#Manuscripts:# i. Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, 402 (A); on vellum,
215 × 150 mm. The fly-leaf fastened down has the mark S. 15, then follow
three leaves with writing in a seventeenth-century hand (? Joscelin),
mostly a translation of the piece beginning in Morton, p. 6, ‘Nan ancre
bi mi read,’ then 117 folios, on the first of which is a marginal
rubric, J þe feaderes ⁊ i þe sunes | ⁊ i þe hali gastes nome | her
biginneð ancrene | wisse, as at the beginning of SJ (139/1) and SM in
MS. Bodley 34. On the lower margin of f. 1 r in a fourteenth-century
hand is Liber ecclesie s{an}ct{i} Jacobi de Wygemore: que{m} Joh{ann}es
Purcel dedit | eide{m} eccl{es}ie ad instancia{m} fr{atr}is Walt{er}i de
Lodel{awe} senioris t{u}nc p{re}ce{nt}oris. The Abbey of Wigmore was
dedicated to S. James (Dugdale, vi. 344). There are glosses in red
pencil and words underlined in red. The revival of Anglo-Saxon studies
under Archbishop Parker, partly prompted by the desire to use in defence
of the Reformation the evidences as to the tenets of the early Church in
England, caused such books as this to be carefully read. William L’isle
extracted from it some of the prayers (in Morton, 26, 28, 30) and,
treating them as debased Anglo-Saxon, turned them into the latter speech
as he understood it. His efforts are recorded in MS. Laud Misc. 201;
they have led Dr. Heuser (Anglia, xxx. 103) to conclude that the Ancren
Riwle is not a ME. but an OE. document.
The MS. belongs to the second quarter of the thirteenth century. It
cannot be earlier than 1225 A.D., for it mentions the Dominicans and
Franciscans, and it is probably later than 1230. It is the most correct,
but it has additions to the original, such as 62/46-64/62, 64/73-78. See
further A Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in the Library of Corpus
Christi College, Cambridge, by M. R. James, vol. ii, pp. 267, 8.
ii. Caius College, Cambridge, 234 (B); on vellum, 124 × 93 mm.; 368
pages; late thirteenth century. Pages 1-185 consist of extracts from the
AR, but not in the order of the other manuscripts (ES iii. 536). It is
addressed to ‘friends’ 55/1, not sisters, and the second passage printed
here is not in this MS. The contents of the manuscript are given in A
Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in the Library of Gonville and Caius
College, by M. R. James, vol. i, p. 298.
iii. Cotton Nero A 14, British Museum (N); on vellum, 146 × 114 mm.;
written in the second quarter of the thirteenth century. Its contents
are ff. 1-120 r, the Ancren Riwle; 120 v-123 v, The Orison, printed at
pp. 132-7 of this book; 123 v-131 v, the pieces printed in OEH i, pp.
200-17. It forms the text of Morton’s edition.
iv. Cotton Titus D 18, British Museum (T); on vellum, 158 × 120 mm.; 148
folios in double columns, written from f. 14, where AR begins, to the
end, about 1220 A.D. Its relationship to two other manuscripts in
respect to their contents is shown by the following table:
+---------------+------+------+------+------+------+-------+------+
| Manuscripts. | SK | SJ | SM |Sawles| HM |Wohunge| AR |
| | | | |Warde | | | |
+---------------+------+------+------+------+------+-------+------+
| Royal 17 A 27 | -- | -- | -- | -- | | | |
+---------------+------+------+------+------+------+-------+------+
| Bodley 34 . | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | | |
+---------------+------+------+------+------+------+-------+------+
| Titus D 18 . | -- | | | -- | -- | -- | -- |
+---------------+------+------+------+------+------+-------+------+
For the Royal and Bodleian MSS. see the introduction to No. xvi.
v. Cotton Cleopatra C 6, British Museum (C), on vellum, 196 × 140 mm.;
196 folios of 19 to 26 lines to a page in a peculiar angular hand,
written about 1240 A.D. The scribe, after finishing the book, had access
to another manuscript, either A or one closely resembling it, and
interlined or put on the margin passages from it which were not in the
first exemplar. C was presented to Legh Abbey, Co. Devon, by Matilda de
Clare, by whom the Abbey was converted into a Nunnery about 1285 A.D.
(Dugdale, vi. 333).
vi. The Vernon MS. of the Bodleian Library (V), a very large book,
written in two columns of eighty lines to the column, has a
fourteenth-century version of the AR, which begins at folio 371 v^2. It
contains our first extract, but only a fragment of the second.
vii. Another version of portions of the AR, written at the end of the
fourteenth century, discovered by Miss Paues, exists under the title of
the Recluse in the Magdalene College MS., Cambridge, Pepys 2498 (P).
viii. A fragment in a hand of 1330-40, corresponding to p. 138, l. 25
&c. of Morton’s edition, was described by Napier in the Journal of
Germanic Philology, ii. 199-202.
ix. Magdalen College, Oxford, 67 (M). A Latin version in writing of the
end of the thirteenth century; on f. 1 r it begins, Hic incipit
p{ro}hemiu{m} ven{er}abilis patris Magistri Simo|nis de Gandauo episcopi
sar{um} in libru{m} de uita solitaria | quem scripsit sororibus suis
Anachoritis apu`d´ tarente. It ends on f. 95 r, Explicit liber septimus
de uita solitaria: Octauus omnino taceatur:--with the addition in a
later hand, eterna taciturnitate. The second extract is therefore not
represented in this version.
x. Cotton Vitellius E 7 (L): fragments of a Latin version rescued from
the fire of 1731, said by Macaulay to be the same as the Magdalen MS.
version, but with the addition of the eighth part. In Smith’s Catalogue
(1696) it is said to have had the note, Regulae vitae Anachoretarum
utriusque sexus scriptae per Simonem de Gandavo, Episcopum Sarum in usum
suarum sororum. Hunc librum Frater Robertus de Thorneton, quondam prior,
dedit claustralibus de Bardenay. Bardney Abbey is in Lincolnshire
(Dugdale, i. 623).
xi. Cotton Vitellius F 7 (F). A French version, written about 1300 A.D.,
but retaining many forms of the considerably older manuscript from which
it was copied. This manuscript also suffered in the fire; the top half
of the folios is scorched and shrunken, and a line or two is lost on
each page: it consists of 164 folios in double columns. In Smith’s
Catalogue it is described as, La Reule de femmes Religieuses et
Recluses; sive de vita solitaria & anachoretica per Simonem de Gandavo,
Episcopum Sarisburiensium in usum sororum ipsius.
#Facsimiles:# Of T. Palaeographical Society; Second Series, plate 75. Of
C. Ibid., plate 76. Of P. The Recluse, ed. J. Påhlsson. Lund, 1911.
#Editions:# The Ancren Riwle, edited and translated by James Morton,
B.D. Camden Society, no. lvii, London, 1853. Mätzner, E., Altenglische
Sprachproben, ii. 8-41 (the second part of AR with introduction and
notes). Shorter extracts in Sweet’s First Middle English Primer, 19-41,
Emerson and Kluge. The text of all the preceding is from MS. N. Heuser,
W., Anglia, xxx. 108-10 (passage from MS. A). Påhlsson, Joel, The
Recluse, Lund, 1911.
#Literature:# Bramlette, E. E., Anglia, xv. 478-98 (the original
language of AR); Brock, E., Philological Society, 1865, 150-67
(Accidence in N); Dahlstedt, A., The Word-Order of the AR, Sundsvall,
1903; Heuser, W., Anglia, xxx. 103-22; Kölbing, E., ES iii. 535, 6; ix.
115-17; xxiii. 306; Lemcke’s Jahrbuch, xv. 179-97 (collations and
dialect); Landwehr, M., Das grammatische Geschlecht in der AR,
Heidelberg, 1911; *Macaulay, G. C., The ‘Ancren Riwle’, Modern Language
Review, ix. 63-78, 145-60, 324-31, 463-74 (collation of A and general
discussion); Mühe, T., Über den im MS. Cotton Titus D. xviii enthaltenen
Text der AR, Göttingen, 1901; Anglia, xxxi. 399-404; Napier, A. S.,
Modern Language Review, iv. 433-6; Ostermann, H., Lautlehre des
germanischen Wortschatzes in der von Morton herausgegebenen Handschrift
der Ancren Riwle. Bonner Beiträge, xix, Bonn, 1905; Påhlsson, J., ES
xxxviii. 453, 4; Paues, A. C., ES xxx. 344-6; Redepenning, H.,
Syntaktische Kapitel aus der ‘Ancren Riwle’, Berlin, 1906; Williams,
Irene F., Anglia, xxviii. 300-4 (language of C); Wülker, R.,
Paul-Braune, Beiträge, i. 209-39; Zupitza, J., Anglia, iii. 34.
#Sources and Illustrations:# Ælredi Regula, in Lucae Holstenii Codex
Regularum Monasticorum et Canonicorum, Augustae Vindelicorum, 1759, vol.
i, p. 420; also as Ailredi Rhievallensis de Vita Eremitica ad Sororem,
in S. Augustini Opera, Antwerp, 1700, vol. i, p. 640; English version of
ch. xxi-lxxviii from the Vernon MS. in ES vii, pp. 304-44; Vita S.
Gileberti Confessoris: Institutiones beati Gileberti in Supplement to
vol. vi, pt. 2, of Dugdale, W., Monasticon Anglicanum, London, 1830;
Eckenstein, Lina, Woman under Monasticism, Cambridge, 1896; Cutts,
E. L., Scenes and Characters of the Middle Ages, London, 1872.
#Phonology:# (1) =of A.= Oral #a# is _a_, calices b 17, cat b 2; #a#
before nasals and lengthening groups is _o_, dronc 21, gomen 83, brondes
b 161, wombe, 97; þen, þenne, hwen, hwenne, selthwenne b 195 are the
usual forms, but once hwon b 116: #and# is ant 26 &c., #man#,
indefinite, me 16. #æ# is usually _e_, bres 103, ed b 121, efter b 12,
gedereð 87 (#gæderian#), hetter b 28, oðerhwet b 177, neppes 94, þet b
126, wes b 3, wicchecreftes 7, esken 79, 85 (#æsce#), weschen b 145,
vesscheð b 112 (#wæscan#), but _ea_, an EME. writing for #æ# in bearuot
b 39, bleasie b 162 (#blæse#, _sb._), feader b 173, b 231, feaste b 42
(3), gleadliche b 186, measse b 83, readliche b 94, noðeleater b 169,
weater b 94, inohreaðe 43 (#hræþe#), and _a_ in awakenet 24, awakenið b
61, b 91 (#awacenian#), blac b 23, warliche b 148 (flexion forms),
cappen b 45: habbe 25 &c., nabben b 130 descend from LWS. forms in #a#:
quoð b 76 (#cwæþ#) is due to loss of stress. #e# is regularly _e_, bedde
b 25, bereð 64 (but beore b 136), spekeð b 57 (but speoke b 132); before
lengthening groups, ende 100, englene 76. Between #w--f#, #e# is rounded
to _eo_ in tweolue b 112; before a palatal it is raised to _i_ in
rikenin 25, rikeneres 82: stude b 171, sullen b 12, 14, swuch b 18 are
due to OE. forms in #y#. #i# is regularly _i_, bidde b 237, binimeð b
221 (but neome b 34 &c.); before lengthening groups, blod binde b 69
(#binde#), bringen 49, child 22, but _u_ in wule 72 and other forms of
#willan#, nute b 130 (#nyte#). #o# is normally _o_, biuoren 57, hosen b
39, word 65, but _a_ in an(an) b 87; nalde 90, walden 42, iwraht b 24
are Anglian. #u# is _u_, cume b 90, cuppe 103, sunderliche 24, wunder b
63, but _i_ in kimeð 94, b 200 (#cymeð#; Bülbring, Ablaut, 74). #y# is
_u_, brune b 160, sundreð b 161, sungið b 191, but _i_ in pilche clut
68: #mycel# is muchel b 91, muche 82; sturne b 195 represents #styrne#.
#ā# is regularly _a_, are b 229; before two consonants, gast b 231;
length is indicated by doubling in aa, b 162, b 234: man b 8 is *#mān#.
_ea_ for #ā# appears in eanes b 34, b 189, easkin b 181, easki b 78,
easkeð b 118, b 203, wreaðfule 32, 63, coming from forms in #ǣ#. #ā# is
_o_ in cop b 142 (#cōp#), _e_ in se b 67 &c., but swa 73. #ǣ{1}# is, as
a rule (41 times), _ea_, ageasten 58, arearen b 159, asneasen 69, eani
8; before two consonants, eauer 54 &c., leafdi b 235, wreaððe b 153, b
166, but _e_ in þer b 155, and before two consonants in flesch b 26,
flesches b 91, fleschlich b 78, fleschliche b 75, leste b 37, b 54
(beside leasse 61 (4), leaste b 188), and _a_ before two consonants in
attri 12, attreð b 80 (? analogy of #āttor#). #ǣnig# is mostly ei 8
(possibly shortening of eiðer,--Holthausen); #ǣlc# is euch 34 &c. #ǣ{2}#
is _e_ (32 times), dreden b 196, her b 141, neddre 31, wepmen b 22, but
_eo_ in leote b 131, b 19, feorle 100. _ea_ appears only in ileanet 16,
read b 13, b 37, reade b 2 (but reden b 188, redeð b 223, b 224, b 228,
ired b 235): þear 41 is probably a scribal error for þer, but comp. þiar
39/165. The difference in the representation of #ǣ{1}#, as _ea_, rarely
_e_, and #ǣ{2}#, as _e_, rarely _ea_, is also found in the Katherine
group, and is Anglian (Stodte, p. 31). #ē# is always _e_; #ī#, _i_, but
wummon b 21 (5) after #w#; #ō# is _o_; #ū#, _u_; #ȳ# is regularly _u_,
fur b 160, hudest b 57; before two consonants, cuððe b 144, fulðe b 113,
but _i_ in schriden b 85, beside schruden 90.
#ea# before #r# + cons. is _ea_, bearm 71, nearewe b 204; before
lengthening groups, bearnes 75, heard b 44, but _a_ in scharp 64, 65, 67
and always after #w#, warde b 231, -ward as in frommard b 165, inward
36, toward b 89, utward 37, warm b 23, warneð 11. _ea_ in chearre b 238,
wearien b 6 represents #æ#, _i_-umlaut of unbroken (Anglian) #a#. #ea#
before #l# + cons. is regularly _a_ (Anglian), alle 7 &c., falleð 6,
halden b 193. The _i_-umlaut has _ea_ = #æ# from unbroken #a#, ealde b
124, healden b 197, both before a lengthening group. #eo# before #r# +
cons. is regularly _eo_, heorte 51, keorue b 34; before length. groups,
eorðe 85, sweord 65, Beornard b 219, but Anglian smoothing is seen in
werkes b 62, b 67, b 81. To the #wur# group belong wurðen 88, forwurðen
23, forwurðe b 95: warpere 64, warpeð 66 are Scandinavian; WS. forms are
#weorpere#, #wierpð#. The _i_-umlaut is wanting in heordemonne b 6,
iheortet 31; #wier, wyr# words have _u_, vnwurðe b 108, b 219, wurse 16,
56, b 37, iwurset b 191. #eo# before #l# + cons. is _eo_ in seolf 59,
seoluen b 204 &c. #ea#, the _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #a#, is seen in
eateliche 58, 69, eawles 67 (#awul#), meaðeleð 73, 96, streapeles b 42,
vnsteaðeluest 5; fearen b 197, misfearen 13, and analogically (Bülbring
§ 228 anm.), feareð 79, b 120, forfearinde 29, gleadie b 232, heatien b
141, ?peaðereð 81, ?skleatteð 53. This umlaut is specifically Mercian.
#eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e#, gives heouene 3, b 185, but world 40,
worldliche b 79 &c.: #eo#, _å_-umlaut of #e#, beoden b 124, b 206, b
237, breoken b 20, eoten 99, ȝeouen b 71 (from Mercian #ġefan#), and
analogically, beore b 31, b 136, forbeoren b 149, breoke b 216, eote b
127, eoten b 150, ȝeoue b 131, b 173, b 233, forȝeoued b 200 (but ȝef
102), speoke b 132, speoken b 138: an Anglian feature. #eo#, _u_- and
_å_-umlaut of #i#, is seen in cleopede 9, 11, bicleopet b 192,
leoðeliche b 28 (#liþig#, OWScand. liðugr), neomen b 72, b 174, neome b
34, neomen b 189, neomunge 7, seoue 21, seouene 4, seolc b 69, seoluer
84, sweoke b 160, teolunges 6, but hare 5 &c. is the regular
representative of #heora#, suster b 4 &c., of WS. #sweostor#, Anglian
wike b 189, of WS. #wucan# (*#wiucu#). #ea# after palatals is _a_, schal
42 &c., ischauen b 101, schape b 146, but _e_ in ȝeten b 128 (WS.
#gatu#), _eo_ before nasal, scheome b 51: schapieð b 70 is a ME.
formation. #ie# after #ġ# is _e_ (Mercian monophthong), ȝef 102, 104,
ȝeueð b 68, ȝelden 15, b 7, forȝelde b 175, ȝelp 37; this _e_ with
_å_-umlaut gives forms in _eo_, ȝeouen &c. as above. #ȝef#, EWS. #gief#,
is ȝef 9. #eo# after #ġ# is _u_, ȝungre b 132; after #sc#, schule 99,
schulde 22 &c. (Anglian). #eom# is am b 236 (Anglian), #heom#, ham 4 &c.
#ēa# is regularly _ea_, beate b 31, deade 41, eadmode b 119, greatluker
b 157, reaflac 15, but _e_ in chepeð b 12, chepilt b 11, cwedschipe b
93, eð b 214, edscene b 147, and _a_ in chaffere b 11, chapmon b 12,
shortening due to stress on following syllable: its _i_-umlaut is _e_
(Anglian), bemen 39, 76, bemere 42, bemin 43, dremen b 206, ȝeme b 190,
ȝemeles 10 &c., ȝemeð 16, ȝemen b 98, iȝemen b 90, ihereð 53, leue b
174, b 207, leue b 36, misleue b 182, lefunge 7; but greattre b 67 is
#grēatra#. #ēo# is _eo_, beon 4, cneon b 150, feondes 92, feorðe 21, but
_e_ in seke b 108, secnesse b 111, before #c#. The absence of its
_i_-umlaut is Anglian, deore 71, feond _s. d._ 34 &c., neod b 1, neodeð
88, istreonede 23; _e_ in nedlunge b 8, tene b 112. Absence of
palatalization, characteristic of Mercian, after #ġ#, #sć# is seen in
ȝer b 101, schende b 52 (Bülbring § 289), schon b 38, but scheos b 39,
ischeoed b 40. #ȝīet# is ȝet b 193, the second element in edscene b 147,
is #gesīene#.
#a# + #g# is _ah_, dahes b 105, drahe b 53, draheð 36, mahen 50 &c.;
isleine 33 is #geslegen#; seið 46, 89, #sægð#; dreaieð b 233 (comp.
dreaien 147/153, dreihen, 146/122) descends from *#dreagaþ#, form with
_å_-umlaut (WS. #dragaþ#). #æ# + #g# is regularly _ei_, deies b 21,
feier b 123, heiward b 6, mei 4 &c., meiden b 96, seide 46, b 117, iseid
26: mahe b 148, b 180 comes from LWS. #mage#. #e# + #g# is also _ei_,
abreiden 75, aȝein 5 (#ongegn#), toȝeines b 56, eie b 18, eili b 9, leið
b 152, pleien 67, b 139, b 146, pleieð 64, but plohien b 218 which
descends with shifted accent from *#pleogan# with _å_-umlaut (comp.
#pleogede# in a SW. Mercian text of Bede, ed. Miller, ii. 82). The MS.
has in other places pleien as above, but the noun in Morton’s text
pleowe 184/4, pleouwe 218/8 is in MS. A regularly plohe, in MS. C ploȝe.
#i# + #g#, #h#, pliht b 97, ipliht 18, sihðe b 61, onsihðe b 55,
wriheles b 49, but sygaldren 6: lið 71, b 93 is #līþ# < #ligeð#, _il_ in
ilespiles b 31, #īl# < #igil#. In twien b 210 from #twiga# the spirant
has disappeared, as in monie b 168. Final #ig# is regularly _i_, bisi b
89, dusi 18. #o# + #h#, #g# is _oh_, bitohe b 225, dohter b 52, but
dehtren b 15 with _e_ from the dative singular. #u# + #g#, duhen b 59,
muhen b 44: #y# + #g#, #h#, buð b 11, b 187, drihtines 41, b 206. #ā# +
#g#, #h#, ah 17, ahne b 61, ahnes b 207, ahte b 181, lahe b 141, b 152,
wah b 58. #ǣ{1}# + #g#, #h#, ahte 84, bitaht 16, tahte b 75, but eiðer
53 (#ǣgþer#). #ē# + #g#, iueitsomet b 168, iheiet b 234: #ī# + #h#,
wrihen b 50 (*#wrīhan# _inf._), wriheð b 58: #ō# + #g#, inoh b 79,
inohreaðe b 41, ibroht b 214, þohten 39. #ea# + #ht#: lahtre 50, mahte b
213 come from Anglian forms in #æ#; the _i_-umlaut gives mihte b 230,
niht b 215, but _a_ in lahhen b 139, lahheð 97, monslaht 24 also
represents Anglian #æ#. #eo# + #ht#, riht 51, rihten b 99: sist b 57,
sið b 89, b 159 are Anglian forms corresponding to WS. #siehst#, #siehð#
with _i_-umlaut (Bülbring § 217). #ēa# + #g#, #h#, deh b 66 (North,
#dēg#), ehe 51, ehnen b 63, heh b 186, hehe b 185, neh b 90, b 120, but
þah b 7, b 63, as if from Ang. *#þæh#. #ēo# + #g#, #h#, dreheð b 233,
but lihte b 39, lihtliche b 3, b 87. #īe# + #h#, nest b 26, b 29 (North.
#nēsta#), lihtin b 101. #ā# + #w# is _aw_, blawen 40, icnaweð b 201,
itawet b 24, nawiht b 9, nawt b 53, sawle 94, slaw 12, but nowðer b 48
represents OE. #nōwþer#, nohwer b 33, b 41, #nō(h)wǣr#, similarly
nohwider b 126, eawiht b 235, eawt 52 (*#ǣwiht# with _i_-umlaut, NED.);
sehe b 139 is Anglian #sēge#, WS. #sāwe#. #ǣ{1}# + #w# is also _aw_,
rawe 33, slawðe 11, 18. #ēa# + #w#, þeawes b 81, þeawfule b 106, but
schawin 38. #ēo# + #w# is _ow_, fowr 39, b 101, trowðe 18, ow 99 &c.,
ower b 1; _eo_ finally in gleo 47: neowe b 137 has no umlaut; the WS.
form is #nīwe# (Bülbring § 306, anm. 5).
Unstressed #swā# is se 15 &c., but swa 73: _a_ occurs for #o# in anan b
87; _e_ for #o# in streapeles b 42, sunderliche 24, vnsteaðeluest 5; _i_
for #e# in drihtines 41, b 206; _u_ for #i# in dimluker 43, greatluker b
157, monluker b 110, as in the Katherine group; #e# is lost in earst b
52, meidnes b 106, b 183, added in luðere 32, ȝiuere 92; #o# is lost in
unbischpet 19. The prefix #ge# is _i_; #ǣr#, _ear_ in earunder b 209;
#æt# is ed b 178; #þǣr# is syncopated in þrin, þrinne, þrof, þron,
þrefter, þruppe, forms characteristic of the Katherine group, found also
in MSS. C, T, but not in N.
#w# is assimilated in frommard b 165; isehen b 62 descends from
#gesegen#, not from #gesewen#. Metathesis of #r# is seen in iwraht b 24
(late North. #wroht#). #ll# is simplified in druncwile 105; #mm# in grim
62. #n# is lost in earunder b 209, and often in iþe 1, i 25 for #in#, o
7 for #on#; #nn# is simplified in monluker b 110. #p# is inserted in
nempneð b 48: #bb# is simplified in neb b 54. #f# is regularly _u_
between vowels, or vowel and liquid, biuoren 94, heaued 8, froure b 221,
bearuot b 39, underueð 74, vnsteaðeluest 5, but lefunge 7; once _v_
appears initially, vet b 42, but not _u_. #t# is doubled in hetter b 28,
lost in best b 43, olhnin b 6; _d_ for #t# occurs in ed b 121 &c.,
edhalden 13, b 73 (but ethalt 87), prude 30: #t# is assimilated in
ȝisceunge 14, 16 (#gītsung#), ȝiscere 79: milce b 182 is #milts#, milci
b 175 #miltsie#: #tt# is simplified in cat b 2. #d# has disappeared in
mungunge b 52; it is doubled in foddre b 5: _t_ for #d# appears in
ontfule 31, worltlich 36, b 107, b 108 (but worldliche b 139): mið 53 is
Anglian for mid: #dd# is simplified in bidest b 238. Initial #þ# often
becomes _t_ after _t_, _d_, te 5, 32, b 178, b 216, tis 83, teo b 179,
ter b 196, but þe b 43, b 171, þah b 196, þat b 215; it is lost in
forfearinde 29, _d_ is written for it in edscene b 147, ladlich b 7, _t_
in leste b 37. For #s#, _ce_ appears in ȝisceunge 14, 16; ȝiscere 79 is
#gītsere#: #sć# is regularly _sch_, schrift 19, schende b 52, weschen b
145, but _ssch_ in dissches 93. The stop #c# is commonly written _k_
before _e_, _i_, kemese b 83, kene 69, kimeð 94, awakenet 24, lokeð b
215, makien 48, rikenin 25, stikeð 92, and _ck_ after another consonant
in þonckið b 228, also in easkeð b 203, esken 79; in other positions
_c_, cat b 2, com b 74, cumeð 41, locunge b 143, exceptions are kues b
5, kun b 72: ah 25 is Anglian #ah#, WS. #ac#: _k_ is inserted as a glide
sound in skleatteð 53; see Archiv cxxxi. 305. #č# is _ch_, chearre b
238, cwencheð b 165, brech b 41, iþench b 237, kealche 103, swuch b 18,
but keorue b 34, keoruinde 65, conformed to #curfon, corfen#. #čč# is
_cch_ in wicche(creftes) 7; isticchet b 142 is a ME. formation
descending from OE. #stiče#; contrast stikeð 92 (Bülbring § 499, anm.
5). #cw# is usually preserved, cwide 13, forecwidderes 57, but quoð b
76. Palatal #g# is regularly written _ȝ_, biȝete 12, ȝemeð 16; _h_ is
written for #g# in murhðe b 221, orhel 38, teoheði 12; #g# is lost in
sygaldren 6; #čǧ# is _gg_, liggen b 28, seggen b 72. Initial #h# is lost
in lahheð 97, lahtre 50, lud 38, lust 54, ring b 64; #hh# is simplified
in laheð 83 and #h# doubled in crohhe 94 (#crōh#).
(2) =Of B.= The principal divergences from A are noted. Some of them are
due to the scribe’s inexperience; his handling of the consonants in
particular is confused. _eo_ in eondfule 48 for _o_ from #a# before
length. group is a French writing; similar is neolden 89. #æ# is _a_ in
bras 103, inohraþe 42, hwat 9, nappes 94, þat 16, craftes 7. cwude 12 is
from #cwyde#; liki 50 is a mistake for loki; #u# is _o_ in open 64
(#uppan#); #y# is _i_ in mint 97. In leouerð 49, eo is for _o_ from #ā#;
ea 53 represents #ā#, ever; comp. nea L 1552, 1555. #ǣ{1}# is _a_ in
agastan 57, ilad 4, 19, _e_ in asnesen 68, hest 17, lesse 60, wredfule
32, _ae_ (= æ) in aetri 31, _ea_ in eawer 72, 99: #ǣnig# is ai 8, 15, ei
7. #ǣ{2}# is _e_ in ilened 15, as generally in A.
#ea# before #r# + cons. is _a_ in barm 70, _e_ in bernes 74, sherpe 64,
but sharpe 63, 66: #eo# before #r# + cons. is _e_, swerd 64, but
sweordes 68. There is no _å_-umlaut in ateliche 57 (but eateliche 68),
vnstaþelfast 5, fared 78, forfarinde 29, paþered 80, as in A: skletteð
53 is OWScand. sletta. #seofon# is sewe 28. #ēa# is _e_, drem 37, 75,
reflac 14; #ēo# is also _e_ in strenes 28, thehewen 12: #gief# is gif 9.
#æ# + #g# gives mai 4, 25; #ā# + #w#, out 51, slauwe 70, slaþ 11
miswritten for slaw; #ǣ{1}# + #w#, areawe 32, slauþe 20, slouþe 10; #ēo#
+ #w#, trouþe 17. In syllables of minor stress _a_ appears for #e#,
bemares 36, galnasse 23, warpare 63; _e_ for #æ#, ethalden 12, _i_ for
#u#, neominge 7; _e_ for #ō#, te 15 &c., tegederes 79: #on# is a 74. _e_
is often inserted medially between consonants, bolehed 85, iboregen 41,
deoueles 42, deouelen 57, iugelurs 46, wigeled 96.
For #w#, _u_ is written in uule 72. #l# is lost in fundes 12, #n# in
cunen 46, druch 20. For #p#, _b_ is written in unbischbed 17: #f# medial
occurs in bifore 39, biforen 60, vnstaþelfast 5, but biuoren 62 as in A,
deoules 70 and _w_ for _u_ in biworen 94, eawer 72, 99, giwere 105,
keorwinde 64, 69, kniwes 62, underweng 73. For #t#, _d_ appears in
bihald 82, blend 80; #ts# is _ss_ in gissere 78, gissunge 14, but
giscunge 13; #d# is lost in an 25 (but and 86 and consequently ⁊ þe 31,
73); it is unaltered in ondfule 31, wondrede 76, worldlich 35, where A
has _t_: _t_ is written for #d# in hont 60, lauert 95, _ð_ for #d#,
leouerð 49; _d_ is often written for #ð#, beod 19 &c., drahed 35, gemed
15, libbed 33, puffed 36, serued 34, shuled 52, slead 30, tutelid 71,
wid 2, wredfule 32, wigeled 96, wurden 87; _t_ for #þ#, fondet 29, gat
2, _w_ for #þ#, thehewen 12, warwið 89. #sc# is regularly _sh_, dishes
93, shal 87, shruden 90, &c.: etheliche 76 is miswritten for echeliche;
in richkeneres 81, _k_ was added above as a correction of _ch_ not
deleted; #cw# is _qu_ in forquiddares 56. _g_ is used for #ġ#, agein 5,
bigete 11, ge 1. _cht_ for #ht# is frequent, drichtines 40, iplicht 17,
richte 14; _þ_ for #h# occurs in þwitel 89, _th_ for #h# in þothten 38,
for _t_ in thehewen 12.
(3) =Of N.= For an account dealing with the whole of Morton’s text see
Ostermann: the examples given in the following summary illustrate such
differences as exist between N and A. Oral #a# is _a_, blasie 143
(#blase#, _sb._), wasshen 124, wassheð 95; gledie 204 is influenced by
#glæd#: #a# before nasals and length. groups is _o_; hwon 6, 87,
seldwhonne 179 are the usual forms, but þeonne 5, 144, 181 by influence
of heonne. #æ# is regularly _e_, keppen 38, veder 154, ueste 37,
gledliche 168; occasionally _ea_, heater 29, readliche 77; _a_ in
hateren AR 104/24, later 151, was 3 (Bülbring, Ablaut 62), water 76, and
the flexion forms baruot 34, warliche 127. #e# is _e_, blodbendes 64;
raised to _i_ before a palatal, sigge 110, 130, siggen 152
(South-Eastern and Kentish); _u_ in stude 153, sullen 12, swuche 18 &c.
#i# is _i_, but _u_ in hwuder 103, wute 138, nute 107. #o# is _o_: #u#
is _u_, kumeð 184: #y#, _u_, drunch 187, wurcheð 70. #ā# is regularly
_o_, anon 69, boðe 105, mone 8, more 196, but _oa_ in moare 154, woanes
19 (comp. woaning 2/15, 2/25); _eo_ in beoðe 173, 182, and _a_ in lates
127 (Scand. lát). #ǣ{1}# is regularly _e_, clene 22, eni 93, geð 100,
wreððe 133, but _ea_ in arearen 140, unweawed 119, heale 193. #ǣ{2}# is
mostly _e_, leten 108, lete 19, but _ea_ in heare 36, readeð 208, weaden
125, and _a_ in hwarse 95, hwarto 126. The representation of #ǣ{1}# and
#ǣ{2}# is therefore practically identical. #ē# is _e_; #ī#, _i_, but _u_
in hwule 71, 198, ihwulen 73, swuðe 197, wummen 171: #ō# is _o_; #ū#,
_u_; #ȳ#, _u_, hure 167, schruden 67, but _ui_, expressing length, in
huire 6, 164, 205.
#ea# before #r# + cons. is mostly _e_, hermes 7, hermie 9, neruwure 189;
before length. groups, herde 28, herdure 189, and _a_, after #w#,
urommard 146, warme 25; in other conditions occasionally _a_, sparke AR
296/13, or _ea_, schearpe AR 82/11; _a_ in warien 6 is to be explained
as _ea_ in wearien 60/6. #ea# before #l# + cons. is _a_, halue 174,
before length. groups _o_, holden 177; the _i_-umlaut is seen in elde
100, helden 181. #eo# before #r# + cons. is mostly _eo_, heorden 28,
leornen 79, but _e_ in hercnen 73, werc, werke 70, werkes 62; to the
#wur# group belongs forwurðen 77; #wyr# words are iwursed 174, wurðe AR
38/17: the _i_-umlaut is wanting in heordemonne 6. #eo# before #l# +
cons. is _u_ in sulf 32, suluen 189. The _u_- and _å_-umlauts of #a# are
not represented. #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e#, occurs in heouene 167, but
worlde 206, worldliche 90, 115; #eo#, _å_-umlaut of #e#, in beoden 100,
ueole 33: #eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i#, in bicleoped 175, seolke 64,
but hore 105, sustren 1, wike 172. #ea# after palatals is _a_, schal 27,
181, ischauen 84, _ea_ in ȝeate 105, scheape 125, but often _e_, ȝet AR
74/12; schepieð 65 is from #sćeppan#. #ie# after #ġ# is _i_, ȝiue 155,
205, uorȝiueð 185, _e_ in ȝelden 7, forȝelde 156: #gef# is ȝif 20 &c.
#eo# after #ġ# is _u_, ȝungre 108; after #sć#, schule 66, schulde 72.
#eom# is am 210, #heom#, ham 188. #ēa# is regularly _ea_, cheapeð 13,
cheapild 12, cweadschipe 75, but _e_ in chepmon 13, cheffare 11,
gretluker 137, gretture 62; its _i_-umlaut is _e_ in ȝeme 173, ȝemen 80,
ȝemeleaste 175, leue 156, 193, misleue 165, but _ea_ in dreamen 192.
#ēo# is regularly _eo_, but _e_ in seke 91, secnesse 93; the _i_-umlaut
has _e_ in nede _adv._ 9, but neode 20, neodeð 26. Palatalization after
#ġ#, #sć# is absent in ȝere 83, schon 33. #gīeta# is ȝete 176; #gesīene#
is represented in eðcene 126.
#a# + #g# is _aw_, dawes 88: auh 54 is the equivalent of Anglian #ah#,
WS. #ac#. #æ# + #g# gives _ei_, deie 94, feir 100; muwe 163 is LWS.
#muge# for earlier #mæge#. #e# + #g# is also _ei_, eilie 9, weie 100:
seihtnesse 139 is #sæhtness#. #o# + #g#, bitowen 198: #o# + #h#,
iwrouhte 25. #u# + #g#, muwen 37, 67. #ā# + #g#, owen 167, owune 67,
190: #ā# + #h#, ouh 10, 80, ouhte 163, louh 121, lowe 118, louwe 131,
nouhwuder 103. #ǣ{1}# + #h#, eihte 3, 8. #ī# + #g#, iueied 149, iheid
206. #ō# + #g#, inouh 36, 210, þouht 10. #ea# + #h#, muhte 116. #ie# +
#h#, nihtes 22, isihð 23, 71, 140: lauhwen 115 corresponds to lahhen in
A. #eo# + #h#, rihte 136. #ēa# + #g#, deih 56, eien 54, heie 168, 176:
#ēa# + #h#, neih 72, heie 118, but þauh 7 &c., as if from þah > *#þĕah#.
#ēo# + #g#, drieð 205. #īe# + #h#, nexst 27. #ā# + #w#, nout 10,
nouhtunge 145, nouðer 112, 159, but drawe 11, itauwed 25 (forms from the
scribe’s exemplar), iseie 116. #ō# + #w#, touward 71, 112, 199. #ēa# +
#w#, þeaufule 89. #ēo# + #w#, four 83, our 91, ower 175, seouweð 65.
#Swā# is so 62 &c., once se 187, and in composition hwo se 29, hwer se
60. For #e#, _a_ is written in demare 176, for _on_ in akneon 129; for
#o#, _e_ in strapeles 37; _e_ is added in heuede 197, sunegeð 174,
ȝeorneliche 177, _u_ in gretture 62, herdure, neruwure 189: in contrast
with A, syncope is rare. The suffix #-lēas# is unchanged in wimpelleas
37.
#w# is assimilated in urommard 146, uppard AR 216/28. iwrouhte 25,
corresponding to iwraht in A, has metathesis of #r#. #ll# is simplified
in griðfulnesse 4; for #l#, _r_ appears in irspiles 30. Final #n# is
lost in iðe 83, o 141, but it is otherwise very regularly retained; it
is simplified in monluker 93. #f# is kept in the combinations _fd_,
_ff_, _fs_, _ft_, lefdi 208, cheffare 11, ofte 19, lufsumere 54; as a
final, strif 134; initially after a word ending in a voiceless sound,
foddre 5, fondunge 74, forwurðen 77 (with exceptions at 54, 90, 150,
172); also before _u_, ful 36, fur 142, 146, þeaufule 89, to avoid _uu_.
Otherwise it is _u_, _v_, at the beginning of a sentence, Vor 5, Uorði
23; after a syntactical pause, vor 72, 94; after a word ending in a
voiced sound, uet 37, ueond 69, or a liquid, uor 69, ueste 124, uere
110; or medially, iuestned 10, luuien 180. But _f_ is exceptionally
written sometimes after _d_, for 14, four 83, especially after and 147,
156, 204, 209, where the exemplar had ant, as well as in flesshes 74:
#of# is shortened to o 195, 208; _w_ is written for _u_ in unweawed 119.
#ts# is _c_ in milce 157, 165. #þ# is assimilated in ette 160, but and
te 189 is due to ant te in the scribe’s exemplar; #þ# is _d_ in lodlich
7. For #s#, _c_ is written in eðcene 126: #sć# is initially _sch_, schal
27, schon 33, medially _ssh_ in flesshes 74, wasshen 124, but fleshe 27.
#c# [k] is _c_ before consonants, clene 22, hercnen 73, but akneon 129,
iknotted 36, iknowed 185; _k_ is regular before e and i, keppen 38,
makien 129, and as frequent as _c_ before other vowel sounds, kat 2, kom
75, kume 102. #č# is _ch_, but ecchenesse 207: istihd 119 is miswritten
for istichd. Palatal #g# is regularly written _ȝ_; #rg# is _rw_ in
midmorwen 162; #ng# is _nc_ in strencðe 18; #čǧ# is _gg_, liggen 29,
sigge 110. #hs# is written _xs_ in nexst 27.
(4) =Of T and C.= According to the careful investigation of Mühe, MS. T
exhibits a varying mixture of Anglian and Southern forms, the former
being predominant. MS. C differs in no main feature from A. As in the
Lambeth MS. of the PM (317/6) _ch_ for #h# is frequent, olchni 6, þocht,
nawicht 10, iwracht 25, þach 53, echnen 54; noteworthy is the
interpolated y sound in muchȝen 67 (#mugon#), sechȝe 116, lachȝe, hechȝe
118, iueiȝet 149 &c.
#Accidence:# (1) =of A.= Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns.
In the _s. n._ sune b 231 represents #sunu#. _Gen._ -es, gastes b 165,
bearnes 75: _d._ -e, bedde b 25, bure b 186, chearre b 238, hame b 122
(WS. #hām#), but the inflection is wanting in more than half the
instances, clað b 23, hus b 148, &c. The _pl. n. a._ of masculines ends
in -es, bemeres 36, brondes b 161, but scheos b 39, and schon b 38, a
weak form: neuters, with the exception of word 65, have taken the masc.
termination, felles b 24, b 31, gomenes b 218, þinges b 140, werkes 62,
wordes 96, &c., or have joined the weak declension, beoden b 124, b 206,
deoflen 58, 67, sygaldren 6: wa b 186, _pl. a._ is indeclinable:
genitives are cunne b 30, englene 39, 76, þinge b 200; datives have
mostly -es, breres b 32, streones 5 and 19 others, but beoden b 237,
cneon b 150 (Mercian #cnēom#), ȝeten b 128, siðen b 19, b 101; mel b
177, þing b 129 are _acc._ in form. The _fem._ nouns of the strong
declension have -e in the _s. n._, fulðe b 113, hure b 184, neode b 17,
b 202, þuftene b 123; exceptions are heast 18, b 115 (#hǣs#), neod b 1,
b 20, b 217, þuften b 119; the _acc._ also has -e. _Gen._ -e, helle 76,
heorte 86: _dat._ -e, honde b 121, worlde b 234, sawle b 175, b 176, but
uninflected half 40, 52, help b 75, hond 34, 95, luft 52, world 40, b
234. _Pl. n._ are teolunges 6, esken 85, weden b 146; _d._, esken 79,
honden b 14, sunnen 21, talen b 106, wunden b 198, sawles b 176; _a._
ahte b 3, kemese b 83, leasunges b 140, secnesses b 36, glouen b 65,
honden b 29, spechen b 139, sunnen 24, talen b 137. The extension of the
weak declension at the expense of the strong is Southern. Nouns of the
weak declension have -e in all cases of the singular; exception, leafdi
_s. a._ b 235. _Pl. n._ are neddren, tadden 88, ancres b 188, leafdis b
46, b 79; _pl. d._ bemen 39, 76, cappen b 45, earen b 206, ehnen 48, b
63, heorden b 27, hosen b 39, nomen 25; _pl. a._ earen 54, b 136,
blodbinde, huue b 69, teone b 187 (Anglian absence of n). The minor
declensions are represented by vet _s. d._ b 42; wummon _s. n._ b 41,
monnes _s. g._ b 58, wepmonnes b 56, mon _s. d._ b 220, chapmon b 12,
wummon b 47, _s. a._ b 21, cunnesmon b 144, men _pl. n._ 99, monne _pl.
g._ b 15, b 70, wummone b 194, heordemonne b 5, wepmen _pl. d._ b 97;
boc _s. d._ b 223, (o)boke b 134; brech _pl. a._ b 41; kues _s. g._ b 5;
niht _pl. n._ b 215; feader _s. n._ b 173; broðer _s. n._ b 75, breðer
_s. d._ b 76; moder _s. n._ 21; dohter _s. n._ b 52, dehtren _pl. n._ b
15; suster _s. n._ b 4, sustren _pl. n._ b 1, b 232, sustres ?_pl. g._ b
208; child _s. n._ 22, godchild _s. a._ 20, childrene _pl. g._ b 96;
feondes _s. g._ 92, feond _s. d._ 34, 63, b 159; hettren _pl. a._ b 70
(#hæteru#): hetter _s. d._ b 28 is a ME. formation.
Adjectives which in OE. end in e retain that termination in all cases,
as cleane b 21, softe b 198, swete b 43. Instances of weak inflections
are _s. n._ eadmode b 119, fleschliche b 75, hehe b 185, swote b 43;
_g._ sunfule b 51; _d._ dredfule 76, grurefule 40, hehe b 192, wide 103;
_a._ greate 97, ondfule 50, rihte 15: a solitary strong inflection is
linnene _s. a. m._ b 26. All other adjectives are uninflected in the
singular, as ful b 93, heh b 186, riht 51. Those in #-ig# lose g,
almihti b 231, attri 12; druncwile 105 represents #druncwillen#; lute b
116, #lȳtel#; #mycel# is mostly muche, but _s. n._ muchel b 18 (3); _d._
muchele 60, b 225; _a._ b 226; _pl. a._ 80: #āgen# gives _s. n._ ahne b
61; _g._ ahnes b 207; _d._ ahne b 205; _pl. n._ 57. The _pl._ ends in e,
bĭsie b 121, idele b 137; exceptions are hāli b 14, idel b 87. OE. #āna#
is ane b 2 &c.; #ān# is an, a; _s. g._ anes 14: #nān# is nan, na;
_s. g._ nanes 51; _pl. a._ nane b 68, b 137, b 218. Adjectives used as
nouns are inflected, as _s._ gode b 238, idele 74, nearewe b 204, slawe
71, wide b 205, wreaðfule 63, wurse 56; _pl._ neodfule 90, ontfule 31,
prude 30, wreaðfule 32; exceptions are ȝemeles (predicative) 10, 12, god
53, 73: feorle 100 represents #fǣrlic#. Comparatives end regularly in e,
lufsumre b 64, except dimluker 43, greatluker b 157: of superlatives
only leaste b 188 is inflected.
The personal pronouns are ich, me, us, þu, þe, ȝe, ow b 37, b 196. The
pron. of the third person is _s. n._ he _m._ 66, ha _f._ b 4 &c., heo b
127, hit _neut._ 5; _d._ him _m._ 88; _a._ him _m._ 69, hire _f._ b 89,
hit _neut._ b 2; _pl. n._ ha 33, 51, 53, b 147, b 191, heo b 143, b 149;
_d._ ham 4; _a._ 58 &c. Reflexives are ow b 106, ow seoluen b 85, him
27, him seolf 81, b 208, him seoluen b 234, hire b 30, b 33, hire seolf
b 32, ham b 166, b 170, ham seolf b 138, b 194: definitive is ham seolf
59: possessives are mi _s._ b 91, mine _pl._ 99, b 1, b 232, þin b 162,
ure b 173, ower b 1 &c., his 11, hire b 9, hare _pl._ 5 &c. The definite
article is mostly þe, te after t; inflected forms are þet _s. a. neut._
b 205, þer _s. d. f._ b 155, þen _s. d. neut._, in ear þen b 126. Þet is
used demonstratively 52, 53, 54, b 152, þet ilke b 152, b 153, b 161:
the article is also used pronominally in þeo þe, those who b 86, which
25, þeo, that one b 122, teo, those b 179: þer buten, without that, b
103. The compound demonstrative is þes _s. n. m._ 74, þeos _s. n. f._ b
117, þis 82, þis _s. n. neut._ b 158, _s. d. f._ b 223, _s. a. neut._ b
188, tis 83, þes _pl. n._ 81, þeos 20, 56, þeose _pl. d._ 28, 43, b 115,
_pl. a._ 97. The relatives are þe, þet b 126; þe sometimes means he who
11, she who 21, b 103. Interrogative is hwuch 9; its correlative is
swuch b 18, b 65, b 146; #ilca# is ilke b 152; #þyllic#, þullich 104,
þulliche _pl._ 3, 20. Indefinites are hwa se 15, hwam se _d._ 73, hwet
se b 183; me 16, b 7; sum 27, summe _pl._ 47, b 46; eiðer 53 &c.; oðres
_s. g._ 14, oþer _s. d._ 8, 47, oþre 66, b 239, _pl. n._ 26, oðer _pl.
g._ b 15; oðerhwet b 177; euch 34, euche _s. d._ b 188, b 223; #ǣnig# is
mostly ei 8 &c., but eani 8, b 111, b 213; nowðer b 48; eawt 52, nawt b
15, b 89; monie _pl._ 80, b 168; al _s. n. a._ 82, 72, alle _s. g._ b
207, _s. d._ b 149, _pl. n._ 20, _d._ 7, _a._ 24, mid alle b 20.
Three-fourths of the infinitives end in -en; those of the second weak
conjugation mostly in -ien, as makien, þolien; with -in are bemin 43,
grennin 59, hungrin 99, lokin 51, b 145, rikenin 25, 82, schawin 38 and
the ME. niuelin 59, olhnin b 6, toggin b 145, wimplin b 51; with -i,
teoheði 12; with -e, cume b 90, drahe b 53, forwurðe b 95, habbe b 2,
teache 19, wrenche 48; contract verbs are underuon b 100, wreon b 50.
The _dat. inf._ is inflected in forte donne b 227, to witene 17.
Presents are _s._ 1. bidde b 237, hopie b 224; 2. hudest, sist b 57; 3.
attreð b 80, bodeð 66, forms in -ið are þreatið 97, winkið 51, contract
verbs, sið b 89, b 159, sleað 30, contracted forms, being about
one-fifth of the total number of 3rd presents, bihalt 83, 97, ethalt 87,
blent 82, buð b 11, b 187, hat b 135, leið 72, b 152, lið 71, b 93, punt
b 6, seið 89, send b 127, understont 83, went b 204; _pl._ 2. dreheð b
233, feleð b 111, makieð b 80; 3. bihateð b 201, bodieð 57, makieð 38,
in -ið, awakenið b 61, leornið 61, sungið b 46, b 191; also seoð b 22:
_subjunctive s._ 3. arise b 55, beate b 31; in -i, biblodgi b 32,
binetli b 33, easki b 78, eili b 9, frouri b 232, hearmi b 9, milci b
175; in -ie, bleasie b 162, gleadie b 232, makie b 18, b 155, b 217,
trukie b 183; from contract verbs, seo b 143, wreo b 54; _pl._ cussen b
156, dreden b 196, heatien b 141, makien b 150, plohien b 218, þolien b
43; in -in, bemin b 206, lokin b 147; with apocope of n, ȝeoue b 131,
segge b 172, ticki b 219; from contract verb, underuon b 151, underuo b
130: _imperative s._ 2. ȝef 104, ȝeot 103, loki b 9; _pl._ 2. ariseð 40,
schurteð b 106, schapieð b 70, seowið b 70, talkið b 105, þonckið b 228,
forȝeoued b 200, driue ȝe b 11, fondi(n), leue ȝe b 36, makie ȝe b 67, b
80, wite ȝe b 15, gruchesi ȝe b 177. Past of Strong Verbs: I a. _s._ 3.
quoð b 76; _subj. s._ 3. sehe b 139: I b. _s._ 3. com b 74, b 93: I c.
_s._ 3. dronc 21, swonc b 236: V. _pl._ 2. edheolden, underuengen b 73.
Participles present: I c. keoruinde 65, 69, singinde b 124: II. bitinde
b 199: III. lutinde b 152: IV. drahinde 45, forfearinde 29: V. wallinde
103; past: I a. isehen b 62: I b. iboren b 213, ibroken b 21, utnume
_adj._ b 221: I c. iborhen 42, icoruen b 141, fordrunke _adj._ 96,
ilumpen b 19: II. iwritene 28: II, III. bitohe b 225: III. bilokene 26:
IV. ischauen b 101, isleine 33: V. edhalden b 215, ileten b 103, ilete b
104. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 1. cleopede 9, hefde b 225, seide b 117;
3. schende b 52, gulte b 157, tahte b 75, ondswerede b 76; _pl._ 3.
liueden b 14, þohten 39. Participles present: suhinde b 199, wundrinde b
76; past: awakenet 24, biburiet b 76 and 28 others in -t, ilead 4, igurd
b 28, istreonede 23, iturnde b 147, ontende b 168 and six others in -d.
Minor Groups: nat 1 _pr. s._ 3, wat _pr. s._ b 7, nat 10, wite _pr. s.
subj._ b 226, nute b 130, witen _pr. pl. subj._ b 158; ah _pr. s._ 17,
ahen _pr. pl._ b 184, ahte _pt. s._ b 181 (with present meaning); duhen
_inf._ b 59, deh _pr. s._ b 66; con _pr. s._ b 134, cunnen _pr. pl._ 47,
b 171; schal _pr. s._ 42, schulen 2 _pr. pl._ b 28, schule 99, b 105, b
191, schulen _pr. pl._ 58, 89, schule ȝe 2 _s. imp._ b 71, schulde 1
_pt. s._ b 90, _pt. s._ 22; mei _pr. s._ 4, mahen 2 _pr. pl._ b 29, b 85
(4), _pr. pl._ 50, b 79, mahe _pr. s. subj._ b 148, b 180, muhen 2 _pr.
pl. subj._ b 44, mahte _pt. s._ 25, b 140, b 213; mot _pr. s._ b 5, mote
_pr. s. subj._ b 208; beon _inf._ 4 (9), beo b 4 (4), to beonne _dat.
inf._ b 195, beonne b 74, forte beon 41, am 1 _pr. s._ b 236, is _pr.
s._ 2, nis 5, beoð 2 _pr. pl._ b 104, b 223, _pr. pl._ 3, 20, 26, beo
_pr. s. subj._ b 9 (9), beon 2 _pr. pl. subj._ b 203, _pr. pl. subj._ b
38 (5), beoð 2 _pl. imp._ b 45 (3), beo ȝe b 86, wes _pt. s._ b 3, were
_pt. s. subj._ b 96; wule _pr. s._ b 53, b 160, wulleð 2 _pr. pl._ b
101, b 113, b 205, wule _pr. s. subj._ 72, b 27, wullen 2 _pr. pl.
subj._ b 45, nalde _pt. s._ 90, walden _pt. pl._ 42; don _inf._ b 22
(3), do b 226, forte donne _dat. inf._ b 227, to fordonne 30, dest 2
_pr. s._ b 60, deð _pr. s._ 50 (3), doð 2 _pr. pl._ b 67, b 227, _pr.
pl._ 38, 82, do _pr. s. subj._ b 154, don _pr. pl. subj._ b 180, b 205,
dude _pt. s._ 22, idon _pp._ b 176; gan _inf._ 19, b 39, geað _pr. s._ b
124, gað 2 _pr. pl._ 1, 2 _pl. imp._ b 210, ga _pr. s. subj._ b 124, b
126, b 129, aga b 160.
(2) =Of B.= This differs from A in being somewhat more fully inflected:
divergences from A are noted. londe 2, schrifte 18 have dative
inflection; domes 40 is probably a mistake for dome; sunnen 26, earen 71
are _s. d._: þes 82, 92 is _s. g. m._ of the article, þen 103 _s. d.
m._, 32 _pl. d._: ha 60 is probably miswritten for hare. In the
inflection of the verbs i is occasionally found, skirmin _inf._ 66,
seruin 46, seruid _pr. s._ 48, tutelid _pr. s._ 71, shuli _inf._ 47,
liki (loki) 50: other noteworthy forms are agastan 57, a survival, maken
47 _inf._ of the second weak conjugation, ablent 84 contracted _pr. s._,
bitahted 15 _pp._
(3) =Of N.= The inflections are generally better preserved than in A.
Strong masculine and neuter nouns have -e in the dat. sing., deie 94,
weie 100 &c.; exceptions are cloð, drunch 187: mele 158, þinge 90 are
_pl. d._, blodbendes 64, _pl. a._ Of the strong feminines _n. s._ are
neode 20, seihtnesse 139; _s. d._ ȝemeleaste 175, halue 174, hwule 198;
_s. a._ hwule 21, 71, leasunge 117, ?mone 8; _pl. d._ soulen 157; _pl.
a._ eihte 3: weak is ancren _n. pl._ 171. In the minor declensions
ueonde 139 is _s. d._, monne 9, 109, 124, _pl. d._ The adjectives godere
182, heie 168 are _s. d. f._, sorie 91, _pl. n._, worldliche 90, _pl.
d._ #ān# is on, o 138, _g._ ones 193, _d._ one 94, 208, on 29, _a._ one
22; #nān#, non 27, no 23, _g._ none[s] weis 3, _a. m._ nenne 20, 23,
108, no 27, _a. f._ none 11, 101, _a. neut._ no 11; _pl. d._ none 9,
109, 124: #āgen# is represented by owune _s. d._ 67, 190. The _n. s. f._
of the pronoun of the third person is heo: possessive mine 73 is _a. s.
f._: #ēower# is our 91, ower 175, #heora#, hore 105. Inflections of the
article are _s. n._ þe _m._, þe _f._, þet _neut._ 140, _d._ þer _f._
130, 170, _a._ þene _m._ 6 (4), þeo _f._ 21, 71; _pl. a._ þeo 88. The
compound demonstrative has _s. d. f._ þisse 195, 208, _s. a. f._ þeos
209. The relative is þet; swuche 18, 92, 125 is _s. d._, sume 140,
_s. a. f._, 90, _pl. d._; ueole _pl. a._ 33; eueriche 195, _s. d. m._;
#ǣnig# is eni 8, 93.
Infinitives end in -en, those of the second weak conjugation mostly in
-ien, but loken 124; forms in -in, -i are absent. An inflected
infinitive is forto donne 199, in other cases the simple form is
preceded by uorto, uorte, for to, except to schruden 67. Inflected forms
with -i are not found in any part of the verb. The contract verb #sēon#
gives isihð _pr. s._ 23, 71, 140: contracted forms of the _pr. s._ occur
about as frequently as in A: the _pr. pl._ ends in -eð, drieð 205,
sunegeð 174, but iseoð 23; the _pr. subj._ ends in -e, -en, eilie 9,
gledie 204, hermie 9, milce 157, sigge 130, siggen 152, but iseo 119.
Past of Strong Verbs: I a. iseie _subj. s._ 3. 116: II. wrot _s._ 3.
209. Participles present: I c. singinde 100: II. bitinde 183: III.
lutende 131; past: I a. iseien 53: I b. ikumen 19: II, III. bitowen 198.
Past of Weak Verbs: heuede 1 _pt. s._ 197. Inflected past participles
are isette _a. s. f._ 164, iwrouhte _pl._ 25. Minor Groups: wot _pr. s._
198, wat 7, wute ȝe _imp. pl._ 138 (Anglian); ouh _pr. s._ 10, 80, owen
_pr. pl._ 167, ouhte _pt. s._ 163; deih _pr. s._ 56; schullen 2 _pr.
pl._ 29, schulen 87, 175; muwe _pr. s. subj._ 163, muwen 2 _pr. pl.
subj._ 37, 67, muhte _pt. s._ 116; beon _inf._ 4, _pr. pl. subj._ 24, to
beon _dat. inf._ 179, was _pt. s._ 3; uorto don _dat. inf._ 199, don 2
_pr. pl. subj._ 62; uorto gon _dat. inf._ 34, geð _pr. s._ 100, go _pr.
s. subj._ 100 (4).
(4) =Of T=: mainly a statement of divergences from A. In the strong
declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns, wede _s. n._ 125 represents OE.
#gewǣde#; heordes 6 is _s. g._ As in A, the _dat._ sing. is mostly
uninflected, but ȝate 105, hame 98, rihte 164, tune 109. schon 33 is a
weak _n. pl._, beodes _n. pl._ 192, _a. pl._ 100 has _masc._
termination, þinge 184 is _pl. g._; datives have mostly -es, -s, cneos
129, 135, giltes 150, wahes 19, but siðe 19, 83, þinge 117; meal 158,
þing 106, 188 are _acc._ in form. Strong declension of _fem._ nouns:
somentale _n. s._ 139 represents #-talu#; _dat._ -e, lokinge 18, but
uninflected are hond 97 (#hond#), rest 92; _acc._ -e, without exception:
fondinges 74 _pl. n._ has masc. termination, tales 89 is _pl. d._,
_acc._ are gloues 56, leasinges 117, speches 115, tales 114, ahte 3.
Nouns of the weak declension are _s. g._ ancres 8 (4), chirches 66,
schirches 32 (= chirches), _d._ deme 176, eare 192, fere 110, anker 165,
lauedi 155, lafdi 112; _pl. n._ ancres 171, _d._ ehne 54, hose 35,
heordes 28, _a._ cappes 38, eares 112. The tendency to substitute the
terminations of the strong declension for those of the weak is Midland.
In the minor declensions namon 9 is _s. d._; sustre 204, _pl. n._;
childrene 78, _pl. g._
An adjective inflected in the _sing._ is hehe 176: plurals have -e, with
the exception of bisi 97, idel 69, sari 91: _pl. a._ is nane 115. Beside
ich 86 (3), i occurs 72 as pers. pronoun. The _n. s. f._ and _n. pl._ of
the pronoun of the third person is ho 4, 122; hom 167 is miswritten for
ho; #heora# is hare 125, 127, hore 126. The relative pronoun is þat: the
demonstrative #þā#, those, is seen in (⁊) ta 68, 161: the indef. is mon
8 (5); hwat as noun occurs at 145, 159; #āwiht# is oht 208; alle is
_s. d._ 128, _pl. d._ 116.
Infinitives are divided equally between -en and -e; those in -ien are
hatien 117, þolien 87, 169, in -ie, werie 27, but loke 124; forms with
-in, -i are absent. Dative infinitives are for to biginnen 199, for to
puffen 143, to habben 56, with four others in -en; to breke 20, to haue
11, to lose 94, to reare 140. The 3rd _pr. s._ ends in -es, askes 188,
blawes 190, and 32 others, none being contracted forms, but lis 76, seos
71, 140, and bueð 170; the 3rd _pr. pl._ in -en, bihaten 186, hauen 208,
and 13 others, but suneheþ 174; the _subjunctive pr. s._ in -e, blawe
148, cume 102, blodeke 32, eile 9, like 35, make 135, but blasie 143,
gladie 204, trukie 166, werie 27, seo 23, _pl._ in -en, bemen 192, hauen
66, nabben 106, halden 202 (but halde 147), luuien 180, makien 129;
_imperative s._ 2. in -e, loke 9, were 30, _pl._ in -es, biddes 201,
haues 21, habbes 26 and twelve others, driue ȝe 12, gruse ȝe 158, &c.
Past of Strong Verbs: I a. _subj. s._ 3. sehe 116: I c. _s._ 3. swanc
210: III. _pl._ 2. drehden 205, a weak form; comp. HM 37/6. Participles
present: II. bitende 183: III. lutende 131; past: II, III. bitohen 198:
V. bifallen 19, ileten 85, 87. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 1. hafde 197.
Participles present: seiende 100, suhiende 184; past: bicleopet 175,
iset 164, ifest 149 and 8 others in -t, idodded 83, ilaced 37, iturnde
126, gurd 30, red 208, icnotten 36. Minor Groups: duhen _inf._ 24, deah
_pr. s._ 56; cunnen _pr. pl._ 172, cunen 152; schule 2 _pr. pl._ 175,
schuln 29, schule _pr. pl._ 122; mai _pr. s._ 4, muhen 2 _pr. pl._ 67,
89, 173; beon _inf._ 53, 196, beo 4 (6), to beon _dat. inf._ 179, arn 2
_pr. pl._ 87 (5), _pr. pl._ beon 126, 147, 149, beos 97, beo _pr. s.
subj._ 148, 206, beon 2 _pr. pl. subj._ 189, _pr. pl. subj._ 33, 105,
beos 2 _pl. imp._ 188, 201, beo ȝe 69, was _pt. s._ 3, were _pt. s.
subj._ 198; wile _pr. s._ 28, 168, nule 29, wiln 2 _pr. pl._ 96, 191;
don _inf._ 89, for to donne _dat. inf._ 199, to do 199, dos _pr. s._
142, 189, don 2 _pr. pl._ 200, 201, _pr. pl._ 129, 157, 2 _pr. pl.
subj._ 62, do 191, idon _pp._ 157; to gan _dat. inf._ 34, gas _pr. s._
100, ga _pr. s. subj._ 100, 141. The termination of ladli _adj._ 7,
gladli _adv._ 168, nomeli 149 is due to Scand. -ligr, -liga; nedinge 9
represents OE. #nēadinga#; wið prep. 20, 22 (in N mid), ni conj. 55 &c.,
and til conj. 172 are noteworthy.
(5) =Of C.= This differs little from A. Nouns of the weak declension are
ancres _s. g._ 8, blodbinden _pl. a._ 64. The pronoun of the third
person _s. n. f._, _pl. n._ is ha 4, 122. While the _pr. s._ of the verb
regularly ends in -eð, makes 8, 20 survives from the Midland original;
so too don 2 _pr. pl._ 200 beside doð 201, beon 126, 149. iburð _pr. s.
impers._ 56, befits, represents OE. #gebyreþ#; other verbal forms are
sechȝe _pt. s. subj._ 116, segginde _pres. p._ 100, nach for ne ah _pr.
s._ 80, achȝen _pr. pl._ 167, muchȝen 2 _pr. pl._ 67, muȝen 92, wullet 2
_pr. pl._ 96, 191 beside wulled 84, wullen 38. The adv. nedunge 9
represents OE. #nēadunga#.
#Vocabulary:# The Scandinavian element is large: ai T 206, arn T 87 &c.,
blast T 144, eskibah 79, flutte b 182, geineð b 163, grið(fullnesse) b
4, hesmel N 118, lah b 143, lahe b 152, lane 13, lastunge 56, lates b
147, meoke b 38, b 66, nai b 48, b 76, riue b 83, riueð b 82, riuunges b
83, sahtnesse b 158, (but seih[t]nesse N is English), scale 95, semes T
3, skile b 118, skleatteð 53, tiþinges NT 114, tidinges b 138, C 114,
til TC 172, wanes b 19, warpere 64, warpeð 66 (worpare, worpeð N are
English), windowe b 59, wontreaðe 76, wursnet T 174: probably baðe T
105, T 156, T 187, brendes C 141, hird B 33, hwitel 89, lustni b 90,
lustnen T 73, meaðeleð 73, 96, rukelin 80, rukeleð 86, ruken 81, somen
(tale) T 139, suhinde b 199, suhiende T 184, suwinde N 184, umben b 229,
TC 201: possibly dusten 68, glopnen T 56/58. The French element is very
extensive; many of the words appear for the first time: accidie 11,
amendeð N 65, mendið b 70, amices b 78, angoise 60, apostle b 50, atiffi
b 63, untiffet b 64, tiffunge b 53, aturn b 146, augrim 81, best N 2,
beastes 28, boistes b 16, broche b 65, caliz C N 17, chaliz T 17, canges
82, celer 92, change b 222, ichanget b 117, chartres b 16, cheres 48,
complie b 179, criblin b 81, curt 34, cuuertur 89, cyrograffes b 17,
dame b 129, (deuleset TC 198), disceplines b 35, dute N 79, eise b 187,
eise b 223, eoli b 197 (Bonn. Beitr. xv. 110), familiers T 113, figures
81, folliche 18, frut b 177, gloire b 80, glutun 92, grace b 174, graces
b 171, greueð b 105, gruchunge b 135, haire T 36, hurte b 214, hurten b
213, inobedience 6, iuglurs 47, large b 203, laz b 69, ilacet b 42,
leattres b 99, leon B 30 liun 30, manciple 92, mantel C 120, imantlet C
121, meistre b 2, imembret b 65, meoster 35 mester B 48, mustreisun b
80, noise 38, obedient b 129, ore 7, parures b 79, penitence b 169,
poure b 70, pouerte b 114, prophetes 57, religiun b 74, riwle b 116,
rund b 59, sacrement 8, scoren b 16, scurge b 32 schurge N 31, seinte C
46, semblant 60, seruant b 181, seruin 47, seruise 43, silence b 180,
skirmi 67, sot(schipe) b 111, spece 5, stamin b 27, strif b 154,
isturbed N 163 isturbet b 181, suffreð N 205, surpliz b 66, taueles b
82, temptaciuns b 35, tendre b 73, terme 15, tohurten b 164, triccherie
17, vnicorne 32, ures b 135, vampez b 40, veiles b 45, veine b 80,
uestemenz b 17. Latin borrowings are auez b 134 auees C 111, cuchene 93
(pre-Conquest), false 6, falsliche 19, paternostres b 134, presumptio 9,
purses b 68, scapeloris C 120, unbischpet 19, venie b 150.
#Dialect:# The AR has hitherto been generally regarded as Southern,
partly because of the prevailing Southern dialect of the manuscript
printed by Morton, and partly because of the fancied connexion of the
treatise with Tarrant Kaines in Dorsetshire. But the presence of Midland
and Northern forms to a greater or less extent in all the manuscripts,
although four of them at least were written by Southern scribes, points
to the Northern border of the Midland area as the home of the original,
while the large Scandinavian element in the vocabulary and the absence
of the characteristic u in unaccented final syllables (-ud, -un, -us,
-ut) decide for the East against the West Midland. MS. N is a copy made
by a scribe of the Middle South; his alterations of the inflections are
systematic, but with occasional lapses like timbrin Morton, 12/24,
blescið 18/11, seihtni 28/19, kalenges tu 54/2, wenes tu 54/5 (beside
wenest tu 54/20), muhtes 304/13 (but muhtest 270/3) &c.; more frequently
he copies Anglian sounds from his exemplar. He also substitutes, as far
as he can, English and French words for Scandinavian, e. g. hercnen 73
for lustnin, yet he retains such purely Northern elements as suwinde
184, and the suffix in godleic Morton, 136/15, ureoleic 192/25. Peculiar
to the scribe are his representations of #a# + #h#, #ā# + #h#, #ō# + #w#
(touward occurs in Layamon). MS. A presents the characteristic features
of the Katherine Group; it is a copy by a scribe of the Northern border
of the South. The Midland element in its sounds is considerable, but the
inflection is mainly Southern; the _u_- and _å_-umlauts of #a# appear to
be due to the scribe and not to the original. MS. B is closely related
to A, but it is somewhat more Southern in preservation of the
inflections; the scribe was more accustomed to French than to English.
MS. C also closely resembles A, but in the flexion North-Midland forms
appear more often by inadvertence. In MS. T, both sounds and inflections
are predominantly Midland: still in other parts of the manuscript the
Southern element is more evident than in our extract. This manuscript
stands nearest in dialect to the original; it appears to be a copy of a
North-Midland text made by a scribe not long enough resident in the
Midland area to have quite forgotten his native Southern speech.
#Style:# MS. N is not only the most remote from the original in dialect,
it has also been altered in language more than the others, partly from a
desire to make the meaning plainer, partly from a dislike of any
singularity of expression. The changes made may be classified as i.
insertion of connecting particles, ‘and,’ ‘vor,’ ‘þeonne,’ N 144 &c.;
‘so uorð so’ in A is altered into ‘uor so’ Morton, 136/13: ii.
expansions like ‘ȝe habbeð’ N 95, ‘he nout’ N 101, ‘to þer eorðe’ N 130,
‘þeo þinges’ N 160: iii. re-arrangement of words in a prose order, ‘kume
hom’ N 102, ‘so’ N 115, ‘dreamen wel’ N 192: iv. substitution of nouns
for pronouns, ‘nenne mon’ N 23; the writer has a peculiar affection for
the word mon, so, ‘ase deð, among moni mon, sum uniseli ancre,’ Morton
128/23, where A has ‘monie’ without noun: v. elimination of words and
expressions used in a figurative way, ‘hit is’ N 99 for ‘driueð,’
‘kumeð--heouene’ N 170, destroying the alliteration. These alterations
have tended to obscure the peculiar rhythmic movement of the prose,
which was a feature of the original as of Sawles Warde, the Katherine
Group, Hali Meidenhad and some smaller pieces. It is discernible in the
other manuscripts, especially in elevated passages, as b 182-7, b 205-8,
b 231-5, and the scribe of MS. A often shows by his punctuation that he
recognized its existence.
#Introduction:# The Ancren Riwle, as it was called by Morton, the
Ancrene Wisse (the Anchoresses’ Guide) as its title is in MS. A, was
written for the instruction of three sisters, ‘gentile wummen,’ of whom
the author says ‘ine blostme of ower ȝuweðe, uorheten alle worldes
blissen ⁊ bicomen ancren’ (Morton, 192). Their dwelling is under the
eaves of a church, they are ‘under chirche iancred’ (M. 142); there is
but a wall between them and the Host (M. 262). They live in separate
cells, for they send messages to one another by their attendant maids
(M. 256), and they are fully provided for, ‘euerich of ou haueð of one
ureond al þet hire is neod[;] ne þerf þet meiden sechen nouðer bread ne
suuel, fur þene et his halle’ (M. 192). They are greatly beloved, ‘vor
godleic ⁊ for ureoleic iȝerned of monie’ (M. 192); their whole life in
so strict an order is as a martyrdom, ‘ȝe beoð niht ⁊ dei upe Godes
rode’ (M. 348).
As they were not subject in their anchorhold to any recognized monastic
rule, they sought some regulations for their way of life, and the
treatise they received is represented, so far as the matter is
concerned, best by MS. N. But a book so helpful was certain to be copied
for the use of other anchorites, with suitable adaptations and possibly
additions; such a copy is MS. A, made a considerable time after the
original. It omits the important reference to the author, found only in
MS. N, wherein he speaks of the practice of the lay brothers of the
community to which he belonged (Morton, 24), the word ‘leawude’ in ‘ure
leawude breðren’ (M. 412/8), and the passage addressed by the author to
the ladies for whom the book was composed (M. 192) containing the
biographical details quoted above: of the numerous additions the most
interesting is that in which reference is made to the general adoption
of the rule by anchoresses all over England, with such unanimity that it
is as though they were all gathered within the walls of one convent at
London, Oxford, Shrewsbury, or Chester (M. L. Review, ix. 470). As MS. T
is imperfect at the beginning, its first leaf corresponding to Morton,
p. 44, it cannot be known whether it left out the first passage (Morton,
24) mentioned above, but it does omit the second passage (Morton, 192),
and further eliminates commendatory references to the sisters found in
Morton, 48/2-4, 50/20-24; it is therefore adapted like A. So too is the
French version; it contains some of the additions of A, and is
subsequent to it. A third stage is reached when the book is recognized
as profitable reading for others who are not anchorites, for nuns, as in
the Latin version of MS. M, in which the first ritual part is abridged
and the last wholly left out as inapplicable to those who have a
definite rule of their own, such as the Cistercian sisters at Tarent,
for whom Simon of Ghent may well have executed this translation.
Similarly the extracts of MS. B were probably made for the use of
seculars.
Hitherto no plausible guess as to the author has been made. Simon of
Ghent, who died in 1315 A.D., is manifestly out of the question. Bishop
Poor (d. 1237) has been drawn in solely because of his connexion with
Tarent (Dugdale, v. 619), of which he was the principal benefactor. From
internal evidence it may be gathered that the writer was a disciple of
S. Bernard (1091-1153), whom he quotes some twelve times expressly, and
from whose Liber Sententiarum he says he takes most of his sixth book;
‘hit is almest Seint Beornardes Sentence,’ Morton, 348/14. He was
acquainted with Ailred of Rievaulx and with the treatise which Ailred
wrote for his sister the anchoress (Morton, 368), of which he made
extensive use. He belonged to some monastic order, for he speaks of ‘vre
leawede breþren,’ and ‘ure ordre’ (Morton, 24). He appears to have been
acquainted with other anchoresses (Morton, 102, 192, 410). There is a
note of weariness at the end of the book, as of one already advanced in
years, and indeed the accumulated experience of a long life must have
gone to its making. He was a widely read man; he quotes from many
authors, of whom, after S. Bernard, S. Augustine and S. Gregory were the
chief, but he drew on the Bible twice as often as on all the others put
together. Finally, the Scandinavian element in his native speech was
exceptionally large, and French was so familiar to him as to colour his
English far more than that of any previous writer.
There were two men living towards the end of the twelfth century who
might answer to this description, Gilbert of Hoyland, Abbot of Swineshed
in Lincolnshire (Dugdale, v. 336), and S. Gilbert of Sempringham. The
former completed the treatise on the Canticum Canticorum begun by S.
Bernard, in which the mystic interpretation is quite different from that
which runs all through the Ancren Riwle. But for S. Gilbert (1089-1189)
I think a good case can be made out. He was brought up in South
Lincolnshire, where the Danish element was strong, and not far from the
northern border of the Midland area, for Lincolnshire north of the
Witham was more Northern than Midland. In later years his visitations
took him often to his houses of Watton and Malton in Yorkshire. He
received his early education mostly in France, and he probably visited
that country often in later life; he spent more than a year there in
1147, 1148 A.D. To no other person would the recluses have been so
likely to apply for a rule, since he was famous as the greatest director
of pious women in England; ‘vir eximiae religionis, in feminarumque
custodia gratiae singularis,’ says Trivet in his Annales; ‘vir plane
mirabilis, et in custodia feminarum singularis,’ W. of Newburgh. His own
foundation for women and men, the order of the Gilbertines, had its
beginnings in an anchorhold which he built for seven maidens against the
north wall of his own church of S. Andrew at Sempringham sometime about
1131 A.D. (Dugdale, vi, pt. 2, *ix). For these he framed a Rule, ‘dedit
. . . eis praecepta vitae et disciplinae,’ and provided servants
‘puellas aliquas pauperculas in habitu seculari servientes.’ When, after
a long visit to S. Bernard, he returned to England with his
Institutiones confirmed by Eugenius III, his order was regularly
founded, with himself as Master. The Rule of his nuns was framed on
Cistercian lines, but with modifications from many sources. While it
differs of necessity from regulations suitable to the life of the
recluse, it shows the same extraordinary attention to details (‘non
solum magna et maxime necessaria, verum etiam minima quaedam et abiecta
. . . non omisit,’ Dugdale, *xiii) which is displayed in the Ancren
Riwle. And the two Rules often agree in these details, as will be seen
in the notes; the most remarkable example is the similarity of the
devotions of the lay brethren of the order to which the writer belonged,
as described in the AR (Morton, 24), to the rule for the Hours of the
Fratres in the Sempringham Order (Dugdale, *lx). There are numerical
differences in the number of Paternosters and Psalms, but the Gilbertine
Rule, as we have it, is a revision, probably a relaxation, of Gilbert’s,
and the principle is the same. This method of saying the Hours is given
by the writer to the recluses as an alternative use to the more
elaborate one already prescribed, and he adds, ‘Gif ei of ou wule don
þus heo voleweð her, ase in oþre obseruances, muchel of ure ordre.’
Gilbert was intimate with Ailred of Rievaulx, and sought his advice in
the case of the nun at Watton (Twysden, Decem Scriptores, i. col. 420).
Unfortunately, no authenticated writing of his, save a formal letter
addressed in his last days to the Canons of his Order (MS. Digby 36, f.
189 b), has come down to us. But the first of his biographers tells us
that, when in the course of his constant visitations of his houses he
rested for a time anywhere, he did not eat the bread of idleness, but
among other occupations wrote books, ‘scripsit quandoque libros’
(Dugdale, *xv), and the writer of the Nova Legenda Anglie, i. 471, says
‘libros multos scripsit; verba eius nichil aliud quam sapientiam et
scientiam sonuerunt.’ The first members of his Order would surely
multiply copies of the works of their founder, and it is not likely that
all of these have disappeared. The Ancren Riwle was probably one of
them. But there is besides a group of writings which are seen in their
true setting when regarded as a product of the Gilbertine movement; the
table on p. 356 gives the contents of three manuscripts which are in my
opinion collections of the works of S. Gilbert. Among them is that
‘Englische boc of Seinte Margarete’ (M. 244/20) possessed by the
recluses, as the writer of the AR knew.
There has been much dispute as to the language in which the AR was
written. The older scholars, Dr. Thomas Smith (1696 A.D.), Wanley
(1705), Planta (1802) had no doubt that it was Latin. Morton (1853)
championed the English version, but some of his arguments were refuted,
others shaken by Bramlette. Muhe, holding the priority of the Latin
proved, was obliged to adopt an involved and improbable view of the
relationship of MS. T to the other manuscripts. It should be observed
that these scholars were unable to take into account the Corpus MS. and
the French version. The first to pronounce from a knowledge of all the
materials was G. C. Macaulay in the M. L. Review, xi. 61. He appears to
have disposed effectually of the claim on behalf of the Latin version,
but his arguments in favour of French as the original language are not
convincing. It must suffice here to say that nothing he adduces appears
to be so crucial as the passage at 58/79, or even 56/38, 56/54, 70/170.
In a general comparison, the English has all the vigour and raciness of
an original work, while the French gives the impression of being
unidiomatic and wanting in spontaneity.
In the foot-notes p. 60, l. 12, add C after chepilt: p. 61, l. 17, read
chirche: p. 65, l. 62, add C after grettere: p. 67, l. 96, read wull{et}
C for wulh C., also at p. 75, l. 191.