#Manuscript:# Lambeth, 487: see p. 312.
#Editions:# Morris, R., OEH i. 41-47, and Specimens, 17-21;
Zupitza-Schipper, AE Lesebuch, ed. viii, 92-95.
#Literature:# (1) =of the Vision of S. Paul=. Brandes, H., Ueber die
Quellen der me. Versionen der Paulus-Vision, in ES vii. 34-65; id. Visio
S. Pauli, Halle, 1885; Batiouchkoff, Th., in Romania, xx. 17; James,
M. R., Visio Pauli in Texts and Studies, ii. 3, Cambridge, 1893; Meyer,
P., in Romania, vi. 11-16, xxiv. 357-375, and in Notices et Extraits,
xxxv. 153-158; Ward, H. L. D., Catalogue of Romances in the British
Museum, ii. 397-416; Cohn, O., Die Sprache in der me. Predigtsammlung
der Hs. Lambeth 487, Berlin, 1887. Vollhardt, W. (see p. 269/19). (2)
=of the Vision in general=. Fritzsche, C., Die lateinischen Visionen des
Mittelalters, in Romanische Forschungen, ii. 247, iii. 337; Peters, E.,
Zur Geschichte der lateinischen Visionslegenden, in Romanische
Forschungen, viii. 361-364; Becker, E. J., A Contribution to the
Comparative Study of the Mediaeval Visions of Heaven and Hell,
Baltimore, 1899; Bedae Opera Historica, ed. C. Plummer, ii. 294. (3) =of
the Sunday Letter=. Priebsch, R., in Otia Merseiana, i. 129, and in Mod.
Lang. Review, ii. 138-154; Napier, A., in An English Miscellany,
355-362.
#Phonology of x and xi:# References to piece xi are marked b. Oral #a#
is _a_, crabbe b 84, slakien b 67; #a# before nasals, _o_, biwon 73,
from 87, but swam b 90; #a# before lengthening groups, _o_, ahonge 14,
ontful 53, but and 8, 85, b 25. #æ# is regularly _e_, cweð 45 (3 times),
þet 25 &c., but abac b 86, blake b 82, b 120, blaca b 99, saterdei 71,
þat 25, 68, watere b 86: with habbe b 14, b 77 comp. LWS. _subj._
#habbe#. #e# is regularly _e_, betre b 24, eten b 101, b 104 (but eoten
80), engles 5 (4), sunbendes b 67; but it is _i_ in tilden b 110, _eo_
in seolcuðre 17: stude 40, 41, b 26, whulche b 80, wulc b 20, swulc b 85
are due to OE. forms with #y#, hwilc b 21, swilc 21, uwilc 83, 85 to
forms with #i#. #i# is _i_, bidde 60, wille 60, b 62, bindeð b 110, but
en 59, wule 6, nule b 28 and all other parts of #willan#. #o# is _o_,
froggen b 83, longe 47, but iwrat 79, walde 46, 47, b 93, nalde 46, 51,
nalden 32, 58, all Anglian forms with _a_; in weord 65 (5) _eo_ is
written for _o_. #u# is _u_, bicumeð 73, sunedei 4, hundes b 38. #y# is
_u_, cunnes b 80, cunde b 85; #mycel# is muchele 67 &c.
#ā# is regularly _a_, an 16, claþeð b 114, gast 87, lauerd 39 (5), na b
100 (Anglian), þas 30, swa 29, but on 43, louerd 60, þon 5, þeo b 19,
þeos b 14 (4) þos b 95, b 99, se b 11, b 69; noteworthy is foage b 119:
escade 44, 49 descends from #ǣscian#. #ǣ{1}# is _e_, efreni 27, ledde
50, but _a_ in þare b 98, _ea_ in eani 18, 48, sea 24 (4); ulcne b 66
descends from #ylc#. #ǣ{2}# is _e_, breðe 42 (Anglian #brēþ#), neddren
26, but ariste 87. #ē# is _e_, gleden 35, ferde 10, but deað b 58. #ī#
is _i_, is 25, swiþeliche 90, fifte 26. #ō# is _o_, bicom b 9, nom b 10,
bisocnie 80, but eoðre 45. #ū# is _u_, hus b 73, lude 33. #ȳ# is _u_,
fur 25 (3), mus b 113, tuneð b 27 (4), uþe 24, but forþi 6.
#ea# before #r# + cons. is _e_, herde b 51, midelerd b 81, both before
lengthening group; _a_ between #w# and #r# appears in swart b 105, warp
16, warðe 41. #ea# before #l# + cons. is invariably _a_, ald 43, alle 5.
The _i_-umlaut is _e_, aweriede b 29, erming 6 (3), but earming 22,
bicherreð b 112. #eo# before #r# + cons. is _eo_, eorðe 59 (4), ȝeorne
49, heorte 16 (3), weorkes 67, but ibureȝe 36, apparently from OE.
#gebeorgan# (comp. ‘bureȝe,’ OEH i. 25/16, ‘bureȝest,’ id. 39/20). The
#wur# group is represented by wurþien 75, 90. The _i_-umlaut is wanting
in beorninde 12, after #w# it is _u_, wurse 26, wursien b 14, unwurðe b
29: berninde 16 (3) is from #bærnan#, smurieð b 114 from #smyrian#. #eo#
before #l# + cons. is seen in seolf 76, 83. #ea#, _u_-umlaut of #a#,
appears in eateliche 17, heauekes b 38. #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e#, is
_eo_, heofene 5, 99, ȝeolewe b 107, b 108, weorlde b 91, b 100, or _o_,
ȝolewe b 120, world b 36, but hefene 82, heueneriche 55, ȝeluwe b 83,
without umlaut. #eo#, _å_-umlaut of #e#, is seen in beode 80, beoden b
29, beoreð b 82, eoten 80, feole 19: unaneomned 28 is perhaps an
analogic form. #eo#, _å_-umlaut of #i#, is _eo_ in seodðan 16, b 115,
seoðþan 40, seodðe b 25, heore 6 (3); hare 31 is Anglian #heara#:
analogous are dalneominde 99 (comp. ‘neoman,’ OEH i. 29/18), icleped 88
(4). #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #i#, is seen in seofen 41, seofe 17, seofeþe
26. The palatal diphthong #ea# appears in sceal 62, scal b 89, ȝete 13:
#ie# after #ġ# in ȝeue 71, ȝefe 60, 69, geuen b 49, b 102, ȝeueð 93;
#gef# is ȝef 1, gif 6. #eo# after #ġ# is _u_ in ȝunge b 87; after #sc#
it is seen in sceolde b 13, scolde b 111, sculen b 21: #heom# is heom 9
&c., ham 70.
#ēa# is _e_, deðe 87, eren b 27, aȝen b 90 (#ongēan#), and six others,
but ædie b 19 (‘eadi,’ OEH i. 39/5), dead, deade b 59: the _i_-umlaut
gives _e_, alesnesse b 76, chese b 111, iheren b 28 (12), remeð 33. #ēo#
is regularly _eo_, beot 98, feorðe 25, iseo 58, þreo b 51, but bitwenen
83, fredome 3, þre b 69; the _i_-umlaut does not occur. After #sc#, #ēa#
appears in scean 29.
#a# + #g# is _aȝ_, daȝes 98, maȝen 40 (5); slage b 57, slaȝeð b 98 are
new formations from the _pp._ #slagen# (Bülbring, Ablaut, 96); ah 51 (5)
is Anglian #ah#. #æ# + #g# is invariably _ei_, mei b 103, seide b 87.
#e# + #g# is also _ei_, eisliche 12, toȝeines 60 (3), wei b 24, but awey
b 94. #o# + #g# is seen in forhoȝie b 25. #ā# + #g# is _aȝ_, aȝene 23
(4), faȝe b 82 (3), foaȝe b 119, expressing the [ā^o] sound. #ǣ{1}# +
#ht# gives ehte b 100, b 105. #ē# + #g# appear in leies 17, leit 30
(#lēget#), tweien 8; #ō# + #g# in wohe 47; #ū# + #h# in þruh b 60. #ea#
+ #g# is seen in gneȝeð 34 = *#gneagað#, with _å_-umlaut of #a#, idreȝen
b 70, _pp._ analogous to #dreagan# _inf._ with the same umlaut; #ea# +
#h#, #ht#, in iseh 48; the _i_-umlaut in mihte 42, mihte 92, niht 30.
The _i_-umlaut of #eo# + #h# occurs in siste 26 (#siexta#). #ēa# + #g#
is _eȝ_, eȝen 15, heȝe 12; #ēa# + #h#, _eh_, abeh 64, heh 45: þah 23, b
97 is Anglian #þæh#. #ēo# + #g#, #ht# are seen in liȝere 53, lihtliche b
43, the _i_-umlaut in lihting 72. #ā# + #w# is _aw_ in iknawe b 24,
nawiht b 22, _au_ in saule 7 (7), snau 25. #ǣ{1}# + #w# gives _eu_ in
eubruche b 34. #ō# + #w#, noht b 11 (#nōht#). #ēa# + #w# is seen in
sceawede 12 (8), sceaude 16, scawede 11, scawere b 116; #ēo# + #w# in
eow 2 &c., feower b 45, heowe 17 (WS. #hīw#), reowliche 33, how b 118,
fower b 80, bireusunke b 53.
In syllables without stress #a# is usually levelled to _e_, but it
survives in dringan 47, ilca 31, locan 86, 91, pinan 36, 37: #o# becomes
_e_ in heuene 55, seofeþe 26, suteliche 3, but _a_ in escade 44, 49;
#onuppan# is anuppon 46. In alla b 76, alra b 46, blaca b 99, wiðinna
43, _a_ is written for final _e_, similarly clusterlokan 41, manaðas b
34; comp. quica 41/192. The prefix #ge-# is largely retained as _i_,
iblissieð 5; it is _u_ in uwilc 83 &c. #e# is added in amonge 30,
medially in hefede 68, swiþeliche 90, lost in onswerde 57, sceaude 16.
_w_ is added in hwure 61. #ll# is simplified in suteliche 3; #m# doubled
in summe 14 &c.; #mm# simplified in swim b 88, swam b 90, as #nn# in
clenesse 51, 91, ene b 45, ine b 34: #n# is doubled in sunne 100. #p# is
doubled in deoppre b 41. Initial #f# is written _u_ in ualleð b 46, b
47, uindeð b 7, uenne b 8, b 33, but _f_ in falleð b 106: #f# between
vowels or vowel and liquid is usually _u_, but ȝefe 69, leofe 72,
monifolde 57, ufele 42, b 94, wifes b 37, nefre 45, 51, 52, efre 97,
efreni 27: #f# is assimilated in wimmen b 113, but wifmen 93. #tt# is
simplified in put b 31; #ts# is _c_ in milce 63, milcien 62. #dd# is
simplified in midelerd b 81; #d# is lost in onswerde 57, 70: #d# is _t_
in ontful 53, iseit 82, b 14, _td_ in feðer fotetd 28, _ð_ in forðwarð b
87, iclepeð 3, iherð 73, isceaweð b 49. #þ# is written _ðd_ in
strengðdeð b 85, _dþ_ in redþer 68, _d_ in dringan 47, rested 95,
wurdliche 91, _t_ in speket b 92: #þþ# is _dð_ in seodðan 16, b 115,
seodðe b 25, but seoðþan 40. #sć# [š] is _sc_ in gledscipe 81, iscild b
121, scal b 89, scolde b 111, and other forms of #sceolan#, scrift 32
(5), _s_, _ss_, _ssc_ in fis b 84, fisses b 88, fissce b 84: the scribe
writes elsewhere ‘ichefte,’ OEH i. 77/5 (#gesceafta#), ‘iblesced,’ id.
5/7, ‘edmodnesce,’ id. 5/19. #č# is expressed by _ch_, chese b 111,
chirche 79 &c., eche b 98, tech b 89, uwilche 74, whulche b 80; but _c_
is used finally for the same sound in ic 57, hwilc b 21, swilc 21, swulc
b 85, uwilc 85, wulc b 20. #čč# is seen in totwiccheð b 94, wrecche 7,
11. The stop #c# is _k_ before _e_, _i_, stoke b 113, swike b 111 and in
clusterlokan 41, otherwise _c_, locan 86, but apparently _ch_ in
musestoch b 109, b 110. #čǧ# is _gg_ in liggeð b 34, seggen 3. #cw#
appears in cweð 45 (3), but _qu_ occurs elsewhere in the MS., as ‘quic,’
OEH i. 81/1. #ġ# is _ȝ_, daȝes b 45, ȝef 1, ȝeue 71, ȝete 13, slaȝed b
98, but Gif 6, slage b 57, geuen b 49: #ng# is _nk_ in bireusunke b 53,
‘of sprinke,’ OEH i. 75/31 (comp. Horn, Beiträge, 29); but _ng_ for #nc#
occur in ‘þong’ (= þonc), OEH i. 39/33, ‘dringen’ (= drinken), id.
37/33. Initial #h# is lost in lauerdes 4 &c., lusten 1, lude 33,
redliche 64, redþer 68, remeð, reowliche 33, bireusunke b 53, witsunne
88; it is added in heow b 21, how b 118, hiheren b 16; #h# is also lost
in iwrat 79; for it _ð_ is written in þurð b 53. #hw# is seen in whulche
b 80, wulc b 20: siste 26 is #siexta#, Angl. #se(i)sta#.
#Accidence:# Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns. In the
_s. n._ sune b 120 represents #sunu#. _Gen._ -es, muðes b 53, cunnes b
80, but monedeis 72; _d._ -e, deie 3 (3 times), scrifte b 69, fredome 3,
ȝete 13, but domesdei 72, sunnedei 61, gast 87, 100, scrift b 67, atter
b 106, non 71, smel b 112, without inflection. _Plural n. a._ of
masculines, -es, daȝes 98, sunbendes b 67, but euencristene b 96 with
adj. termination; neuters _n._ are deor 28, 33, weord b 14, beode 80
(#gebedu#), but þinges b 80, with masc. termination; beoden b 29,
clusterlokan 41, deoflen 21, 43, 48, weak forms; _a._ hors b 37, weord
65, but huses b 36, weordes b 16 (4), wifes b 37, treon 12; _d._ -es,
rapes b 12, weorkes 67, -weorkes 94, weordes b 94, but manaðas b 34,
treon 13 (? #trēum#). Of the feminines mihte 92, 94, 95 has added e in
the _nom._, bisocnie 80 represents #-socn#. The other cases end in -e,
_s. g._ dede b 54, but weorldes b 100, a masc. form; _s. d._ ireste 77,
weorlde b 91, but irest 5, sea 24, 27, b 84 (#sǣ#); _s. a._ reste 7 (5),
but rest 6, sea 24; _pl. n._ ehte b 105, saule 19, but gleden 35, saulen
6; _pl. d._ pine 27, 97, saule 7, 73, but honden 14, pinan 36, 37,
sunnen b 32 (3); _pl. a._ laȝe 59, b 28, pine 57, saule b 98, but laȝen
46, pinen 39, saulen 14, 22, sunnen b 62 (3) are weak forms. Nouns of
the weak declension have -e in all cases of the singular, _n._ crabbe b
84; _g._ heorte b 53; _d._ chirche b 28; _a._ nome b 96: the plural has
-en, _n._ crabben b 84, neddren 26, b 82, but neddre b 91; _d._ eȝen 15,
haleȝen 68; _a._ eren b 27, but licome 31. Minor declensions: fet _pl.
d._ 14, 28, 64 (possibly _sing._); mon _s. n._ 42 (3), _s. a._ 43, b 66,
men _pl. n._ b 33, monne _pl. d._ 32, 74, 83, men 31, wepmen 93, wifmen
93, wimmen b 113; boc _s. d._ b 7; mus _pl. a._ b 113; þruh _s. d._ b
60; niht _s. a._ 30; feder _s. n._ b 120, fedre _s. d._ 99; moder
_s. n._ b 88; breðre _pl. n._ 72; children _pl. a._ b 37.
The weak declension of adjectives has -e throughout the singular,
_n. m._ alde 44, b 87, halie b 121, _f._ leofe b 88, foaȝe b 119, blake
b 120, _neut._ faȝe b 91; _d. m._ ȝunge b 87, halie 87, 100, ufele 42,
_f._ eche b 98, stronge b 106, _neut._ halie b 17; _a. f._ muchele b 36.
The only exception is heh _s. n. m._ 69. The strong forms are
flectionless in the singular, except _s. d. f._ halie b 7, b 27, b 75,
heuie b 66, mildere 70, seolcuðre 17 (with heowe _neut._), warde 41
(= wardre); _s. a. m._ sunfulle b 66, _s. a. f._ muchele b 15, b 49. The
termination of all cases of the plural, strong and weak, is e;
exceptions are blaca b 99, freo b 50, sari b 56. #āgen# is represented
by aȝene _s. a. f._ 34, _pl._ 23, 35, b 98: #ān#, #nān# appear as an
_n._ 45, 50, b 84, on 43, nan 42, b 69, naþing 79; ane _d. m._ b 8,
_a. m._ 40, ene b 45, an 16, ane _a. f._ 20, b 9, an _a. neut._ 49, nan
51, na b 101. Adjectives used as nouns are deade _s. d._ b 59, fulle
_s. a._ b 104, god 48, 52, b 101, sunfulle _pl. d._ b 76, _pl. a._ 11:
nouns as adjectives, erming 6, 22, 31, 96, liȝere 53, wrecche 7, 11, 13:
hindene b 116 has _pl._ adj. termination. Noteworthy among numerals are
þridde 25, 95, fifte 26, siste 26, seofeþe 26 (#seofoþa#).
The personal pronouns are ic, we, us, þu, ȝe, eow, heow b 21, how b 118.
The pronoun of the third person is _s. n._ he _m._ 13, heo _f._ 50, 86,
91 (dei like L. dies is _fm._), b 88, b 104, hit _neut._ 10, _d._ him
_m._ 12, 13, hire _f._ 91, _a._ hine _m._ b 10 (4), heo _f._ 50, hit
_neut._ 2, _pl. n._ hi b 93, heo 8 (10), ha 21, b 15, _d._ heom 9, 56, b
39, ham 70, b 117, _a._ heon b 98 (for heom), ham 36, 39. Reflexives are
ham 5, heom 94, heom seoluen b 117, b 118; definitive, seolf 76, 83;
possessives, mine _s. a. f._ 63, _pl. a._ 58, þin _s. n. m._ 60, 69,
þines _s. g. m._ b 62, þine _s. d. m._ 66, b 63, _s. d. f._ 67, _pl. d._
66, his 34, hire 20, ure 55, 83, heore 6 (5), hare 31. The definite
article is _s. n._ þe _m._ 4, _f._ 25, þet _neut._ 25 &c., þat 25, _g._
þes _m._ 4, _f._ b 100, _neut._ 68, _d._ þam _m._ 41, 87, þan 3 (6), þen
61, 69, þon 5, þe b 8 (4), þa 3, þare _f._ b 98, þere b 60, b 84, b 103,
þer 15, b 106, þe 15, þan _neut._ b 17, þon 23, þa b 111, þe 15, _a._
þenne _m._ 75, þene 90, 97, b 59, þon 88, þe b 24, þa _f._ 20, b 32, þe
24, þet _neut._ b 70 (with scrift _m._), _pl. n._ þa, 5, 6, b 79, _d._
þam 7 (4), þan 13, 32, þa 14 (4), þe 15, _a._ þa 11 &c.: þet 8, b 35, b
47, b 51, b 114, b 115, b 116, is demonstrative. The article is also
used as antecedent to relatives, þeo þe b 19, þa þe b 39, they who. The
compound demonstrative is _s. n._ þis _m._ b 84, þes b 31, þis _neut._ b
91, þas b 73 (comp. 13/43), _d._ þisse _m._ b 10 (3), þis b 77, þisse
_f._ 54, b 91, _neut._ 31, _a._ þeos _m._ b 81, þas _f._ b 36, þis
_neut._ b 39, _pl. n._ þas 30, b 90, þos b 95, b 99, þeos b 14, b 33, b
105, _d._ þas b 113, _a._ 57, 65, þes b 100. The relative is mostly þe,
but ꝥ 43 (6), þet b 106: interrogatives are hwa _s. n._ 7, 73, hwet 44,
hwat, ꝥ b 78, hwilc _s. n._ b 21, wulc b 20, whulche _pl. n._ b 80,
correlative swilc 21, b 40, swulc b 85: #ilca# is ilke _s. d._ 27, _pl.
n._ 30, ilca _pl. d._ 31. Indefinites are hwa 6, hwa efre 97; me 36, b
9, mon 98, b 24; sume _s. d._ 9, sum _s. a._ 95, summe _pl. n._ 14, 28;
oðer _s. d. neut._ 50, eoðre 45, oðre _pl. d._ 27, b 35, oðer _pl. a._
97; ulcne _s. a._ b 66; uwilc _s. n._ 85, uwilche _pl. d._ 74, uwilc 83,
uwilcan _s. n._ 17 (#gehwilc ān#); eani 18, 48, efreni 27; monie _pl._ b
113; alle _s. d. f._ 5 (4), al _s. a. m._ b 81, _s. a. neut._ 90, b 39,
alle _pl. n._ 17 (4), alra _pl. g._ b 46, alremest b 35, alle _pl. d._
27, alla b 76, alle _pl. a._ b 121.
The infinitive ends regularly in en; locan 86, 91, iþolie b 11 are the
only exceptions; verbs of the second weak conjugation have -ien, iðolien
40, lokien 46, and six others; exceptions are enden 32, iloken 85,
sceawen b 21. Dative infinitives with inflection are to bihaldene 18, to
brekene 30, to demene 89, to swimminde b 86, uninflected are to haliȝen
74, to wurðien 75 (virtual nominatives), for to lokien 9, for to arisen
b 40 and ten others in piece xi with for to, to draȝen b 117 and fifteen
others with to. Presents are _s._ 1. bidde 60, iseo 58; 2. bringest b
63, leist b 60; 3. bicherreð b 112, wuneð b 91, exceptional are bitacnet
b 74, speked 37, speket b 92, contracted forms as beot 98, bret b 111
amount to one-third of the total number; _pl._ 1. cumeð b 58, slage we b
57, tuneð b 44; 2. habbeð 73, b 20; 3. beoreð b 82, wepeð 34, and of the
second weak conjugation, iblissieð 5, lokieð b 115, smurieð b 114,
wunieð b 80; _subjunctive s._ 2. ȝefe 60, 69, milcie 68; 3. ibureȝe 36,
iknawe b 24, icnawe b 25, cume 61, 69, forhoȝie b 25, ilokie 97, trukie
b 105; _pl._ 1. tunen b 44: _imperative s._ 2. aris 70, haue 39, iscild
b 121, swim b 88, tech b 89; _pl._ 2. ihereð b 79. Past of Strong Verbs:
Ia. _s._ 3. cweð 45 (3), iseh 48: Ib. _s._ 3. com 10 (3), bicom b 9, nom
b 10: Ic. _s._ 3. biwon 7, 73, gon 65, bigon 54, b 89, swam b 90, warp
16; _pl._ 3. urnen 20: II. _s._ 3. scean 29; _pl._ 3. swiken 30: III.
_s._ 3. abeh 64: IV. _s._ 3. stod b 7: V. _s._ 3. het 9, weop 55.
Participles present: Ib. dalneominde 99: Ic. beorninde 12, berninde 16
(3): II. glidende 35; past: Ia. ibeden 71, geuen b 49, b 102, ispeken b
77: Ic. biwunden b 79, idoluen b 46: III. icorene _pl._ 68: IV. idreȝen
b 70, istonde b 9: V. ahonge 14, 19, ihaten 4, b 52. Past of Weak Verbs:
_s._ 3. ferde 10, ledde 50, sende 88, escade 44, 49, onswerede 70,
onswerde 57, sceawede 12 (7), sceaude 16, hefde b 69, b 70, hefede b 8,
seide 59, b 87; _pl._ 3. ledden 44, 49. Participles present: graninde
33, liuiende 42, wuniende 12, 53; past: afered b 104, ibet b 62, forgult
22, iherd b 20, iherð 73, b 77, isceaweð b 49, iseit b 14, ise[i]t 82,
isend b 39, iwrat 79; fotetd 28 is participial in form; inflected are
aweriede b 29, blessede b 19, iclepede b 110, forgulte 73, isende b 73.
Minor Groups: witen _inf._ 7, 58, wat _pr. s._ 62, witeð 2 _pr. pl.
imp._ b 118, b 119, wiste _pt. s._ 51, biwisten _pt. pl._ 21; aȝen 1
_pr. pl._ 90, b 65; sceal 1 _pr. s._ 62, scal b 89, sculen 1 _pr. pl._ b
21, sceolde _pt. s._ b 13, scolde b 111; mei _pr. s._ b 103, b 107,
maȝen 1 _pr. pl._ 40, b 50, 2 _pr. pl._ 65, 92, _pr. pl._ b 101, mihte
_pt. s._ 42, b 11; to beon _dat. inf._ b 49, is _pr. s._ 60, nis b 69,
bið 53, b 59, beoð 1 _pr. pl._ b 56, _pr. pl._ 34 (5), beon b 19, beo
_pr. s. subj._ 79, 84, beo 2 _pr. pl. subj._ b 119, _pr. pl. subj._ 99,
wes _pt. s._ 8, nes 52, weren _pt. pl._ 17 (4), were 11, nere 23, were
_pt. s. subj._ 44, nere b 70; wulle 1 _pr. s._ 62, wule _pr. s._ 6,
nulle 85, nule b 28, b 67, wulleð 1 _pr. pl._ 2, wuleð 2 _pr. pl._ 1,
walde _pt. s._ 46, nalde 46, nalden _pt. pl._ 32; don _inf._ 48, _dat.
inf._ b 101, deð _pr. s._ 29, deað b 58, do we 1 _pr. pl._ b 44, doð
_pr. pl._ b 34, fordoð b 81, idon _pp._ b 69; gan _inf._ 42, 43, eode
_pt. s._ 10, eoden _pt. pl._ 9.
With ȝette _adv._ 19, comp. ‘ȝiete,’ OEH i. 139/13, ȝetten 64/54; mid
_prep._ 65 with accusative is Anglian (Napier, Anglia, x. 138): leste
_conj._ b 104 (#þȳ lǣs þe#) is an early instance of the compound.
#Dialect:# These pieces were copied by the scribe of the PM in the same
MS. As was said at p. 327, he belonged to the Southern border of the
Midland area. On the evidence of the spoilt rhymes in the Pater Noster,
inne : sunne, OEH i. 55/23, 24 (4 times), linnen : sunnen, id. 67/230,
231, he must be located to the West of that area, where u was the
representative of OE. #y#, #ȳ#.
In the present articles his exemplars were in the South-Western dialect.
That of piece x was considerably the older, probably of the early
transition period about the beginning of the twelfth century, as is
evident from the archaic forms which have survived in the copy. There is
no trace of these in piece xi, the original of which was probably little
older than the copy. As in the copy of the Poema Morale, the scribe’s
alterations affect mainly the sounds; the grammar remains Southern; a
Midland form like beon b 19 is isolated.
#Vocabulary:# The foreign element is small; most of the Romance words
are in piece xi. French are archangel 8, blanchet b 114, castles b 38,
feble b 9, glutenerie b 34 (first appearance), grace b 49, lechurs b
117, manere b 84, prophete b 7, b 43, sacreð b 76, sacramens b 75,
salmes 47, seint b 22, merci 39, meister 21, meistres 23, ureisuns b 75:
Latin, apostles 88, sancte 8; mihhal 8 is probably a direct borrowing
from the Vulgate Michahel. Scandinavian are caste b 10, icast b 68,
griðe 80.
#Introduction:# The ultimate sources of this discourse are (i) the
Legend of S. Paul’s visit to the other world, and (ii) the Sunday Letter
as extended by the addition of the Dignatio diei Dominicae.
(1) S. Paul in his second epistle to the Corinthians, xii. 2-4, said
that he had been caught up to the third heaven and heard words
unspeakable. But a detailed account of what he saw, partly drawn from
the Revelation of Peter (ed. M. R. James, p. 65) and coloured by
Egyptian ideas of the other world, was extensively circulated in the
early Church, and existed in two Greek versions as early as the fourth
century. One of these, the Ἀναβατικὸν Παύλου, is lost, but it is
probably represented in a Latin version discovered by Dr. M. R. James
and published in Texts and Studies, ii. no. 3. The other younger Greek
version, denounced by S. Augustine as ‘nescio quibus fabulis plenam’
(iii. 541 e), was printed by Tischendorf in Apocalypses Apocryphae,
34-69: he dates it about 380 A.D. There is an early Syriac version, an
English translation of which is reprinted by Tischendorf under the Greek
Text.
The Latin version already mentioned is the most ancient and the fullest
form of the legend, and it is the main source of the Latin mediaeval
versions, which have been classed by Brandes in six redactions. Of these
the first alone contains an account of S. Paul’s visit to heaven, the
others describe only the abode of the lost. The fourth redaction (B iv)
printed in Brandes, Visio Pauli, 75, in the Cologne edition of Beda,
vii. 362, as one of his sermons, and by P. Meyer from a Toulouse MS. of
the fourteenth century in Romania, xxiv. 365, appears to be the main
source of most of the versions in the modern languages, as of our text.
Meyer enumerates twenty-three MSS. of it; he thinks that it is not
anterior to the twelfth century and that it was widely circulated in
England. In Notices et Extraits, xxxv. 153, he gives a list of six
versions in French: (1) by Henri d’Arci, there printed; (2) by Adam de
Ros, trouvère anglais, printed by Ozanam in Dante et la philosophie
catholique, 1845, p. 425; (3) Anonymous, MS. Bibl. Nat. 2094, of which
Brandes cites the beginning and end, p. 51; (4) Anonymous, B.M. Add.
15606, printed in part in Romania, vi. 11-16; (5) by Geoffroi de Paris,
an adaptation of the preceding; (6) by an anonymous English trouvère,
printed in Romania, xxiv. 357. The English versions in verse are (1) MS.
Laud 108, Bodleian, printed by Horstman in Archiv lii. 35; (2{a}) MS.
Jesus Coll. Oxford E 29, printed in OEM 147-155; (2{b}) MS. Digby 86,
Bodleian, printed by Horstman in Archiv lxii. 403; (3) Vernon MS.
Bodleian, in OEM 223-232 and ES i. 293-299; (4) MS. Douce 302, Bodleian,
in OEM 210-222. There is, besides the present article, a
fourteenth-century prose version printed in ES xxii. 134. The relations
of the English and French versions are determined by Brandes in ES vii.
34.
Some references in the older literature should be noticed. Ælfric (Hom.
Cath. ii. 332) calls the legend a lying composition, and proceeds to
tell that of Fursey as true. The writer of the Blickling Homilies (43,
45) relates the episode of the wicked bishop, following a text closely
resembling the oldest Latin version, which differs little from the Greek
at this point. In a second passage, 209/29-211/7, he has combined vague
recollections of the legend with scenery drawn from Beowulf (see the
Preface to BH, pp. vi, vii).
The first part of the present article differs from B iv and agrees with
F iii in substituting smoke (‘smorðer,’ l. 26) for fulgur; with F iii it
omits the Fiery Wheel and the Bridge of Dread, and the punishment of
usurers by name. It is therefore possible that it and F iii had a common
source. But our author has exercised a free choice in details; he says
nothing of the punishment of the unchaste child murderers, of the
oppressors of widows and orphans, of those who broke their fast before
due time, and of those in the pit; nothing of the vision of sinful and
righteous souls borne through the air; all of which are in B iv. His own
fantasy is probably responsible for the division of the torments of the
furnace, l. 24, between the furnace, the fount of fire and the sea of
hell, and for the pleading of S. Paul in ll. 56-72, which are without
parallel in any of the other versions.
(2) The Sunday Letter was a fiction which originated in the south of
France or northern Spain towards the end of the sixth century. It
purported to be a letter, which had fallen from heaven, written in Latin
by Christ’s own hand, denouncing judgement on those who did not observe
Sunday rightly. It had great vogue in England before the Conquest, and
furnished material for the homilies printed in Wulfstan, ed. Napier,
nos. 43, 44, 45, 47, in Otia Merseiana i. 129, and in An Eng.
Miscellany, 357. Latin versions are printed in the two last-named. Our
author makes only general reference to it in 78/75-85, but ll. 85-91 are
taken directly from a Dignatio diei Dominicae which is sometimes
associated with it, and is found separately in the Pseudo-Augustine
Sermons clxvii, cclxxx, and Alcuin, ed. Froben, ii. 487. It is also
added to one MS. of the Visio Pauli (Brandes, 102), and it precedes the
German version which he prints at p. 83. It also forms the subject of
the fourteenth homily in OEH i. 139.
1. #Leofemen#: like ‘Men þa leofestan’ of the Blickling Homilies: the
writer also uses, ‘Gode men.’ But ‘Lordinges and leuedis,’ 215/31 is
French = Seingnurs & dames. #ȝe willeliche#: Zupitza prints ȝewilleliche
(_adv._, meaning gladly), and the separation of the words in the
manuscript is of no weight against it. But the prefix #ge# is in this
text commonly reduced to _i_, and ȝewilleliche occurs nowhere else and
has nothing to correspond in OE., the forms in which are #willīce#,
#willendlīce#, while willeliche is in AR 396/20. #ȝe# is probably a
repetition of the preceding by mistake for ec, which very frequently
goes with and in these homilies (comp. 76/4, 78/68).
2. #hit# belongs to lusten as well as to understonden; comp. ‘þe luste
nulleð þesne red,’ OEH i. 63/161, and for the postponement of #hit#, ‘Al
hit us mei rede ⁊ to lare ȝif we wulleð,’ id. i. 15/5, where to goes
with rede.
3. #fredome#: the Latin version in Harley 2851 has for title Priuilegia
diei dominice.