XX. THE OWL AND THE NIGHTINGALE_Selections from Early Middle English, 1130-1250. Part 2: Notes

#Manuscripts:# i. Jesus College, Oxford, E 29 (J); see p. 285. ii.

Cotton Caligula A 9, British Museum (C); see p. 450. They are copies of

a common exemplar X, which was probably taken directly from the poet’s

original. X was written by two scribes; the work of the first is

represented in ll. 1-353 of the present selection; that of the second in

ll. 354-437; the former was accustomed to French scribal methods. The

writer of C was a mechanical copyist and not at home in English,

consequently he reproduces X with tolerable accuracy. The scribe of J

was more independent (see p. 293).

#Facsimile:# Of J. The Owl and the Nightingale, ed. J. E. Wells.

#Editions:# Stevenson, J., Roxburghe Club, London, 1838; Wright, T.,

Percy Society, no. xxxix, London, 1843 (text of C); Stratmann, F. H.,

Krefeld, 1868 (critical edition); *Wells, J. E., Boston, 1907 (parallel

texts with notes); Gadow, W., Palaestra, no. lxv, Berlin, 1909 (text of

C with variants of J).

#Literature:# Borsch, J., Ueber Metrik und Poetik der altenglischen

Dichtung The Owl and the Nightingale, Münster, 1883; *Breier, W., Eule

und Nachtigall, Halle, 1910, completed in Morsbachs Studien, no. xxxix,

Halle, 1910; ES xlii. 306, 408; Ebisch, W., Zur Syntax des Verbs im

altengl. Gedicht Eule und Nachtigall, Leipzig, 1905; Gadow, W., Eule und

Nachtigall, Berlin, 1907 (completed in edition as above); Kenyon, J. S.,

Journal of English and Germanic Philology, xii. 572-92; Koch, J.,

Anglia, Beiblatt, xxi. 227-40; Noelle, H., Die Sprache des altengl.

Gedichts von der Eule und Nachtigall, Göttingen, 1870; Sherman, L. A., A

Grammatical Analysis of the OE. Poem The Owl and the Nightingale,

Transactions of the American Philological Association, vi. 1875. Wells,

J., Anglia, xxxiii. 252-69; Modern Language Notes, xxv. 108, xxvi.

139-41.

#Phonology:# (1) =of C=. The spellings of (a) ll. 1-353 and (b) ll.

354-437 are distinguished, when they show a characteristic difference.

Significant rhymes are recorded. Oral #a# is _a_, fare 422, tale 3; #a#

before nasals wavers between _a_ (10 times) and _o_ (14), can 126, vram

119, man 334, mani 399, þan 22, 24, þane 39, wanne 308, bigon 13, con

199, from 154, monnes 254, moni 355, nome 405, þonkes 70, won 240, wone

243, wonne 38, exceptionally þenne (#þænne#); #a# before lengthening

groups is _o_, honde 400, onde 297, longe 45, tonge 112, but andsuare

105, answare 55, 277; #and# is and 4, an 7 &c.; #man#, indefinite, me

32; ferden 432 r. w. uerde, descends from #fēran#. #æ# is regularly _a_,

bare 56, 106 r. w. answare, glad 312, hadde 275 r. w. iladde, smal 73

r. w. al. #e# is _e_, bet 21, hen 291; before lengthening groups, ende

386, felde 357: (a) suich 283, suiche 134 is from a form in #i#, (b)

swucche 354, swuch 374 from one in #y#: a diphthong has developed in

imeind 18, 306 (#gemenged#, comp. 451/25). #i# is _i_, bile 79, chirche

339, is 388 r. w. wis, (a) wile 141 r. w. sckile; before lengthening

groups, bringe 311, linde 393, but wsome (= ysome) 136, (b) wulle 373,

nulleþ 407, wuste 10 r. w. custe, neltu 106 (#nelt#), wolcumeð 318, with

_o_ written in this text for _u_ from _e_ by labial influence, comp.

wulcume L 8528 &c., grulde 98 (*#gryllan#). #o# is _o_, bodi 73, horne

234, word 45, wolde 128, nolde 115, but walde 370 r. w. scholde; þane

414 is LWS. #þane#, wan 334, #hwan#: on _prep._ is reduced to an 239 and

often to a 20 &c. #œ#, _i_-umlaut of #o#, still lingers in seorhe ON

1599. #u# is _u_, cumeþ 298, luueþ 188, wunest 254, but _o_ in lo`u´ue,

where `u´ was possibly meant as a correction of _o_, ouerkome 386, wode

322 r. w. rude, woning 403, in which _o_ is associated with _m_, _n_,

_w_; #u# before lengthening groups is _u_, dumb 294, tunge 194, but

tonge r. w. iþrunge. #y# is _u_, kume 314 (perhaps with [u] from cuman),

murie 261, vuele 63, stude 410 (#styde#) r. w. mide, muchel 404, muche

413 (#mycel#); before lengthening groups, cunde 88, hurne 14; but

unrounded in þincþ 430, þincþe 46, þinche 262, wirche 340; wrchen 286 is

probably French writing for wurchen.

#ā# is regularly _o_, bore 286, hoten 192, swo 76, 381, so 52, 289, 415,

o 249, 331, þos 95, but a 45, 104, 112, an 4, 80, Portesham 434, swa ON

1577, wa 425, þeos 413 (#þās#); before two consonants _o_, wostu 334,

but axest 325, 329, hattest 191. #ǣ{1}# is regularly _e_, brede 130,

ledeþ 216, sprede 315 r. w. mede, þen 386, but þare 28 &c., þan 156 (3);

before two consonants _e_, fleshe 83, ileste 257, meshe 84 (*#mǣscan#),

neuer 60, but iladde 276, wranne 360. #ǣ{1}# is elsewhere sometimes

_ea_, eauer ON 922, deale ON 954, bileaue ON 1688. #ǣ{2}# is also _e_,

forlete 36, rede 425; before two consonants, oferd 277, but _a_ in lat

194 (4), lateþ 372 (3), ofdrad 387, þar 16 &c., þareafter 271, þareuore

210, whar 64, war 392, uareuore 203, 333, these pronominal forms

probably come from shortened #ǣ#: before two consonants, fnast 44,

raddest 115, misraddest 116. #ē# is _e_, breme 158, kene 212; before two

consonants, dest 49, 237 r. w. preost, spedde 435, but dost 307, dostu

174, 289, doþ 112, 238 with _o_ from the plural. #ī# is _i_, wile 155,

pipe 22, suiþe ON 376; before two consonants, þriste 127 r. w. liste,

wisdom 399, but (a) suþe 2, 12, 111 from #swȳþe# with absorption of _w_,

comp. such from swuch. #ō# is _o_, brode 93, ilome 49, noþeles 105, but

neoþeles 357 (15 times in Layamon, see 452/8); before two consonants,

blostme 315, softe 6. #ū# is _u_, kuþe 332, tukest 63, hule 4 &c., but

houle 428, a French writing. #ȳ# is _u_, hud 120, lutle 356, þuuele 214

r. w. foȝle, but litle 419, þe 19, 34, 401, forþe 69, vorþi 65, hwi 407,

whi 106, wi 174 (#hwī#).

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _a_, areȝ 285, ȝare 171 r. w. aiware,

hardeliche 280, þaref 146, but eardingstowe 28; the _i_-umlaut before a

lengthening group is _e_ in uerde 433 r. w. ferden: #cierm# is chirme

221 (see Bülb. 187 anm.) but bichermet 215. #ea# before #l# + cons. is

_a_, al 8 and the numerous forms of #eall#, hale 2 r. w. dale, schaltu

165; before lengthening groups _o_, which descends from Anglian unbroken

lengthened #a#, as in Layamon 452/15, bold 233 (3), boldeliche 279,

biholde 71, holde 3 (4), wolde 367, but once belde 358: without umlaut

are falt 37, halt 32. #eo# before #r# + cons. is _o_, for 328, vorre

243, horte 37, 43, rorde 227; before a lengthening group, ilorned 172;

but daisterre 244 r. w. vorre: forbernest 297 is from #bærnan#; #wyr#

words are worse 219 r. w. mershe, worste 10, worþ 283, wrs 34, elsewhere

wurs ON 793, wrþ 256, unwrþ 255, elsewhere wurþ ON 769. #eo# before #l#

+ cons. is seen in sulue 69. The _u_-umlaut of #a# is wanting in hauekes

207 (3). #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e# gives houene 335, 346 r. w. steuene,

350. #eo#, _å_-umlaut of #e# is seen in feole 415, but uele 20, and fale

365, auale 410 (#feala#). #eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i# is _o_ (for

_eo_) in honne 66 r. w. kunne, hore 216 &c., noþerward 100, soþþe 240,

but (b) heore 418. #ea# after palatals is _a_, schal 143, ȝaf 55, 105,

aȝaf 95, before nasal, schame 50 (3), but schome 123. #ie# after #g# is

_e_, biȝete 344, uorȝete 343, underȝete 124, ȝeueþ 419, but ȝiueþ 416,

ȝiue 410. #ie# after #sc# is _i_ in schille 98, 364, _e_ in schelde 356

r. w. felde. #gef#, EWS. #gief# is ȝif 51 &c., ȝef 429. #eo# after #sc#

is _o_, scholde 371 r. w. walde, sholdest 54, short 73, but Anglian

schulde 390 r. w. wule. #eom# is Angl. am 126, 212, nam 387, #heom#, hom

62, 94.

#ēa# is regularly _e_, blete 57, dreme 230; before two consonants,

cheste 133 r. w. unwerste, but earen 254, unneaþe ON 1605, dreim 21 (a

scribal error). The _i_-umlaut is _e_, grettre 74, ȝeme 345, ihere 180

r. w. fere, iherde 2, ihert 406, but ihire 228. #ēo# is (a) _o_, a

French writing, blo 108, 319, bon 198, 342, bo 107 (9), boþ 75 (4), flo

33 (4), flon 106, floþ 214, ho 19 (13), hom 353, iso 243, isoþ 302, lof

159 (3), oftoned 190, so 34, swore 73, tone 50, prostes 351, þo 26, 155,

þos 41 (4), holde 12, hold 100, athold 270, bihold 30, but the corrector

has added e in preost 238 r. w. dest, weode 236; (b) _eo_, beo, beoþ

378, 418, heo 360 (9), heom 407, 408, but ho 368. The _i_-umlaut is seen

in atfliþ 37 (Angl. #flīþ#), þuster 154 (3). #gesīene# is isene 122, 211

r. w. kene; #gīet#, ȝet 225. #ēo# from #ō# after #g# is _o_ in ȝomere

293 r. w. sumere, #ēa# from #ā# after #sc#, _e_ in schede 153.

#a# + #g# is _aȝ_, draȝe 209. #æ# + #g# is _ai_, dai 89 &c., vaire 15

&c., mai 141 (4), fawre 138, miswritten for fayre, but _ei_ in seide 9,

289, 424, 265 r. w. rede, 325 r. w. dede, rhymes which indicate sede 33,

173 representing #sǣde# as the original form, so ised 273 r. w. red is

#gesǣd#. #e# + #g# is _ei_, aȝein 431, pleie 169, wei 224, under this

head come seist 50 (4) from #segst#, seiþ 132 from #segð#, seie 173 from

#sege#: aȝen 7, 314 is #agēn#, snailes 87, #snægl#. #i# + #h# is _iȝ_,

adiȝte 242, wiȝt 312, or _ih_, diht 399; for #iht#, _ist_ is written in

mist 78: final #ig# is _i_, bodi 73. #o# + #g# is _oȝ_, itoȝen 368. #u#

+ #g# is _uȝ_, fuȝele 64 r. w. vuele, but the spirant has been absorbed

in fuelkunne 65; foȝle 213 r. w. þuuele, is a French spelling. #y# + #h#

is unrounded in hiȝte 208, hiȝteþ 314. #ā# + #g# is _oȝ_, oȝe 195, þroȝe

196. #ǣ{1}# + #g# is _ei_ in eiþer 9, 141, but aiþer 7, aiware 172.

#ǣ{2}# + #g# is seen in iseȝe 303. #ō# + #g# is _oȝ_, boȝe 15, woȝe 120.

#ō# + #h# is _oȝ_, broȝte 150, noȝt 58 (#nōht#), roȝte 305, þoȝte 269,

but _oh_ in brohte 369. #u# + #h# is _uȝ_, þuȝte 21, ofþuȝte 275. #ea# +

#h# is _eȝ_, iseȝ 29, ouerseȝ 30; the _i_-umlaut is _iȝ_, miȝt 64, 177,

miȝte 42, 411, miȝtest 192, niȝt 89, but mihte 392. #eo# + #ht#, ariȝt

278, briȝter 108, viȝte 128, riȝt 76, riȝte 120 r. w. liȝte 398, but

riht 379, unrihtfulnesse 385; bituxen 390 represents WS. #betux#: the

_i_-umlaut gives isiþ 285, but isoþ 302 without umlaut. #ēa# + #g#, #h#

is (a) eȝe 304 r. w. iseȝe, neȝ 44, þeȝ 48, but þoȝ 220, (b) þeg 367,

þah 422. #ēo# + #h# is (a) _iȝ_, liȝte 119 r. w. riȝte, (b) ih, lihtlich

402, 417; the _i_-umlaut is seen in fliȝst 89, 183, fliȝt 132, 224,

atfliþ 37: #dīegel# is diȝele 2. #ā# + #w# is _ow_, crowe 220, croweþ

251, snov 308, asnowe 291, owel 80 (*#āwul#), but nawt 383; clawe 109,

110 is probably #clawe#. #ī# + #w#, howe 108 (Anglian #hēow#). #ō# +

#w#, bigrowe 27, -stowe 28, but nouþer 375 (#nōwþer#). #ēa# + #w#, gleu

149, unþeu 150, but sewi 107. #ēo# + #w#, eu 436, ower 379, tro _d._

316, representing occasional _dat._ #trēo#.

In bisemar 104 _a_ appears for #e#, in svikel- 118, 119 _e_ for #o#, in

munekes 347 _e_ for #u#, in gladur 19, uairur 108, _u_ for #e#, but

gladdere ON 737. #ā# is _o_ in oferd 277, elsewhere aferd 288. _e_ has

been added in areȝ 285 (#earg#), areȝþe 282, arehþe 359, bareȝ 286,

bisemar 104, hardeliche 280, narewe 68, steuene 345, 363, þaref 146,

lost in warni 246, as already in OE. #warnian#; houẹneriche 335,

houẹneliȝte 350, represent #heofon-rīce#, #heofon-lēoht#, similarly

þornewode 322, þarẹuore 210, warẹuore 203, 333. The prefix in atschet 44

is #oþ#; #be-# is regularly _bi-_, bigrede 220, bitelle 199; _a_ in adun

164 is #of#; the prefix #ge-# is fully preserved as _i-_; the suffix

-hede, 118 &c. is *#hǣd#.

#w# is written _u_ in suiche 134, 283, tuengst 112, but more frequently

_v_, sval 7, tosvolle 101; it stands for _wu_ in wrchen 286, wrs 34, wrþ

256, unwrþ 255, for _wi_ in wle 284, for _uu_ in wl 31, wle 35 (#fūle#);

in wole 8, as Breier explains, the original had uuele (#yfele#), the

copyist took uu as w and read wole (#fūle#). Metathesis of #r# is seen

in unwerste 134; #rr# is simplified in for 328. #n# is lost in þane 39

&c., wane 298, 352, ope 124, #on# is often reduced to _a_, adwole 420

&c.; #nn# is simplified in hen 291, kun 332. For #f# initial, _f_, _u_,

_v_ are used indiscriminately, faire 114, vaire 15, fiȝt 132, viȝte 128,

for 328, vorre 243, foruorþ 276, for 32, uor 19, vor 43, vram 119, from

62; it is once _w_ in waste (#fæst#), and _w_ = _uu_ in wl 31, wle 35;

between vowels #f# is regularly _u_, buue 164, auale 410 beside fale

365, touore 371, similarly eure 251, cliure 78 (3), sulue 67, but _v_ in

eve 41, over 64, _f_ in afere 177, aferd 288, ifare 278, oferd 277; in

other positions it is commonly _f_, efne 229, stefne 230. #t# is lost in

blosme 16 as already in OE. #blōsma#, nel tu 106, doubled in sittest 89;

for #t#, _d_ is written in ad 241; #tt# is simplified in wit 420. For

#d#, _t_ is written in ihert 406; #d# is mostly omitted in an 7 &c.,

beside occasional and 4, 294, also in answare 55, 277, as rarely in OE.,

but andsuare 105; spene 121 is a new back formation from the _pt._ tense

and _pp._ of spend (NED); #dd# is simplified in bed- 240, midel- 349.

For #þ#, _d_ appears in haued 123, lodlich 32 (3), _t_ in witute 139,

200, bigredet 67, biledet 68, hatiet 186, schuniet 185, singet 152, wit

56, 222; dostu 174, 289 is a compendium for dost þu, similarly axestu

329, wenestu 219. #sć# is _sch_, schal 143, schende 210, bischopen 404,

schuniet 185, but occasionally _sh_, shal 258, ishote 23, mershe 220,

and once _s_, sewi 107. The stop #c# is regularly _k_ before _e_ and

_i_, unker 107, loki 56, also in kon 326, kume 314, kun 332, kunne 144,

kuþe 332, and _ck_ in eck 130, haueck 219, otherwise _c_, cunne 47, 48,

cuþe 360, hauec 223, spac 274: #cc# is _ck_, flockes 216, þicke 17, 308;

it is simplified in stoc 25: (b) ah 357 (6) is Anglian #ah#, but (a) ac

83 (6). #cw# is (a) _qu_, quaþ 143, but (b) cwaþ 372 (5). #č# is

expressed by _ch_, chirche 339, ich 1, swuche 354, unwrenche 125, ilich

232, 234, but ilike 113 r. w. biswike. #čč# is _cch_, recche 60, wrecche

251, but reche 58; #čǧ# is _gg_, alegge 272, hegge 17, 59 (*#hecg#),

legge 164, segge 18. Palatal #g# is written _ȝ_, ȝare 171, ȝaf 105,

areȝþe 285, murȝþe 257 (3), areȝ 285, bareȝ 286, folȝeþ 223, isuolȝe

102, unwroȝen 118, but arehþe 359, ibolwe 101. #ng# appears in lengþe

130, strengþe 129, but strencþe 356 (Horn, Beiträge, 60). #h# has been

added initially in his 404, hunke 376, hure 141, and dropped in abbe

130, is 281. #hr# is _r_ in rise 19; #hl#, _l_ in lud 6, luste 99; #hw#

is _hw_ in hwile ON 1591, _wh_ in what 60, but otherwise _w_, aiware

172, wat 141 &c., wan 334, wile 6 (3), wa 425, wo 152, wonne 38, wone

243, won 240, wider 342.

(2) =Of J.= Mainly a record of divergences from C. #a# is more

frequently _o_ before nasals, grome 49, lome 375, mon 334, 355, and

before lengthening groups, ondsware 105, onsware 55. Beside hwanne 121,

308, hwenne occurs 38 (4). ewel 80 takes its initial vowel from #æl#.

#æ# is _e_ in hedde 102 (3), queþ 372 (3), wes 1 (7). #e#, sweche 354,

but such 374, suche 134 (#swylc#). #i# is often written in French

fashion _y_, especially in conjunction with _m_, _n_, _u_, _h_, myne 51,

ynne 208, clyures 111, fyht 132; #willaþ# is wille 373; welcometh 318

has _wel_ substituted for #wil#; with cleures 84, 206 comp. ‘cleafres,’

AR 102/5, ‘claures,’ Corpus MS. #o#, wolde 370. #u#, tunge 37, vnne 382,

but schonyeþ 185, vowele 213, a French use. #ā#, hwo 425, no 202,

meaning nor, but naþeles 105, 357. #ǣ{1}# dayrewe 244, wrenne 360 (3);

eoch 231, euche 151, euych 187 descend from #ylc#, comp. 288/8; meysse

84 (*#mǣscan#), vleysse 83, with #ǣ# before #sć#, may, in this text, be

French spellings, but comp. 428/6. #ǣ{2}# is with fewer exceptions _e_,

efne 239, let 194 (4), leteþ 372 (3), ofdred 387. #ē#, dome 426 is

misspelt for deme. #ī#, swiþe 2, 12, swyþe 149. #ȳ#, hwy, with y written

for i. #ea# before #r# + cons. is _e_ in erdingstowe 28. #eo# before #r#

+ cons. is _eo_, veor 328, veorre 243, heorte 37, reorde 227, steorre

244, ileorned 172. #ie#, bichirmeþ 215. No umlaut in heuene 346 r. w.

stefne, heueryche 335, fele 415, but veole 20. #eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut

of #i#, heonne 66, heore 216 &c. neþerward 100, seþþe 240. #ea# after

palatal and before nasal, schome 50, 374, schomye 117. #ie# after #g# is

regularly _e_, yeue 410, yeueþ 416, 419. #gief# is if 283 &c.: #heom#,

heom 62 &c. #ēa#, eren 254, drem 21; the _i_-umlaut, ihere 228. #ēo# is

mostly preserved, fleo 33, heo 33, heolde 51, leof 159, preostes 351,

teone 50, but he 19, holde 12, lesen 267, prest 238, swere 73.

The new diphthongs have reached a more advanced stage in which w

displaces ȝ; y is used extensively for i. #a# + #g#, drawe 209, mawe

138. #æ# + #g#, day 89, vayre 15, but seyde 9, iseyd 273. #e# + #g#,

ayeyn 7 (3), pleye 169, seyþ 132, snayles 87, seist 50. #i# + #h#,

adihte 242, bitwihen 390 (#betwih#), myht 78. #i# + #g#, unwryen 118.

#o# + #g#, itowen 368. #u# + #g#, vowele 64, fowel 65, muwe 62. #ā# +

#g#, owe 195, þrowe 196. #ǣ{1}# + #g#, eyþer 9; ihware 172 is OE.

#gehwǣr#. #ō# + #g#, bowe 15, wowe 120. #ō# + #h# is _ouh_, brouhte 156,

369, þouhte 269, roughte 305, but þoutest 113. #ū# + #h#, þuhte 21, of

þuhte 275. #ea# + #h#, iseyh 29, ouerseyh 30; the _i_-umlaut, myhte 42,

nyht 252. #eo# + #h#, ariht 278, brihter 108, vyhte 128, ryht 76; the

_i_-umlaut, isihþ 285. #ēa# + #g#, eyen 75, 100, eye 304, neyh 44;

#þēah# appears as þeih 367, þeyh 137 &c., þey 287, þah 422 (stressed),

þe 48, 220. #ēo# + #h#, lyhte 119, ryhte 120; the _i_-umlaut, flyhst 89,

flyhþ 132; #dīegel# is dyele 2. #ā# + #w#, snouh 308, nouht 58, nowiht

256, noht 183. #ī# + #w#, hewe 108. #ēo# + #w#, eure 379, treo 316.

#i# is levelled to _e_ in chireche 339, clerekes 340, 347, mureþe 257,

murehþe 336, 343; in gretture 74, _u_ appears for _e_; _e_ is inserted

in bolewe 101, swikedom 119.

_w_ stands for _u_ in hw 46, 435; it is written for _wu_ in wrche 340,

wrse 219, wrste 10, wrþe 278, and for _we_ in wre 159; it is _u_ in

suych 283. Final #n# is omitted in a 241 &c. #f# is _v_ in ivi 27. _d_

is written for #t# in bid 319; it is doubled in gladdre 19. For #þ#, _t_

is written in wit 57, _h_ in bihouhte 155. #sć# is _s_, sarp 79, atset

44, sende 210, _sc_, biscrycheþ 67, scrichest 179, scort 73, _sch_,

schewi 107, scholdest 54, schulle 320, mersche 220. Beside sweche 354

are such 374, suche 134. Final #c# is written _k_ in spak 279, 288; #cc#

is _kk_ in þikke 308; #cw# is _qu_ in iqueme 427. nyk 202 (OE. #nič#) is

a Midland form, and probably due to Scandinavian influence; ic is ic 245

(7) beside ich 1 &c.; ilyche 113 r. w. biswike. Palatal #g# is very

regularly written _y_, yaf 55, 105, ayaf 95, yomere 293, voryete 343.

After _l_, _r_, #g# passes into the spirant _w_, bolewe 101, foleweþ

223, iswolwe 102, amorewe 310, moreweninge 361, sorewe 309, but arehþe

282 (areh + þe). #g# is lost initially in if 260 &c. #h# is lost in

þoutest 113. #hw# is generally preserved, hwan 334, hwar 64, hwi 204,

hwile 158, ihware 172.

#Accidence:# (1) =of C=. Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns.

In the _s. n. a._ bile 79, 205, griþbruche 377, kume 314 (possibly

_d._), hete 123 have their OE. vocalic ending; songe 259 is a scribe’s

mistake for song; bodi 73 has lost final g, eve 41, final n. _Gen._ -es,

fuȝeles 259, speres 355: _d._ -e, boȝe 15, bore 286, daie 352, houene

346, sumere 1, 294, wintere 293, but adai 89 (3), aniȝt 89, 175, awinter

290; with loss of final consonant, amorȝe 310, eue 239 (3), iui 27; OE.

are blo 108, 319, (Portes)hom 395, tro 316; king 371 is miswritten for

kinge. The _pl. n. a._ of masculines ends in -es, snailes 87, tunes 348,

but cliuers 111, 206, fuȝele 64 (see note): neuters are ibere 178, þinge

225, wiȝte 87, 160, and with _masc._ termination, wiȝtes 309, wordes

134, unwiȝtis 174. Genitive is cunne 20; datives have mostly -e, foȝle

213, rise 19 (3), songe 82, stude 410, þinge 312, 415, þuuele 214,

vnwrenche 125, volde 72, worde 114 (7), but craftes 329, cliures 84,

toppes 306, bischopen 404. The _fem._ nouns of the strong declension

have -e in _s. n. a._, answare 55, 277, blisse 298, 346, eardingstowe

28, godhede 267, skentinge 324, stefne 233, unrihtfulnesse 385, cheste

133, sorȝe 309, but hen 291, insiȝt 151, woning 227, 403, so ME.

grucching, luring 301: þuster 154, 186, 188 is neuter. _Gen._ -e, worlde

ON 476: _dat._ -e without exception, blisse 335, brede 130, ME. pipinge

232, 253, see 397. _Pl. d._ is dede 188, 406; _a._ blisse 311, clawe

109, tale 193, tide 26. Nouns of the weak declension have -e throughout,

_s. n._ swore 73, mose 69, _d._ deme 426, frogge 85, eȝe 304, wise 20,

but uo 281, _a._ daisterre 244, grame 49, ȝeme 345, but dairim 244, iuo

359: _pl. n._ blosme 16, eȝene 75, _d._ fere 179, but earen 254. Minor

declensions: uote _pl. d._ 51; man _s. n._ 210 (3), monnes _s. g._ 254,

304, men _pl. n._ 302, manne _pl. d._ 365, menne 368, men _pl. a._ 246;

boke _s. d._ 266; mus _pl. n._ 87; niȝt _s. n._ 250, middelniȝte _s. d._

241, but aniȝt 89, 175, niȝt _s. a._ 247, 252, niȝtes _pl. n._ ON 523;

childre _pl. d._ 419.

Adjectives which in OE. end in #-e# have e in all cases, breme 158,

grene 18, isene 122, 211, murie 261, þicke 17, riche 413, similarly

those in #-a#, lame 375, unwille 300, but hoked 79 has lost #e#, while

ope 124 has vocalic ending by loss of #n#, and fastrede _s. n. m. st._,

r. w. unrede, has added e. Those in #-ig# lose g, holi 339. Otherwise

the _nom._ is unchanged. Datives have -e in all genders, _str._, gode

223, riȝte 170, 200, 212, _wk._ faire 317, 319, fule 93, 295, olde 163,

so _acc. m. f. str._ stronge 205, vaire 15, bolde 288, schille 98, 364,

but stif 205, lodlich 32 before vowels, unwrþ 255, _wk._ gode 414, longe

247, but ful 94: wrecche _s. a. m. wk._ 251 has taken the form of

#wrecca# sb. (Breier). The _acc. neut._ is uninflected, god 131; wole 8

is corrupt. #mycel# is _s. n._ muchel 404, _s. d._ muchele ON 1217:

#āgen# has lost n in oȝe 195. The _pl._ of all adjectives ends in -e,

_n._ brode 75, isome 378, _d._ belde 358, smale 213, _a._ gode 206,

scharpe 109, but scharp 206 before a vowel. OE. #ān# is _s. n. m._ on

25, 238 before vowel, 82, 330 (pronominal), o 331 (num. adj.), _f._ a

112, an 80 before vowel, _s. d. m._ one 2, 15, &c., _f._ ore 17, 393,

397, one 14, 235, _neut._ one 1, 236, _s. a. m._ one 102, a 94, o 249

(num. adj.), _f._ one 4, 155, 324, an 4, one 403 (num. adj.), _neut._ a

45, 104. #nān# is _s. n. m._ no 210, _f._ 146, _s. d. m._ none 168, 387;

as adv. na more 169 (3). Adjectives used as nouns are wise _s. n. m._

132, _pl. d._ 181, bare _s. d._ 106, _s. a._ 56, gode _s. d._ 338, ille

299, longe 45, vuele, wroþe 63 (see note), blete _s. a._ 57, woȝe 120,

154, worste 10, but god 245. Comparatives have -e, betere 330 (3),

grettere 74, mildre 418, worse 219, but briȝter 108, gladur 19, icundur

85, uairur 108.

The personal pronouns are ich, i 353, me, unker _dual g._, of us two

107, we, hure _pl. g._, of us 141, us, þu, (speddes) tu 125, þe, hunke

376 (see note), ȝe, eu. The pronoun of the third person is _s. n._ he

_m._ 21 &c., ho _f._ 19, 368, heo 360, 372 &c., he 97, 274, 279, hi 141,

hit _neut._ 28, _d._ him _m._ 167, hire _f._ 104, him _neut._ ON 682,

_a._ hine _m._ 392, hi _f._ 29, 30, 32, hit _neut._ 92, _pl. n._ hi 10

&c., ho 66, 76, heo 418, 434, 435, _d._ hom 94, heom 408, _a._ hi 420,

hom 62 (possibly _d._), heom ON 930: reflexive are hi 155, heom 407;

definitive, sulue 69. Possessives are _s. n._ mi, before vowel or

pronom. h, min, _d._ mine _m._ 46, mire _f._ 384, mine 59, 245, _neut._

83, 218, _a. m._ 36, 242, _f._ 196; _pl._ mine; _s. n._ þi, before vowel

or h, þin, _d._ þine _m._ 58, þin 117, þire _f._ 307, 383, þine 40 (6),

_neut._ 88, _a. m._ 119 &c., þin 249, þine _f._ 194, þin _neut._ 121

(before vowel), þi ON 104; _pl._ þine, but þin _pl. n._ 75, 113 before

vowel; his 188, is 281, his _neut._ 267; hire 26; ure 298; ower 379;

hore 216, heore 418; unker 423, 425, 426. The definite article is

_s. n._ þe _m._ 132, þo _f._ 26, 155, þe 13, 29 &c., þat _neut._ 10 &c.,

þe 352, _g._ þas _m._ 254, þare _f._ 28, _d._ þan _m._ ON 125, þen 386,

þe 322, 371, þare _f._ 31, 397, þe ON 96, þan _neut._ ON 133, þe 56,

_a._ þane _m._ 414, þe _f._ 13, þat _neut._ 8, 10; _pl. n._ þe 315. The

article is also used demonstratively as _adj._ þat 5, 8 &c., þare 96, as

pronoun, þat 82, þan 156, 405. The compound demonstrative is _s. n._ þes

_m._ 195, þos _f._ 41 (3), þeos ON 1667, 1707, _d._ þis _neut._ 437 (the

metre requires þisse), _a._ þos _f._ 133, þis _neut._ 156 (4); _pl. n._

þos 348, þeos 413, _d._ þisse 432, _a._ þos 95, þeos ON 1653. The

relatives are þe ON 1346, þat 10, 144; meaning to which 187, that which

78, 115, 174. Interrogatives are wa 425, wo 152, wat 141, 271, 353, what

60, (to) wan 334, wuch ON 1378 and the correlative suich _n. s. m._ 283,

swuch _s. a. f._ 374, suiche _pl. n._ 134, swucche _pl. d._ 354. #gelīc#

is ilich _s. n. m._ 232, 234; #gelīca#, ilike _pl. n._ 113. Indefinites

are me 32 &c., man 341; sum _s. a. f._ 6, summe _pl. n._ ON 1648; eiþer

9, 141, aiþer 7; oþer _s. d. f._ 54, _s. a._ 7, _s. a. f._ 326, oþeres

_s. g._ 9, oþer _pl. n._ 160, _pl. a._ 225; ech _s. n. m._ 231, _neut._

312, eche _s. d. m._ 151; eurich _s. n. m._ 150, _f._ 257, _neut._ 185,

_g. m._ 304; eni _s. a. f._ 326, _neut._ 338; moni _s. n. m._ 355, mani

_s. a. m._ 399, manie 398, monie _pl. d._ 72, _a._ 193; uale _s. d. m._

410, uele _pl. g._ 20, fale _pl. d._ 365, feole 415; al _s._ throughout,

except all _s. d. f._ 129, alle _s. a. f._ 247; alle _pl._, except alre

_g._ 10.

The infinitive ends in -e, singe 39 (5), wirche 340 and 40 other

instances; exceptions in -en are losen 267, singen 327 before vowel or

h, abiten 77, smiten 78 at end of line, hoten 192, speten 39, wrchen

286; the second weak conjugation has -i, liki 258, sewi 107; contract

verbs are flo 284, 319, flon 106 before vowel. The _dat. inf._ is not

inflected, to biholde 71, for teche 408, [for] ȝiue 410, to seche 402

(virtual nominative): no examples in -en. Presents are _s._ 1. abbe 130,

adiȝte 242, kep (ich) 110; of second wk. conj. warni 246, wndri 184; of

contract verbs, iso 243, so 34; 2. axest 325, singest 247 (3), passive,

hattest 191, axestu 329, wenestu 219, ME. clackes 81; with -ist, singist

175, wenist 231; seist 50 (4) represents #segst#; syncopated forms are

telst 226, tuengst 112, wenst 47, the metre requires woldẹst 84, hauẹst

109; a contract verb is fliȝst 89, 183, fliȝst(e) 283; 3. blisseþ 313,

croweþ 251 and 17 others, singet 152, schuniet 185; syncopated forms are

numerous, abid 421, berþ 281, bit 319, 323, demþ 420, diht 399, falt 37,

fiȝt 132, halt 32, helpþ 127, lat 224, liþ 308, lust 168, 169, singþ

339, telþ 256, þincþ 430, worþ 283, writ 399, þincþe 46 (= þincþ þe);

seiþ 132 represents #segð#; contract verbs are atfliþ 37, fliȝt 132,

224, isiþ 285, isoþ 302; _pl._ 3. bigredeþ 215, habbeþ 309, 406,

bigredet 67, biledet 68, haued 123, floþ 214: _subjunctive s._ 1. holde

59, schilde 57; second wk. conj., loki 56; 2. clawe 110, wepe 182; 3.

bitide 52, uorȝete 343; _pl._ 1. lete 133, ute 422, fo 135; 3. bigrede

220; _imperative s._ 2. hud 120, stond 431, loke 122, schamie 117, seie

173, flo 33; _pl._ 2. fareþ 379, lateþ 372 (3), lusteþ 372. Past of

Strong Verbs: I a. _s._ 3. aȝaf 95, ȝaf 55, 105, iseȝ 29, ouerseȝ 30,

quaþ 143, 145, sat 15, 101, spac 274, 288; _pl._ 3. seten ON 1102;

_subj. s._ 3. iseȝe 303: I b. _s._ 3. com 361; _pl._ 3. bicome 434: I c.

_s._ 3. bigon 13, song 20 (4), sval 7, warp 45; _subj. s._ 3. wrþe 278:

II. _s._ 3. abod 41: III. _s._ 3. atschet 44: IV. _s._ 3. stod 25: V.

_s._ 3. athold 270, bihold 30, hold 100, let 8; _pl._ 3. holde 12;

_subj. s._ 1. holde 51. Participles past: I a. awreke 198, bispeke 381,

underȝete 124: I b. ibore 334: I c. ibolwe 101, ibred 367 (#breden#),

isuolȝe 102, iþrunge 38, tosvolle 101: II. itoȝen 368: II, III. vnwroȝen

118: III. ishote 23: IV. ifare 278: V. bigrowe 27, bihote 388, iholde

366, ofdrad 387. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 1. iherde 3; 2. raddest 115

(weak form), þoȝtest 113, speddestu 125; 3. broȝte 156, hadde 102, sede

33, seide 9; _pl._ 3. spedde 435, ferden 432: _subj. s._ 3. roȝte 305.

Participles past: acoled 161, aferd 288, ihert 406, iladde 276

(#lǣded#), ilorned 172, imeind 18, 306, ised 273, oferd 277, oftoned

190. Minor Groups: an 1 _pr. s._ 382; can 1 _pr. s._ 126, 436, con 199,

kon 326, con _pr. s._ 415, cunne 1 _pr. s. subj._ 47, kunne _pr. s.

subj._ 144, kuþe _pt. s._ 332, cuþe 360; þaref _pr. s._ 146; wot 1 _pr.

s._ 61, wostu 2 _pr. s._ 334, wot _pr. s._ 151, ?wte 2 _pr. s. subj._

318, wiste _pt. s._ 103, wuste _pt. pl._ 10, nuȝte ȝe 2 _pt. pl._ 394;

schaltu 2 _pr. s._ 165, schal _pr. s._ 143, shal 258, shulle 1 _pr. s.

subj._ 320, 323, sholdest 2 _pt. s._ 54, scholde _pt. s._ 371, schulde

390; mai 1 _pr. s._ 184, miȝt 2 _pr. s._ 64 (3), mist 78, mai _pr. s._

141, muȝe 1 _pr. pl._ 138, _pr. pl. subj._ 62, miȝtest 2 _pt. s._ 192,

miȝte _pt. s._ 42, mihte we 1 _pt. pl._ 392, miȝte _pt. s. subj._ 411;

mote 1 _pr. s. subj._ 52; bon _inf._ 198, bo 146, beo 378, ?be 296, am 1

_pr. s._ 212, icham 126, nam 387, art 2 _pr. s._ 38, nart 285, is _pr.

s._ 34, his 404, nis 162, boþ _pr. pl._ 75 (5), beoþ 418, bo 2 _pr. s.

subj._ 127, _pr. s. subj._ 107 (4), bo 1 _pr. pl. subj._ 137, 2 _s.

imp._ 197, beoþ 2 _pl. imp._ 378; was 1 _pt. s._ 1, were _pt. pl._ 16,

_pt. s. subj._ 21, nere 22, weren _pt. pl. subj._ 76, were 305; wille 1

_pr. s._ 198, wilt 2 _pr. s._ 121, nel tu 106, wile _pr. s._ 170, wle

284, wulle ȝe 2 _pr. pl._ 373, nulleþ _pr. pl._ 407, wille 2 _pr. s.

subj._ 77, _pr. s. subj._ 144, wile 141, wille _pr. pl. subj._ 222,

wolde 1 _pt. s._ 128, nolde 115, woldest 2 _pt. s._ 84, wolde _pt. s._

70, walde 370; don _inf._ 115, do 374, 1 _pr. s._ 245, dest 2 _pr. s._

49, 237, dost 307, dostu 174, 289, deþ _pr. s._ 359, doþ 112, 2 _pr.

pl._ 377, _pr. pl._ 113, misdoð 413, do we 1 _pr. pl. subj._ 424, do 2

_s. imp._ 431; gon _inf._ 170, goþ _pr. pl._ 221.

The adverb aiware 172, widely, OE. #ǣghwǣr# has added e; B-T. quotes

#ǣghwāre# from Lye. Adverbs and prepositions in #-an# have -e, abute 16,

bute 403, buue 164, honne 66 (#heonane#), soþþe 240, vorre 243, ine

(#innan#) 266 (3), upe (#uppan#) 351, touore 426, witute 139, but

bituxen 390: mid 18 (4) and mide 411, oft 36 and ofte 81 occur.

(2) =Of J.= The few divergences are briefly indicated. Nouns: eyen _pl.

n._ 75, song _s. n._ 259; adjectives: vuele _s. a. neut. wk._ 8, iliche

_s. n. f. str._ 235, o _a. s. f._ 403, non _s. d. m._ 168, icundere

_s. n. neut._ 85 (unmetrical), beter _s. n. m. str._ 330, 331. The

pronoun of the first person is often ic 245, 385; vr _pl. g._ 141; heo

_s. n. m._ 23, 280, 375, 394, he _s. n. f._ 19, hi _pl. n._ 76, my

_s. a. m._ 36, þi _s. a. m._ 264, þin _s. d. m._ 125, þine _s. d. f._

383, eure _s. d. m._ 379; þe _s. n. f._ 26, þon _s. d. neut._ 350; þisse

_s. d. neut._ 437, þeos _s. a. f._ 133; oþres _s. g._ 9, 11. Tellest

226, biholdeð 30, helpeð 127 are not syncopated; wenest 231, hateþ,

luuyeþ 186, abit 421; wite 2 _pr. s. subj._ 318, unwryen _pp._ 118

(#wrigen#), vnne 1 _pr. s._ 382, beo _inf._ 198; beon _pr. pl. subj._

137. Noteworthy are muchele _adv._ 413, ne conjunction 74, than.

#Vocabulary:# French are acorde 137, afoled 162, castel 131, certes 412,

clerkes clerekes 340, 347, fals 166, gente 160, granti graunti 157 (the

latter Anglo-French), grucching 301, ipeint 76, kanunes 347, maister

maistre 147, 421, pes pays 373 (the former phonetic, the latter

traditional spelling), plait plaid 5, 380, plaidi 140, plaiding 12,

rente 410, schirme 222, possibly crei 251. Scandinavian are ilete lete

281, 358, 35, ille 299, lah(fulnesse) 384, nai 202, skentinge 324,

sckile 142, þoȝ 220, wronge 152, possibly wailawai 176 and wise 54, if

it means song. Noteworthy is the large number of expressive words

bearing a popular stamp, such as clackes, clechest, crempe, galegale,

misrempe, snepe, spale, totose, ȝollest, ȝoȝelinge.

#Dialect:# The poem was presumably written in Dorsetshire and so in the

dialect of the Middle South; the evidence of the rhymes confirms this.

But in its present form there are considerable traces of Anglian

influence, and these, as appearing equally in both manuscripts, may be

set down to the transcriber of their common exemplar or to one of his

predecessors.

#Metre:# The short rhymed couplet, in its original French form, has

regularly eight syllables, with masculine ending or nine with feminine

ending. But the Anglo-French poets, like Chardry, whose Petit Plet,

‘estrif mut delitus’ is in both our manuscripts, allow themselves more

freedom, and the form of the verse in ON is varied by all the licences

of native English prosody. The types are i. masculine ending, eight

syllables, four stresses, iambic rhythm, as, þat plaít | was stíf | and

stárc | and stróng 5; so 7, 8, 29, 30, 43, 44, 174, 176, 183-185, 248,

250, 252, 256, 260, 338, 353, 394: i a. the same, but with trochaic

beginning, as, Mé is | þe wúrs | þat ích | þe só 34, 149, 319: i b.

seven syllables with light syllable wanting in first foot, as, þíd|er

fúnd|eþ eúr|ich mán 337: ii. feminine ending, nine syllables, four

stresses, iambic rhythm, as, þat ál|re wórst|e þát | hi wúste 10, 12,

15, 17, 19, 20, 27, 35, 36, 40, 45, 46, 55, 56, 67, 69, 72, 82, 93, 95,

96, 99, 105 and 104 other lines: ii a. the same with trochaic beginning,

as, wénst þu | þat ích | ne cún|ne sínge 47, 38, 52, 78, 80, 98, 121,

122, 215, 222, 225, 244, 295, 302, 304, 318, 325, 334, 342, 349, 352,

406, 417, 424: ii b. eight syllables with light syllable wanting in

first foot, as, ánd | me schíld|e wít | þe bléte 57, 70, 71, 87, 91,

110, 117, 131, 147, 148, 217, 378. The unstressed element in a foot is

doubled in i. þi bód|i is shórt | þi swór|ẹ is smál 73, þu chát|ẹrest so

bigón | þe spéche 13, 116, 154, 187, 253, 262, 266, 354, þe wér|ẹ

biléue 42, 264, 347, þár | þo v́l|e sóng | hire tíde 26. The light

syllable is missing in i. and mák|ẹst þine sóng | só | unwúrþ 255, He

iséne 211, Ich wót | þat þú | árt | unmílde 61, 303, 390, wel fíȝt | þat

afóled 162, Bít me | þat ích | shúll|e sínge 323. Inversion of the

accent is fairly frequent, as i. Þat ích | shúlle | to hír|e fló 320, An

ii. Ne hélpþ | nóȝt þat | þu bó | to þríste 127, 392, 408, 425, Þo stód

óne | skentínge 324, 396. Synizesis takes place in monie 72, 193, 398

(pronounce monye), schamie 117, schuniet 185, hatiet 186, murie 261,

unmurie 262, lilie 317. The e of a middle syllable after the stress in a

trisyllabic word suffers syncope; certain instances are, sumẹre 1, 327,

diȝẹle 2, oþẹres 9, 11, vuẹle 63, fuȝẹle 64, hauẹkes 207, chatẹrest 238,

wintẹre, ȝomẹre 293, sumẹre 294, betẹrẹ 330, 331, 401, steuẹne 345, 363,

houẹne 346, 350, also warẹuore 333, morẹȝeninge 361, probable are narẹwe

68, eȝẹne 75, svikẹdom 123, as avoiding a three syllable foot. With

regard to -est, -eþ of the _sing. present_, the only certain examples of

syncope are woldẹst 84, cumẹþ 298, in all other possible cases there is

the alternative of a three syllable foot. But taking into account the

preponderance of forms syncopated by spelling, and the dissyllabic norm

of the foot in the French verse which served as model, it seems more

likely that the poet scanned þretẹst 83, hauẹst 109, speddẹstu 125,

schirchẹst, ȝollẹst 179, miȝtẹst 192, wenẹst 195, bicumẹþ 207, wenịst

231, singẹst 247, 310, 175, crowẹþ 251, singẹþ 292, forbernẹst 297,

cumẹþ 298, hauẹþ 356, nullẹþ 407: similarly werẹn 76, ovẹr 64, euẹr 421

are probable. What has been said about syncope applies also to the

relative spheres of elision and hiatus. The letter which suffers elision

is weak, mostly inflectional, final e before an initial vowel or

pronominal h, presumably also before an inorganic h as in hule; there is

no elision in the case of such words as me 38, 164, we 133, he 303, ope

124. It certainly takes place in Bet þúȝt|e þát | he wér|ẹ ishóte 23,

and in the same position in 50, 63, 75, 77, 81, 123, 125, 137, 160, 161,

168, 177, 178, 181, 236, 257, 277, 281, 308, 315, 336, 346, 364, 397,

| semár 104, Þo húl|ẹ one wíl|e hí | biþóȝte 155. Hiatus, which is the

maintenance of e under the same conditions, is certain in ll. 28, 31,

92, 140, 163, 168, 173, 227, 268, þat þẹ húl|e hád|de hír|ẹ iséd 273,

289, 305, 344, 386, 409, 418, 425. In all other cases the choice lies

between a three syllable foot with hiatus and a two syllable foot with

elision; the latter is probably to be preferred.

The few lines which are metrically faulty are easily amended, Ilóm|e þu

féd|ẹst on hóm | a fúl|ne fóde 94, 107 MS. J is correct, þan þú | mid

áll|e þín|e stréngþe 129, 164 MS. J is correct, þat hé | for þé | fálse

lóþ | am smál|e fóȝle 213, 235 MS. J is correct, Ích | do gód|e mid

þáh | heo schólde 371, An dó | þan kíng|e swúch|e scháme 374, þeos

rích|e mén | múchel | misdóð 413, 437 MS. J is correct. Peculiar in

rhythm are, and mák|ẹst þine sóng | só | unwúrþ 255, þat he míȝt|ẹ héom

il|óme | be míde 411. The rhymes are generally correct, but kunne :

honne 65, cunde : schende 209, foȝle : þuuele 213, ȝomere : sumere 293,

stude : mide 410 are inexact. The poet was all the same a very skilful

metrist.

#Introduction:# There has been a wide difference of opinion as to the

time when ON was written, but the weight of recent authority is in

favour of a date somewhere about A.D. 1220. The references in the poem

to passing events are mostly vague or obscure; only the passage ‘þe king

Henri | Jesus his soule do merci’, ON 1091, 2, which can refer to no

other than Henry the Second, fixes a superior limit of A.D. 1189. It

would equally appear to exclude the reign of Henry the Third, for, as

ten Brink concedes, such an indefinite expression would hardly be used

when another Henry was on the throne. It is further arguable that its

use points to a time when the death of the king was recent. Again such a

reference as that to the minstrel go-between saved by the intervention

of King Henry the Second from the vengeance of a wronged husband would

be to a recent event. Furthermore, it would give point to the

expression, ‘ȝet nis he (i. e. the king) nouþer ded ne lame’, 171/375,

if it were referred to the good peace kept by the Justiciar Hubert

Walter, during Richard the First’s absence from England in A.D. 1194-8.

These external considerations, slight though they be, are in favour of

the end of that reign as the date of the composition of the poem. The

stage of development reached by the language may be held to support this

view. Our manuscripts are copies of a copy, probably not far removed

from the original poem. That copy is primitive in the fullness of the

inflections, the extensive preservation of grammatical gender and the

form of the new diphthongs.

Of the author nothing is known. A certain Johan of Guldeuorde is

recorded in a copied note in MS. J as declining to sing more, but any

connexion of his with ON cannot be determined. If the author were the

Nicholas de Guldeuorde mentioned in the poem, it would lend a

characteristic spice of humour to the excellent testimonial which he

gives himself (157/147-170, 173/389-401). His name indicates that he was

a native either of Guildford in Surrey or of Guldeford near Rye in

Sussex. What sort of court he presided over cannot be determined; he may

have been bailiff of the hundred court, or steward of a manor, or

commissary for the neighbouring Abbotsbury. The attempt made by Gadow to

identify him with a certain Nicholaus Capellanus, who appears in the

diocese of Salisbury in A.D. 1209, 1220, is not convincing.

The poem is in the favourite _débat_ form of the contemporary French

literature. The Owl is the Cleric, living a secluded life under a strict

rule, the Nightingale is the Minstrel, amateur of the open air and

vagabond freedom, the Wren is a poet, like Philippe de Thaün, who has

gained a secure place at Court. Though he tries to hold the balance

even, the author’s secret sympathies are with the Nightingale; he had

been himself sometime a wandering scholar.

Read 150/16 þat, 152/57 wit, 154/104 bysemar, 160/183 nyht, 160/185

vych, 160/191 quaþ, 166/289, 167/289 Þule, 167/310 eue, 168/336 Murehþe

ilyche, 168/339 holy.

The references are to C, unless J is prefixed.

1. #sumere#, summer, _adj. s. d._ agreeing with dale; a summer valley.

Gadow compares OE. #sumer-lida# and similar compounds. But Stratmann

explains it as _s. d. f._ of sum, certain.

2. #diȝele#: comp. ‘on ænne swiðe faire stude. | in ane dale deope[;]

diȝelen bihælues,’ L 26933. ‘North of Portisham is a valley now called

Mystecomb, formed by Hampton and Ridge Hills, and on the east side of

the former are some pits, where the hundred courts were formerly held

and hundred silver paid,’ Hutchins, Dorsetshire, i. 556. Was this the

scene of the ‘plait’?

5. #starc#: comp. ‘þat fiht was swiþe strong[;] swiþe starc and swiþe

lang,’ L 4170, MS. O.

6. #among#, at intervals, at times: comp. 152/81; ‘þar was weping

strong[;] þar was gredinge among,’ L 23563, MS. O, and see KH 1527 note.

Similarly ‘bitweonen’, 132/28; ‘And also cussed his feet amyd’, CM

14015, MS. T.

7. #sval#, was puffed out with anger, like L. tumeo. Rare in this

absolute use; for a common expression comp. ‘þin heorte in wið þe

swelleð of sar grome,’ HM 31/27: see also 155/101.

Selections from Early Middle English, 1130-1250. Part 2: Notes · 第 591 / 959 题