which he did,

commanding the Indians to demolish that temple. "What obedience! the

monster of the Indias, an unnatural birth of remoteness, of power,

and of prejudice." (Murillo Velarde, Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 345 b.)

[37] Antonio Mateo Xaramillo was born at Zafra February 23, 1648,

and became a Jesuit novice at the age of seventeen. He was sent to

the Marianas Islands in 1678, and spent sixteen years in missionary

labors. While rector at Manila he was sent to Spain as procurator;

and he died at Ocana, on December 30, 1707. (Sommervogel, Bibliotheque

Comp. Jesus, viii, col. 1321.)

[38] The English pirate here alluded to was probably the ship on which

Dampier voyaged to the Philippines, as that vessel was, at the time

here mentioned, cruising off the coast of Luzon (see his own account of

this, ante, p. 91). The name of Captain Swan's vessel in which Dampier

sailed was the "Cygnet." That ship separated from Captain Davis in the

"Batchelor's Delight" in Realejo Harbor, August 27, 1685. See Lionel

Wafer's Voyage and description of Isthmus of America (London, 1699),

p. 189.

[39] "Soon after the beginning of the spiritual conquest of Tagalos,

the Society undertook the administration of Cainta, a village close

to Mariquina. Because the rectitude of its minister, Father Miguel

Pareja, restrained some Indian chiefs, so that they should not use

for themselves the property of the community, to the injury of the

rest, they, seeing the excellent opportunity afforded to them by

the ecclesiastical tribunal, endeavored to avail themselves of it,

instigated by one who should, on account of his character and his

obligations, have restrained them. They are an insolent people,

and a seditious person (who is never lacking) can easily disturb the

minds of the crowd. They hastened to complain to the archbishop of his

ministers, and he, without hearing the Society, despoiled it of that

administration, on March 16, 1688, and bestowed it on the religious of

St. Augustine. The archbishop demanded aid from the governor in order

to arrest Father Diego de Ayala and Father Pedro Cano, on complaints

either frivolous or false, without having made any specific charges

against them, or notifying their superiors." (Murillo Velarde,

fol. 345.)

"From the first conquest Cainta was a visita of Taytay, the

ministry of both villages being the very same, until, its population

increasing--Indians, and creoles or morenos (thus they designate the

black negroes [negros atezados])--it seemed expedient to give Cainta

its own minister." (Murillo Velarde, fol. 406b.)

[40] Antonio de Borja was born at Valencia in 1644, and at the

age of twenty-seven went to the Philippine missions. He acted as

rector of various Jesuit colleges, and died at Manila on January 27,

1711. (Sommervogel.) He is only mentioned incidentally by Murillo

Velarde (fol. 383), as being an envoy to the kings of Mindanao

and Jolo.

[41] "An altar raised in churches on Holy Thursday to resemble a

sepulchre" (Velazquez).

[42] Pedro de Oriol was born at Urgel in Cataluna, August 15, 1639;

at the age of nineteen he entered the Jesuit novitiate, and in 1663

joined the Philippine mission. "He was two years rector of Bohol,

three of Zebu, and two of Yloylo; seven years vice-provincial,

and twice filled that office for Pintados; was two years rector of

Cavite, and one year vice-rector of the college of Manila, where also

he was minister; and, being chosen provincial, would not accept that

office." He died September 27, 1705. (Murillo Velarde, fol. 389 b-393.)

[43] Pedro Cano was born in the archbishopric of Toledo, on February

22, 1649. In 1670 he entered the Jesuit order at Sevilla, in order

to join the province of Filipinas, where he arrived in the following

year. He was procurator of the college, and of the province. Being

appointed procurator for Madrid and Rome, he died while on the voyage

thither, near Acapulco, December 18. 1692. (Murillo Velarde, fol. 369.)

[44] On September 28, 1687 (Diaz, p. 788).

[45] This man held the office of sargento-mayor, and had been (before

1683) alcalde-mayor of Cagayan.

[46] In 1687 "there was an increase in the calamities of the

country, which suffered great scarcity of provisions on account

of the grain-fields having been ruined by the heavy and constant

rains which fell--which injured the salt springs even more, so that

a half-fanega of salt, which usually is worth two or three reals,

reached the price of twelve pesos. In La Estacada there was a great

conflagration on Good Friday, in the night, which destroyed many

houses. In the following year the scarcity of food was increased by

a plague of locusts, which swept away all [vegetation]; and a caban

of rice came to be worth twenty and twenty-four reals. But what

caused the most suffering was the havoc made by the catarrh, in the

year 1687-88; it was a sort of epidemic sickness, which killed many

persons, especially children and the aged; and so many were sick that

they could hardly cultivate the fields, or do other things necessary

for human life." (Murillo Velarde, fol. 345 b, 346.)

[47] Spanish patacones; "a silver coin weighing one onza, and current

in Batavia, Brazil, and Turkey." (Dominguez).

[48] These seem to be memoranda intended by the writer of this document

to be expanded and written out in detail.

[49] Diaz says (p. 752) that the alcalde-mayor of Ilocos was a personal

friend of the cura Maranon; and that Banguet had remained vacant

so long because it was a very poor living, and had an unwholesome

climate. Arqueros de Robles was probably a son of the Lorenzo Arqueros

so noted in the native insurrections of 1660-61.

[50] In the Ventura del Arco MSS. (iii, pp. 29, 30) this name

appears as Benguet; and in Diaz's Conquistas (p. 752) as Banguet and

Banget. The modern form is Bangued.

[51] This was at first Nueva Segovia (in Cagayan), which has always

given name to the diocese; the episcopal seat was removed (before

Pardo's time) to Lal-lo, not far from Nueva Segovia, and later to

Vigan, which is still the capital of that diocese.

[52] Thus in Retana's print, and in the copy of this document in

Ventura del Arco MSS.; it apparently indicates an omission in the

original print.

The hiatus is supplied by Diaz (p. 752), who says that Pardo informed

the auditors, unofficially, that the decree of the Audiencia sent

to Arqueros ought to have been addressed to himself, as being the

ruler of the vacant see of Nueva Segovia. He also states that Pardo

ordered Arqueros (who had come to Manila to consult him) to set out

within a week for Ilocos and finish up his business there; but the

latter could not obey this order in so short a time.

[53] Alonzo Sandin, procurator-general for the Dominicans, wrote

a long reply to Sanchez's account of the controversy between the

Audiencia and Archbishop Pardo; therein he cites the latter's reply,

here alluded to, which makes clear this last sentence. Pardo asks the

Audiencia to cease giving his clerics the aid of the royal court,

since otherwise he cannot properly control them, or maintain the

episcopal authority in due force.

[54] The dean then was Miguel Ortiz de Covarrubias; the archdeacon,

Licentiate Francisco Deza.

[55] Diaz states (pp. 754, 755) that the cabildo were angry with

the archbishop because he had separated from the curacy of Santiago

(then held by Gregorio Diaz de Isla) the Spaniards who lived in

Tondo, Binondo, Santa Cruz, and other places so far away that the

cura could not properly fulfil his duties toward them, especially to

the dying. The archbishop acted thus, however, with the approval of

the governor and other officials.

[56] Raimundo Berart was a Catalan, and came from the Dominican

convent at Barcelona. He was teaching law in the university of Lerida

when he resolved to enter the Philippine mission; he arrived in 1679,

when twenty-eight years old. He was vice-rector (1684-86) and rector

(1686-89) of Santo Tomas; in 1689, it appears that he went to Spain,

and in 1696 was in Mexico. Later, he was probably procurator of

the Philippine province in Europe; and he died in Atocha, Spain,

on April 13, 1713. See sketch of his career in Resena biografica,

ii, pp. 195-206, where are copied several documents relating to him.

[57] Several of Pardo's decrees were dated "from our palace of San

Gabriel" (the name of the hospital).

[58] A petition to this effect from the cabildo to the archbishop,

dated April 10, 1681, is reproduced in Resena biografica, ii,

pp. 196-198, followed by Pardo's "pastoral letter" in reply. The

editor claims that Juan Gonzalez (afterward provisor of the see)

signed the petition under compulsion.

[59] Diaz states (p. 755) that the archbishop replied that he would

send Verart to Spain as his attorney, which would be sufficient to

remove him from Manila; he informed the Audiencia that Verart had not

only rendered him great service, but had reformed many abuses in the

ecclesiastical courts. The Dominican provincial said that the Audiencia

must show cause for Verart's removal, or he could do nothing; for

Verart had been assigned to the post of associate to the archbishop.

[60] These men came in 1681. The last named, Fuente y Alanis, came

as fiscal of the Audiencia.

[61] Diaz states (pp. 752, 753) that Maranon came to Manila (but

without permission to do so), a few days after Arqueros, to complain

of the latter to the archbishop. The latter demanded an account

of Arqueros's proceedings in the case; Arqueros presented documents

which proved, by the complaints of many Indians, that Maranon deserved

punishment. The archbishop therefore sustained Arqueros, and ordered

Maranon's arrest.

[62] According to Diaz (p. 756), Pardo answered that he had

reserved Maranon's case as being the metropolitan, and because

the cura's offenses had been committed in the territory of the

archbishopric; moreover, that the parties in this case had accepted

his jurisdiction. Finally, "to avoid controversies he offered to

surrender to the bishop-elect the person of Licentiate Diego Espinosa

Maranon--which the bishop did not accept; but afterward, without

telling the archbishop, he sent Maranon to his curacy of Vigan,

removing him from his prison-bounds of the city [of Manila]."

[63] Diaz says (p. 757) that Pardo informed the Audiencia that he

had not punished Herrera for these reasons, but because the latter,

in his quarrel with Archbishop Lopez, had treated that prelate with

insolence and even posted him as excommunicate (Diaz, p. 705); and

when afterward he had been treated with great kindness by Pardo,

he had conspired with the cabildo against him.

[64] i.e., Requiring a previous judicial decision before the final

sentence (Velazquez's Dictionary, Appleton's ed., 1901).

[65] Adjuntos: "a body of judges commissioned or appointed jointly to

try a cause" (Velazquez). Pardo claimed that the cabildo of Manila

was not an exempted one (i.e., from submission to the ordinary),

and therefore its members did not enjoy the privilege of the adjunct

judges (Diaz, p. 757).

[66] "And these two suits, of the bishop and the cantor, were the

ones which influenced the auditors to [decide upon] his banishment,

which was decreed on the first of October [1682]." (Murillo Velarde,

Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 342 b.)

[67] There is an apparent omission here, as the decree previously cited

referred to the priority of San Jose college over that of Santo Tomas;

the reference here would seem to indicate another decree, in regard to

privileges and exemptions allowed to the Jesuits in regard to trading.

[68] Salazar states (Hist. Sant. Rosario, p. 235) that this action

was taken because "certain persons were greatly devoted to trading,

in contravention of the pontifical decrees, and especially of

the recent constitution of Clement IX--the said enactment giving

the ordinary full authority to proceed against the transgressors,

seize their goods and property, and apply these to hospitals and

other pious purposes." Accordingly, Archbishop Pardo instituted a

secret investigation, conducted by his notary, who threatened major

excommunication (by a decree affixed to the ship's mast) for any

person who refused to tell what he might know about the aforesaid

trading. Abundant proof was found, and the goods were seized. It

is said that there were one hundred and fifty bales belonging to

the Jesuits.

[69] Probably in view of the arguments adduced by Concepcion (Hist. de

Philipinas, viii, pp. 41-43), showing that the decree of Clement IX

forbade trade to all ecclesiastics, but did not authorize the ordinary

to inflict penalties therefor on the members of the religious orders,

that being reserved to their own superiors--the ordinary, in such

cases, being empowered only to apply the confiscated goods for pious

purposes.

[70] Murillo Velarde and Concepcion give this name as Pizarraldi;

and Diaz makes it Lizarraldi.

[71] In the Dominican chapter-session of 1673, it was enacted that

no religious of that order should become executor of a deceased

person's estate, or undertake the charge of his last will. This was

to prevent risk of accusations against the friars, so general was the

dishonest administration of executorships in Manila--so much so that

it occasioned no surprise in the minds of the people, although all

complained of the grievances thus caused. "There are few fortunes

which have not some executorship as the foundation." See Salazar's

Hist. Sant. Rosario (Manila, 1742), p. 43.

[72] It had begun in 1672, in the time of Archbishop Lopez, under

whom judgment was rendered in favor of Sarmiento; but Lopez's death in

1674 prevented the execution of the sentence. Various delays ensued,

and Cordero died, being succeeded by Ortega as executor. (Salazar,

Hist. Sant. Rosario, p. 236.)

[73] Also written Carballo, Carvallo, and Caballero.

[74] Spanish dote, usually meaning "dowry;" but as the ecclesiastic

Cordero was the legatee of Dona Maria de Roa (Montero y Vidal, i,

p. 368), the word evidently means the bequest to him, perhaps for

the pious purposes mentioned later in this document.

[75] See Concepcion's account of this affair (Hist. de Philipinas,

viii, pp. 45-50), in considerable detail; he states that he presents

it thus in order to vindicate the course of the Audiencia, and that

Pardo in some of his acts exceeded his jurisdiction.

[76] Diaz was a priest, and secretary of the archbishopric.

[77] See accounts of this affair in Diaz's Conquistas, pp. 758, 759;

Murillo Velarde's Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 342 b, 343; Concepcion,

cited supra; Salazar's Hist. Sant. Rosario, pp. 236, 237.

[78] A mestizo, who, to escape the punishment that awaited him,

was denounced (at his own instance) to the archbishop as a bigamist,

so that the latter might claim the case within his own jurisdiction,

and the prisoner thus escape civil penalties.

[79] Diaz says (Conquistas, p. 760): "Where the letter of requisition

says, 'For doing otherwise, you will be excommunicated,' the Audiencia

desired it to say, 'Your Grace will be excommunicated.'" Salazar says

(p. 237) that the castellan felt insulted at this, as only the governor

and the Audiencia had the right to use such terms to him.

[80] Diaz relates this affair in detail (p. 761), and says that the

soldiers broke open the windows and doors of the hospital (where

the archbishop then was) to obtain entrance; also that the decree

of banishment gave the alternative of the Babuyanes Islands, or

Cagayan, or Pangasinan as his place of exile. Diaz cites (p. 762),

this sentence in Sanchez's account, as proof that the latter could

not have written it, since he took part in the arrest of Pardo.

[81] According to Diaz (p. 762), the governor had given money for the

expenses of this voyage, but on reaching Mariveles no provisions of

any sort could be found; and the archbishop would have had no food

if a Dominican friar who happened to be there had not quickly gone

back to Manila to procure supplies for the prelate, and returned at

midnight with them to Mariveles. Diaz says that this friar was not

allowed even then to go aboard the vessel in which Pardo had embarked,

or to exchange any word with him.

[82] Spanish, vsasse de su derecho--literally, "exercise its right,"

i.e., to govern the vacant see.

[83] Diaz calls this (p. 764) "the principal fiesta of the Dominicans"

in Manila. Santa Cruz (Hist. Sant. Rosario, p. 106) says that every

year, when the eight days' fiesta in honor of the Virgin of the

Rosary is celebrated in their convent, the eighth day is devoted

to thanksgiving to Mary for the victories won by the Spaniards over

the Dutch in 1646 (see our VOL. XXXV), which were attributed by the

people to her miraculous aid. That fiesta of eight days was apparently

instituted in 1637, to celebrate the dissolution of Collado's new

congregation in Filipinas (see Santa Cruz, ut supra, p. 4; and our

VOL. XXIX, pp. 25-27).

[84] "The bishop of Troya, knowing well that the true spiritual

jurisdiction resided in himself by the appointment of the archbishop,

sent a Dominican religious to the convents to inform on his part their

superiors that he gave, to those confessors whom the said superiors

should choose, his own authority and right, so that they could absolve

those persons who by command or compulsion had taken part in the

arrest of the archbishop from the excommunication which they might

have thus incurred--excepting the principal offenders--until he should

be restored to liberty and they should perform public penance and

give juratory security, as is ordained by the sacred canons." (Diaz,

Conquistas, p. 764.)

[85] The interdict was not only an ecclesiastical censure, but a

penalty, entailing usually privation of certain sacraments (save in

cases of strict necessity), of all the divine offices, and of church

burial. All solemnities and public festivals were suspended, except on

the five great feasts of Christmas, Easter, Pentecost, the Assumption

of our Lady, and Corpus Christi. The churches remained closed, the

crucifix and statues veiled, the bells and organ mute. This penalty

might be general, over the whole city, kingdom, or country; or merely

particular, indicted on a named corporation, see, church, or the like;

again, it might be either local or personal as to its effects. It might

be imposed not only by a pope, but by any competent church prelate,

even by a bishop; and could apply to any secular or ecclesiastical

ruler (except of course the pope), to a university or college, or

to any body of clergy, regular or secular. The earliest mention of

a church interdict apparently is Ferraris's allusion to one in the

fourth century, of which, however, no details are available. In

Frankish chronicles, interdicts date from the sixth century, the

first of these being at Rouen, in 588; Bishop Praetextatus having been

murdered, by order of Queen Fredegonda, while officiating in his own

church, the senior suffragan of that province, Leudovald of Bayeux,

after consultation with his fellow-bishops, laid all the churches

of Rouen under interdict until the assassin of the bishop should be

discovered. But prior to the eleventh century general interdicts are

but rarely mentioned in church history. It does not appear that there

was any ritual for either general or particular interdicts, apart from

the usually concomitant sentence of excommunication--which in former

ages itself entailed also interdict on the persons or places named in

the decree of penalty. The interdict was usually laid under conditions

that amendment, reparation, or restitution should atone for the wrong

done, at which the interdict would be lifted. According to present

church law, bishops are empowered, as delegates of the Holy See, to

put under interdict particular churches, and the like. See Moroni's

Dizionario (Venezia, 1845), xxxvi, p. 49; Ferraris's Bibliotheca

(Paris, 1853), article "Interdictum;" Guerin, Les Petits Bollandistes

(Paris, 1878), iv, pp. 378-382; and Addis and Arnold's Catholic

Dictionary, article "Interdict."--Rev. T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.

[86] Diaz states (ut supra) that the archbishop's provisor,

Juan Gonzalez, took refuge in the Dominican convent, which was

soon surrounded with armed soldiers. At the advice of friends,

Gonzalez gave himself up, and was kept a close prisoner in his own

house--"guards being placed there at his cost; and penalty was imposed

of major excommunication and 500 pesos, if he should talk with any

person outside." As soon as Santo Domingo was blockaded, a decree of

the Audiencia was made known to all the convents that they must not

ring the bells for an interdict. To prevent this being done at Santo

Domingo, "they scaled the convent through the hall of the Inquisition,

which is above the main entrance, and ten soldiers went up to the

bell-tower." Next day, the friars rang a small bell to call the people

to mass, but the guards would not allow any person to enter the church.

[87] Salazar gives, a detailed account of Villalba's imprisonment

(Hist. Sant. Rosario, pp. 233, 234), and claims that he was hurried

from his convent at Binondoc, without cloak or hat, or bed, although

he was in poor health; and that, when the ship was compelled to put

back to Manila, the Audiencia would not allow him to remain there, but

at once despatched him to the Franciscan infirmary at Nueva Caceres,

where he remained until the next galleon sailed for Acapulco.

[88] This document, as being written by Sanchez, the secretary of

the Audiencia of Manila, was probably addressed to the president of

the royal Council of the Indias.

Sandin (Respuesta, fol. 3 b) asserts that this relation by Sanchez

was printed at the Jesuit college in Manila, with the date here given;

that it had not been published there when the Acapulco galleon sailed;

but that in Mexico City many copies of it were already in circulation

before the royal mails reached that city from Acapulco.

[89] Apparently referring to Francisco de Arcocha; but Diaz calls him

(p. 775) equerry (caballerizo) of the new governor.

[90] Bartolome Marron, a native of Asturias, made his profession in

the Dominican convent at Valladolid, July 8, 1667, and came to the

Philippines in 1671, at the age of twenty-five. Having studied two

years at Santo Tomas, he was a lecturer in that college until 1680,

and in 1684 was appointed its rector. In 1686 he became provincial,

and afterward was in charge of a mission in Pangasinan, and of the

church in Binondoc; and was again (1696-1700) rector of Santo Tomas. He

filled many other important offices in his order, at various times;

and finally died in Manila, January 22, 1717. See sketch of his life in

Resena biografica, ii, pp. 145-155--including an account of a notable

lawsuit brought against him, and the regulations made by him for the

inmates of Dominican convents in and near Manila.

[91] Cristobal Pedroche made his profession at Toledo, January

22, 1659, and arrived in the Philippines in 1667. He spent many

years in labors among the Chinese, in the Parian and San Gabriel;

and at various times filled high offices in his order--among them,

that of provincial. In June, 1684, he was imprisoned at Cavite, and

afterward sent to Mexico; but the viceroy permitted him to return

to the Philippines. He died at Manila on August 20, 1715, at the

age of seventy. See sketch of his life in Resena biografica, ii,

pp. 82-100--which includes a letter by him (June 20, 1684) on the

ecclesiastical disturbances of that time.

[92] Juan de (Ibanez) Santo Domingo was born (about 1640) near

Calatayud. His early education was obtained in a Dominican convent

at Zaragoza, and he was afterward a member of the household of Bishop

Palafox y Mendoza. Later, he entered the Dominican convent at Ocana,

where he made profession in 1661. At the age of twenty-six he came

to the Philippines, and spent eighteen years in the missions of

Pangasinan. After 1686, he lived at Manila, being twice provincial

(1690 and 1706), and occupying other important posts. He died there

January 15, 1726. (Resena biografica, ii, pp. 26-34.)

[93] Francisco Antonio de Bargas, a native of Madrid, professed in the

Dominican convent at Salamanca, in 1673, at the age of nineteen. Six

years later, he arrived at the Philippines. The first nine years he

spent in Manila, mainly as a teacher in Santo Tomas; from 1688 to

1696, he labored in the missions of Bataan, and afterward in those of

Zambales--except 1698-1702, which he spent at Manila. He died there,

on October 7, 1708. (Resena biografica, ii, pp. 219, 220.)

[94] Antonio Calderon professed in the Dominican convent at Salamanca

(in 1664, erroneously says Resena), and came to the Philippines in

1658. He labored in the Cagayan missions until 1682, when he was

elected provincial. He, with Fray Pedroche was arrested on June 3,

1684, and sent to Mexico. Thence he returned to Spain, and died at

Mombeltran, at the end of December, 1685.

[95] Alluding to General Marcos Quintero, a friend of the Dominicans,

who at his death (1703) appointed Fray Bartolome Marron (note 90,

ante) executor of his estate. This led to a notable lawsuit, brought

against Marron by the heirs of Quintero, which was appealed to Mexico

and even to Rome; the proceedings continued for many years, the suit

coming to an end only in 1726, nine years after Marron's death. (See

Resena biografica, ii, pp. 151-154.)

"Barangay," as used here, is evidently a bit of slang meaning "gang"

or "clique," in modern phrase.

[96] From the context, esto here seems to designate the former

governor, Vargas.

[97] Gines de Barrientos, titular bishop of Troya, who was assistant to

the archbishop. Juan Duran, titular bishop of Sinopolis, was assistant

to the bishop of Cebu (then Diego de Aguilar). Andres Gonzalez was

bishop of Nueva Caceres (or Camarines); and Francisco Pizarro, of

Nueva Segovia. These were Dominicans, save Duran, who belonged to the

Order of Our Lady of Mercy; and Pizarro, who in 1681 was a member of

the cabildo of Manila cathedral.

[98] Spanish, se le picaba sobradissimamente la retaguardia--literally,

"its rearguard was entirely cut to pieces."

[99] i.e., "Hurrah for [the bishops of] Troya!"

[100] Elio Antonio de Nebrija (or Lebrija) was a celebrated linguist

and great Latinist, who wrote various works. He was born about the

year 1444, and died in 1522. (Dominguez, Diccionario nacional.)

[101] Apparently a play on words, mingled with a sarcastic comment

on Fray Gaspar. One may hazard the conjecture that the latter (who

was a noted grammarian) is here mentioned in contempt as knowing more

of grammar than of current affairs, and being able only to understand

events actually completed and past, without the foresight to perceive

how these affect the future.

[102] i.e., no more than two--referring to the "dual" number in

Greek declension.

[103] A copy of this act may be found in Ventura del Arco MSS.,

iii, pp. 513-515; it is dated "at our house on the river of Manila,

October 22, 1684."

[104] An allusion to the well-known quotation, Parturiunt montes,

nascetur ridiculus mus (line 139 of the Ars poetica of Horatius).

[105] The decree of the Audiencia which ordered the restoration of

the archbishop to his see was dated October 24, 1684. He returned to

Manila on November 16.

[106] This man was delegated by the city of Manila, being one of its

regidors, according to Diaz (Conquistas, pp. 776, 777).

[107] Diaz states (Conquistas, p. 777) that Curuzelaegui declared on

this occasion that if the home government should be offended at his

restoring the archbishop, he would consider punishment by them for

this cause "a great honor, even if it be capital." Diaz praises him as

"one of the best governors that these islands have had; affable, pious,

magnanimous, wholly disinterested, and very liberal. He also said that

he had come to Filipinas to be poor, where other governors had come

to be rich. This he said very truly, for in Espana and Indias he had

possessed much wealth--gained in the many voyages that he had made as

commander of the fleet and galleons to Peru and Nueva Espana--which

his ostentation and liberality had consumed."

[108] Diaz gives (ut supra, pp. 778, 779) the list of these: the

auditors and Governor Vargas; the preceding alcalde-mayor of Manila

(either Morales, Camacho or Pimentel), and that of Camarines (Juan de

Verastein); Juan Sanchez, secretary of the Audiencia; Juan Gallardo,

castellan of Cavite; Sargento-mayor Alonso de Aponte y Andrade,

and Captains Jose de Somonte, Francisco de Urrutia, Diego del Pozo

y Gatica, and Miguel Machuca; Admiral Pedro de la Pena; and Captain

Baltasar de Lerma, notary-public. The military officers were readily

absolved, as not having been free to act, when ordered to proceed

against the ecclesiastics.

[109] Diaz says (p. 779) that the archbishop at this time "absolved the

auditors ad reincidentiam, within the palace, with no other witnesses

than the governor, and embraced them and gave them the kiss of peace."

[110] Spanish, irregular. In this usage irregularidad means, according

to Dominguez, "a canonical impedimenta for receiving or exercising

holy orders, on account of certain natural defects which produce

incapacity, or of crimes or illegal acts which are committed."

[111] See copy of this edict in Ventura del Arco MSS., iii,

pp. 517-521. The statement in our text regarding penalties is

inaccurate. The edict required that all confessions made to members

of the cabildo be made anew; all persons married by them must appear

before the archbishop within three days (or ten days for those without

the jurisdiction of the city), under penalty of excommunication for

European Christians, and for all others fifty lashes and three months

in jail; and the same penalties for those on whom the cabildo had

conferred holy orders, licenses to preach, chaplaincies, etc. This

act was dated November 29, 1684.

[112] Diaz says (p. 779): "But this caused so many dissensions,

and opinions from the theologians, that it was found necessary to

issue another act (January 8, 1685) in which the archbishop declared

the former act null, and ordered that those [married persons] should

again appear in court for the revalidation of their marriages."

[113] i.e., "they are exulting, as do the victors when they have

seized their prey."

[114] "An image of a monstrous serpent which is displayed in front

of the procession on Corpus Christi Day--doubtless alluding to the

eternal humiliation of the demon, conquered for ever by Jesus Christ"

(Dominguez, Diccionario nacional).

[115] Among these were the Franciscan provincial, Francisco de Santa

Ines, and the Augustinian writer Casimiro Diaz (as the latter states

in his Conquistas, p. 782).

[116] "Vargas then alleged his being exempt, as a knight of Santiago;

but even then the archbishop did not revoke the excommunication, the

ex-governor-general of the islands being required to live alone in a

solitary house on the islet of the Pasig River, without dealings or

communication with any person" (Montero y Vidal, Hist. de Filipinas,

i, p. 372).

[117] This affair had been initiated by Vargas. "The sultan of Borneo

sent an ambassador, soliciting the establishment of commercial dealings

with Filipinas. Vargas responded with another and distinguished

embassy, his agent being Don Juan Morales de Valenzuela, who [later]

brought about the cession of the island of Paragua which that sovereign

made in 1705." (Montero y Vidal, ut supra, p. 364.)

[118] A metrical composition which is measured in three verses,

of which two form a rhyme (Dominguez).

[119] Spanish, en calxas y en jubon: literally, "in breeches and

jacket."

[120] Tomas de Andrade was born in Toledo, December 2, 1619,

and entered the Jesuit order at the age of seventeen. In 1643 he

departed for the Philippines, where he professed in 1654. He was

connected with San Jose college some twenty years, twice as rector;

acted as provincial during six months; and rector at Antipolo and

Cavite, and minister among the Tagals. He died at Manila on May 15,

1689. (Murillo Velarde, Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 356 b.)

[121] Alejo Lopez was born July 16, 1645, at Albalate, Spain, and

at the age of seventeen became a Jesuit novice. Four years later,

he came to Manila, and spent three years in the Visayan missions,

being afterward connected with the college in Manila in various

capacities. Finally going to Europe on business of the order, he died

while on the return journey, September 18, 1693 (Murillo Velarde,

fol. 369).

[122] Isidro Clarete was born in 1627, and came to the islands in

1662, where he completed his studies, and became a teacher in the

college at Manila (Murillo Velarde, ut supra).

[123] Pedro Lopez a native of Malvenda, Spain, was born on November

21, 1613. When nineteen years old, he entered the Jesuit order,

and in 1643 came to the Philippines. He spent most of his life in

ministering to the Tagalog Indians, and translated into their language

(in which he was remarkably proficient) the Roman catechism and other

writings. He died at Indang on February 13, 1689. (Murillo Velarde,

ut supra, fol. 356 b.)

[124] Spanish, con la risa del conejo; literally, "with the smile

of a rabbit." Dominguez describes it as "the apparent smile which

comes to some creatures at death, as the rabbit; and, by extension,

the phrase is applied to a person who smiles when he has cause for

sorrow or resentment."

[125] Diaz (p. 781) expresses pity for Vargas as thus situated, "unable

to have conversation or dealings with any one except the officials of

his residencia, and mostly through an agent; deserted by every one,

for his servants, as being also under residencia, had enough to do

in attending each to his own defense. His only consolation was the

companionship of his spirited wife, Dona Isabel de Ardila, who inspired

him with courage and strength. It is certain that Don Juan de Vargas

was not the worst governor of Filipinas; but he was unfortunate in his

disagreeable and harsh manner," and his friend Francisco Guerrero, "a

very astute and sagacious man," whose aid would have been invaluable,

was then in Nueva Espana, having deserted his patron to save himself.

[126] Apparently referring to the "ordinary," or usual ecclesiastical

court.

[127] Spanish, auto de legos; a decree issued by a superior tribunal,

prohibiting to an ecclesiastical judge the cognizance of a suit that

is purely civil, and between laymen, referring it to a competent judge.

[128] Diaz says (Conquistas, pp. 781, 782) that this residencia,

taken by Juan de Zalaeta, was the most bitter and obstinate ever known

in the islands, for it lasted four years, and its records occupied

twenty large volumes.

[129] Salazar (Hist. Sant. Rosario, pp. 131-133) gives an account of

this assignment. He asserts that the Zambals had formerly been under

the charge of the Recollects, who in more than seventy years had been

unable to convert that tribe. In 1676 the natives themselves asked for

Dominican teachers; some were sent, at which the Recollects complained,

as an intrusion on their field, and the Dominicans withdrew. In 1678

Juan de Vargas came as governor, and, the Zambals again asking for

Dominicans, the governor induced the Recollects to accept Mindoro in

lieu of Zambales, making over the latter to the Dominican order. The

latter gave up these missions in 1712. (See Resena biografica, i,

pp. 486-504.)

Concepcion (Hist. Philipinas, viii, pp. 47) declares that the

Recollects were unwilling to surrender their Zambal missions, yielding

to the compulsion and threats of the archbishop and the governor;

and that the natives themselves were angry at the proposed change,

but were pacified by their Spanish alcalde-mayor.

[130] A loose note in Ventura del Arco MSS. (iii, p. 555), evidently

made by that compiler from some writing of 1685, states that the

citizens complained of the lack of vessels every year for their trade,

and for this blamed his henchmen. Two of these, whom he employed in

business affairs, were arrested, Fabra and Gallardo.

[131] Spanish, dijo tijeratas; literally, "talked scissors."

[132] Spanish, que vuelvan las nueces al cantaro; literally, "the

nuts will roll back into the jar."

[133] A dish composed of various kinds of meat and vegetables boiled

together--used figuratively for any medley or miscellaneous collection.

[134] i.e., "From the anger and hatred and ill-will of a Dominican

friar, deliver us, O Lord."

[135] Some account of Palu's coming to Manila will be found in

VOL. XLII, in Diaz's history of the Augustinian missions.

[136] In the text, deposicion, an obvious error of the transcriber.

[137] Spanish, sentian no haber materia sobre que cayesse dicha

dispensacion. That is, the prebends had not deserved censure, and

therefore ought not to need dispensation.

[138] This was Jose de Nava y Albis.

[139] That is, on the route by the "Northern Sea," the Atlantic Ocean.

[140] The Spanish phrase inverts this order of thought, hacer lo que

habia deshecho.

[141] Referring to the exile of Archbishop Guerrero in 1636.

[142] Thus in the text, indicating some omission, probably by the

transcriber.

[143] The verses do not appear in our text. Diaz states (p. 787) that

Zalaeta gave the pasquinades to Captain Jose de Toledo to distribute

among the soldiers; but instead of doing so Toledo gave them to

Endaya, who handed them to the governor. It was afterward proved that

the author of the lampoons was the cantor Herrera, who was thereupon

imprisoned; later, he was sent to the fort of Paynauen in the Zambal

country, where Zalaeta had been sent after his arrest for conspiracy.

The Jesuit Father Pedro de Salazar wrote from (Manila) Taitay, on

the nineteenth [sic] of 1687, to the procurator-general at Madrid,

Luis de Morales, that he was warned from Manila to be careful of what

he wrote, since they feared that there would be an inspection of the

letters [in the mails]. He said that since the return of Archbishop

Pardo from banishment many arrests were made: of the auditors, to whom

they attributed a pasquinade which had been posted; of negroes and

Indians, servants and slaves, who were put to the torture, in order

that they might say what suited the convenience [of the authorities];

and of ecclesiastics. Also, that a pasquinade had been published,

in which was represented the king, stretched upon the ground, with

the archbishop drawing off his breeches; the governor was stabbing

him with a dagger, or else cutting off his head; Father Verart held

him by the legs; and Andaya, who was the minion, was helping them. It

concluded with the verses:

"A Catalan and a Frenchman,

A foolish governor,

A pastor who is no pastor--

These hold me as you see."

Finally, the Dominican friars have entire sway over the archbishops,

and are talking of finding out who are the authors of the papers

that were published against them. (Ventura del Arco MSS., iii,

pp. 639, 640.)

[144] Diaz says (p. 787) that the governor himself, concealed in a

window of his palace, watched Viga's house, and saw Bolivar's servant

enter it; this man was arrested on leaving the house, and searched,

a letter from Viga to Bolivar being found in his shoe. Thereupon the

auditors and Zalaeta were promptly arrested.

[145] Diaz says (pp. 786, 788) that Dona Josefa "ruled her husband

more than was desirable," and that "she uttered such contemptuous

reproaches against the governor and the archbishop, as she was a very

resolute and spirited woman, and extremely haughty and fearless,"

that the governor felt obliged to send her into banishment.

[146] Regarding Herrera's arrest, see note 63, ante, p. 159.

[147] This and several other documents that are unsigned are

presented here--accepting them as credible, on account of their

evident authenticity--in order to fill out the relation of the Pardo

controversy with relations made at the time, and by participants in

those events. All except the final extract from Salazar are obtained

from Ventura del Arco's transcripts from MSS. in the collection

of Jesuit papers that was seized by the Spanish government when it

expelled that order from Spain and her colonies.

[148] Spanish, missas de Aguinaldo means "a Christmas or New Year's

present;" the word is derived, according to Echegaray's Diccionario

general etimologico (Madrid, 1887), from the Celtic word eguinand,

of the above meaning. Evidently these masses were made the vehicle

for heathen allusions or symbols, if not for actual rites.

[149] This was the treasurer (and afterward cantor) of the cathedral,

Jeronimo de Herrera y Figueroa.

[150] This was the Dominican friar Francisco Villalba.

[151] Pardo was sent to Lingayen, "certainly not to give him the

consolation of residing among his brethren of the order, but to

keep him under the authority of the notorious Don Francisco Pizarro,

bishop of Vigan [i.e., of Nueva Segovia], with whom he had just had

an annoying controversy" (Resena biografica, i, p. 476).

[152] "Under penalty of 4,000 pesos; on the ground that his spiritual

jurisdiction was suspended and barred, by virtue of his banishment"

(Diaz, Conquistas, p. 762).

[153] "The dean opened all the prisons of his tribunal, liberating

all the prisoners therein--although among these there were several

bigamists; and one who was not only a heretic but a leader of

heretics. For, among other heresies which he taught, one was

that God had a beginning, [a doctrine] which only very learned men

understood. Another was a prebend whom his illustrious Lordship held

as a recluse in our college, for heinous and atrocious crimes, whose

final end was a sentence of degradation, and delivery to the secular

arm; the dean settled this case, without examining the documents

in the case (which they did not find), by condemning him to six

months of banishment to a country house of recreation." (Salazar,

Hist. Sant. Rosario, p. 242.)

[154] "They say, peace, peace: when there was no peace" (Jeremias

6: 14).

[155] Salazar gives some instances of this (p. 245): in the Dominican

churches the minister refused to say mass until certain persons

who had injured or offended ecclesiastics should go out of the

consecrated walls.

[156] Salazar states (pp. 246-249) that the provincial Calderon was

making his visitation in Cagayan at the time of Pardo's banishment;

that on his return to Manila (September, 1683) he called a council

of the most prominent Dominicans, and asked their opinions as to

Pardo's exile, the government by the cabildo, and their own duty

toward those concerned in these events; and that, in accordance with

their decision, he ordered all his friars to remain in their convents,

and hold no intercourse with those persons.

[157] Salazar here alludes to the relation of all these ecclesiastical

affairs in the first part of his history, pp. 224-268. As it is so long

and detailed, we have preferred to use here the account which he gives

in his biography of Pardo; but have preserved, in our annotations,

the most important and interesting matter found in the former one.

[158] Thus in the text, but it should read "forty-eighth." Salazar

there relates how Vargas, "in the same year in which he banished the

archbishop," suffered the confiscation at Acapulco of all the goods

that he had shipped, "with little credit to his reputation and notable

expense to his estate;" and, as excommunicated by the Church, Vargas

had much to atone for and to suffer until his death. The auditor

Grimaldos died, soon after Pardo's banishment, "from a painful

disease, in which the tongue with which he had spoken so much evil

of his illustrious Lordship became rotten, and the arm with which he

had seized the anointed of the Lord was withered." The auditor Viga,

who went to seize the Dominican provincial, Calderon, died in exile,

in Cagayan, without having consented to make his confession. He and

his colleague Bolivar had been sent there "for a certain sedition

which they were plotting" against Cruzalaegui. [Murillo Velarde says

(fol. 344) that they were plotting to put Zalaeta in the governor's

place.] The wife of Bolivar "died at Orion, impenitent, unwilling

to confess; when her husband heard of this, he performed condign

penitence for his sins, and publicly professed his detestation of his

transgressions, and thus he gained absolution from the censures--but,

returning from his exile, he died on the way." Calderon "also died very

suddenly, although at the hour of death he acknowledged his errors,

and, to secure absolution from the censures, made the usual profession

of detestation." The fiscal Alanis, "the only one who experienced,

while living, the punishment from the king our sovereign which deprived

of their offices all the members of the royal Audiencia, died in Mexico

in great poverty and humiliation. The same fate befell the usurping

dean," Miguel Ortiz de Covarrubias. The cantor Figueroa was sentenced

to degradation, and to be delivered to the secular powers, "which was

afterward commuted, for valid reasons, to perpetual banishment to the

Marianas Islands, where he ended his days in a thousand miseries." The

bishop of Cagayan died so suddenly that he could not be confessed or

absolved. The Jesuit Ortega died at sea, while en route to Madrid

to complain of Pardo; and although he received the viaticum, his

mind was so occupied, first and last, with accusations against the

archbishop, that he scandalized all the people in the ship. He died

practically an excommunicate, not having rendered his accounts for

the executorship to the archbishop, and having been absolved only by

"the usurping Dean, who had no jurisdiction." "The two soldiers who

carried out the father provincial died suddenly," being stabbed to

death, one by an infidel Chinese, the other on leaving the house of

his mistress. A man who wounded the provisor--in trying to murder him;

his name was Manuel Ortafan, and his wife had brought suit against him

for divorce, before the ecclesiastical tribunal (Diaz, Conquistas,

p. 766)--was sentenced to a short exile; "but God was not satisfied

with that light punishment, and accordingly took upon Himself vengeance

against that man, afflicting him with leprosy. This made him blind,

and he finally reached the utmost poverty, begging alms, with a boy

to guide him, before the gates of the convents."

The spirit of this account is echoed--rather curiously, for so late

a date as 1891--in Resena biografica, i, pp. 478-480.

[159] Pardo offered to his Dominican province the sum of thirteen

thousand pesos, to be used as endowment for three chairs--law,

medicine, and pharmacy--and for some scholarships in Santo Tomas; but

the gift was declined, as the province was neither able nor willing

to take the responsibility of administering in (Resena biografica,

i, pp. 477, 478.)

[160] In the Ventura del Arco MSS. (iii, p. 761) is an extract from

a letter by the Jesuit Pedro Cano, dated May 26, 1690, which says:

"On December 31, 1689, they found Archbishop Pardo dead in his bed,

sine cruce et sine luce, without any sacrament, through the negligence

of the people of his household and his own confidence that he was

to live a long time. For some days all his body had been swollen,

and he said that, thanks to the Lord, he was gaining flesh. In

the agonies of death, he called to his servants, who were buried in

sleep; no one heard him except Don Juan de Cazorla, a cleric whom the

archbishop kept a prisoner under his own apartment, in fetters--who

did not dare to go upstairs, lest the archbishop should learn that

his fetters were removed at night. The prelate's body, wrapped in a

loose gown, was carried to the house where Auditor Grimaldos died;

and from there to Santo Domingo, where four days later it was buried."

[161] He came with commission to bring suit against the auditors who

had banished the archbishop.

[162] He had died toward the end of the year 1683, aged more than

seventy years.

[163] Nicolas Cani was born in 1611, a Sardinian by nation; and became

a Jesuit novice March 27, 1628. In 1653 he entered the Philippine

missions, and labored in the Visayan Islands. Murillo Velarde states

(fol. 367 b) that he was unable to learn further particulars as

to Cani's life and ministries, except vague statements as to his

admirable character and some few incidents in which he figured. The

date of his death is not recorded, but signatures by him existed that

were made in 1671.

[164] The letter following this says that the visitor and Audiencia

reached Manila in 1687; Montero y Vidal says 1688; and Diaz's editor,

1689. It seems more probable that 1688 is the correct date, from

various allusions made in these letters and by Diaz.

[165] Referring to the dispute between the two universities of San

Jose and Santo Tomas; and the placing, by the latter, of the royal

arms over its entrance.

[166] That is, October 19. This saint was Pedro Garavito, born at

Alcantara in 1499; at the age of fifteen he entered the Franciscan

order, and was ordained in 1524. In 1554 he instituted a reform,

exceedingly austere and rigorous, in his order, and erected the

first convent for these discalced Franciscans at Pedroso. Other

houses adopted this rule, and in 1562 these reformed convents were

freed by papal orders from the jurisdiction of the general of the

Franciscan order. Garavito died on October 18 of that same year;

he was canonized in 1669 as St. Peter of Alcantara. (Baring-Gould's

Lives of the Saints, xii, pp. 487-494.)

[167] Spanish buen; but obviously used with satirical meaning.

[168] When Bolivar was arrested, he was sent to "a small fortified post

in the province of Cagayan, called Tuao, where he remained until the

investigating judge who came to Manila in 1688 ordered him to return

[to that city], but he died on the way" (Diaz, p. 788).

[169] Andaye, a fortified town at the mouth of the Bidassoa River,

which forms part of the boundary between Spain and France and empties

into the Bay of Biscay. Andaye is directly opposite Fontarabia

in Spain.

[170] These jars are still highly valued by the Malays; see Furness's

mention of this, with photographic illustration, in his Borneo

Head-Hunters, pp. 125, 126.

The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898—Volume 39 of 55, 1683-1690 Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the Islands and Their Peoples, Their History and Records of The Catholic Missions, As Related in Contemporaneous Books and Manuscripts, Showing the Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious Conditions of Those Islands from Their Earliest Relations with European Nations to the Close of the Nineteenth Century · 第 32 / 32 题