VI. THE PROVERBS OF ALFRED

#Manuscript:# Jesus College, Oxford, E 29, formerly Arch. i. 29 (J). It

consists of two distinct MSS. bound in one; the second begins at f. 217

r. (new foliation) and was written not long after 1276 (Anglia xxx,

222). Its contents are best described in the Owl and the Nightingale,

ed. J. E. Wells, Boston, 1907, at pp. ix-xiii. Our piece is written

continuously as prose, each stanza forming a paragraph, but iv and v are

in one without l. 54, which is here supplied, while l. 43 is written at

the end of the preceding paragraph and similarly the lines beginning

viii-xvii, xix-xxiii. The scribe was evidently struggling with an

original which he could not always read; see footnote to l. 105.

Another MS. is B. 14. 39, Trinity College, Cambridge (T): see The

Western Manuscripts in the Library of Trinity College, Cambridge, by

M. R. James, vol. i. p. 438. It gives a much longer text very badly

copied by a scribe little skilled in English.

A third copy in MS. Cotton Galba A. xix was destroyed in the fire at

Dean’s Yard in 1731. But Wanley had printed a specimen (W),

corresponding to ll. 1-21 of this edition, in his Catalogue (published

in 1705), p. 231; and Richard James (1592-1638) had copied, from a

transcript furnished to Thomas Allen (1542-1633), Fellow of Trinity

College, Oxford, by Sir Robert Bruce Cotton (1571-1631), in what is now

MS. James 6, Bodleian Library (RJ), p. 68, pieces corresponding to ll.

1-23; 27-49; 52, 53; 55-64; 78-85; 168, 9; 173, 4; 211-13; 204-206; 236,

7; 307, 8, and two fragments which correspond to the text in MS. T, ll.

516-32; 652, 3, but are not in MS. J. Allen’s MSS. passed into the

possession of Sir Kenelm Digby, who presented them to the Bodleian in

1638. But the transcript was not among them. It is a curious mistake to

think that it ever formed part of MS. Digby 4, which has been caused by

Langbaine’s calling the copy of the Poema Morale in that MS., Alfredi

Regis Parabolae. This is clear from MS. Rawlinson D 325, which consists

of Hearne’s notes to Spelman’s Life of Alfred; it contains the note

printed on p. 131 of the Life, which is immediately followed by a

cancelled extract from the Poema Morale in the Digby version. Allen’s

transcript has disappeared.

The Cotton MS. was again used by Sir John Spelman (1594-1643) for his

Life of Alfred. He says that ‘by the Courtesy of Sr Thomas [Cotton,

1594-1662] I am provided of a Copy of them.’ Apparently he was himself

the copyist, for he speaks of the MS. as ‘faulty and ill writ, in a

mungrel Hand (as well as Language).’ He gives what corresponds to ll.

1-64, and a paraphrase of six stanzas more. It is hard to say what

Spelman actually wrote, for his own MS., which was probably University

Coll. MS. 136. 8, has disappeared, and the three versions of it differ

considerably. They are (1) Hearne’s transcript (SH^1) of Spelman

prepared for the printer, now MS. Rawlinson D 324 (p. 225); (2) the Life

of Alfred in English (SH^2), published in 1709; (3) the Latin

translation (SL) published in 1678. A fragment of the latter was copied

in MS. Stowe 163, B.M. ff. 101-135; of the English poem it has ll. 1-19.

The evidence which is to be got from the Spelman sources as to the text

of MS. Galba is suspect. S signifies their agreement.

#Editions:# Wright, T., in Reliquiae Antiquae, i. 170 (J,T): Kemble,

J. M., Salomon and Saturn. (T only). This book, without title-page, is

dated in pencil in my copy, 1845, 6. It seems a first attempt for the

following: Kemble, J. M., The Dialogue of Salomon and Saturnus. Ælfric

Society, London, 1848, p. 225. Morris, R., An Old English Miscellany,

1872 (J; and T from Wright and Kemble), p. 53: *Skeat, W. W., The

Proverbs of Alfred, Oxford, 1907 (J,T); *Borgström, E., The Proverbs of

Alfred, Lund, 1908 (J,T).

#Literature:# Wülker, R., Ueber die neuangelsächsischen Sprüche des

Königs Ælfred. Paul-Braune, Beiträge, i. 240: Gropp, E., On the Language

of the Proverbs of Alfred, Halle, 1879: Zupitza, J., Anglia, iii. 570;

Holthausen, F., Archiv, lxxxviii. 370-2 (emendations). Ekwall, E.,

Anglia, Beiblatt, xxi. 76-8. Skeat, W. W., Transactions of the

Philological Society, 1895-8, p. 399. =For Proverbs:= Förster, M., in ES

xxxi. 1-20: Kellner, L., Alteng. Spruchweisheit, Wien, 1897: Kneuer, K.,

Die Sprichwörter Hendyngs. Leipz. Dissert. 1901: Skeat, W. W., Early

English Proverbs, Oxford, 1910; Tobler, A., Li Proverbe au Vilain,

Leipzig, 1895: Catonis Disticha, in Baehrens, Poetae Latini Minores,

iii. 205-42: Senecae Monita, ed. Woelfflin: Publilii Syri Sententiae,

ed. Woelfflin, Lipsiae, 1869: Alanus de Insulis, ed. C. de Visch,

Antwerpiae, 1654: Arnulf, Deliciae Cleri, Romanische Forschungen, ii.

211: Columbani Monostichon, Poetae Lat. Aevi Carolini, i. 275: Fecunda

Ratis, ed. Voigt, Halle, 1889: Florilegium Gottingense, Rom. Forsch.

iii. 281, 461: Florilegium S. Omer, id. vi. 557: Florilegium

Vindobonense, Müllenhoff u. Scherer, Denkmäler, xxvii: Otloh, Beda, i.

1080: Proverbia Heinrici, MSD: Proverbia Rustici, Rom. Forsch. iii. 633:

Regimen Sanitatis Salernitanum, ed. Croke, Oxford, 1830: Wipo, ed.

Pertz., Hannoverae, 1853.

#Phonology:# Oral #a# is _a_; #a# before nasals and lengthening groups,

_o_, but can 231, manyes, 295, fremannes, 299: me, _indef. pron._ <

#man# is due to loss of stress: þanne, þane, þan, hwanne are usual, but

þenne 72, 91, hwenne 254. #æ# is mostly _a_, as always in after, at,

fader, hwat, war 16, but _e_ in eþelyng 44, gedelyng 214, gled 209,

glednesse 30, gres 81, heuedest 187, queþ 19, &c., þet 154 (once), þes

63 (once), wes 4 and always; Ealured 6 occurs beside Alured 12, &c. #e#

and #e# before lengthening groups is _e_, but ny 124 < #ne#: imulten 276

represents #myltan#. #i# is _i_, often written _y_, mostly in

conjunction with _n_, but wule 91, 254, 286 (beside wile 154, wille

142), nule 69, after _w_, nele 254, OE. #nele#. #o# is _o_, but #on# is

weakened to a 112, 200; #ðone# is þane 247, 248, þene 114, 116, 198

(LWS. #ðane#, #ðæne#). #œ# is represented in seorewe 151, 233, serewe

156. #u# is _u_, but bycome 138, where _o_ is associated with _m_. #y#

is _u_: munye 25 is OE. #mynian#; vordrye 227, OE. #fyrþrian#, is a

French spelling; king, kyng, dryhten with _y_ for _i_ are exceptions as

usual; steorne 207 is corrupt.

#ā# is _o_; _a_ remains in bihat 245, mayþenes 130, madmes 133, 276.

#ǣ{1}# is _e_: exceptions are vyches 276, euer uyches 54, which descend

from #ylc#, agoþ 146, ouergoþ 143, without umlaut: nenne 296 is #nænne#.

#ǣ{2}# is also _e_, but þar 4 &c., always. #ē# is _e_, but doþ 81. #ī#

is _i_, often written _y_, but me 140 (#mīn#) is due to loss of stress.

#ō# is _o_, but reowe 96 (#rōwan#), a French spelling. #ū# is _u_: for

it _w_ is written in hw 11, 22, 42. #ȳ# is _u_ in byhud 163, cuþe 254,

cuþeþ 170, lutel 215, 277, 312, luþre 257, but litel 281; #þȳ# has _i_

in forþi 304, _e_ in þe 82.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _e_ in erewe 156, _a_ in arewe 152, þarf 108,

244; before length. groups, _e_ in bern 311; its _i_-umlaut is seen in

churreþ 53 (#cierran#), and, before length. group, yeorde 328 (#gierd#):

#ea# before #l# + cons. is _a_, as al 105, &c.; before length. groups,

_e_ in weldan 130 &c., awelde 320, _o_ in cold 237, holde 42, 102, 280,

304, &c., vpholde 113; its _i_-umlaut is seen in ealde 319, 330, elde

68, 71, 72 (#ieldo#), ildre 125 (#ieldran#). #eo# before #r# + cons. is

_eo_ in heorte 163, 166, smeorte 164, but _e_ in werk 15, werke 16;

before length. groups, _eo_ in cheorl 58, eorl 4, eorþe 81, &c., yeorne

66, 69, leorne 170 &c., but furþ 113; its _i_-umlaut is shown in durlyng

7, hurde 6, vrre 136. The #wur# group has invariably _u_. #eo# before

#l# + cons. is _eo_ in seolf 308 &c., but sulue 284 (#sylfe#). #ea#,

_u_-umlaut of #a#, is wanting in balewe 282, baleusyþes 189. #eo#,

_å_-umlaut of #e#, is shown in feole 2, 249, and weole 78 (5), but fele

2, 132, 302 is without change; vale 300 is #feala# with shifted accent.

#eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i#, is seen in heonne 115, heore 11,

seoluer 121, 134, but is wanting in huntseuenti 79; #leofian# appears

only as libben 135. #ea# after palatals is _a_ in schal 35 (8),

#gesc(e)apen# is ischapen 92; #ie# after #g# is _e_ in foryeteþ 137,

yeue 90: #eo# after #g# is _o_ in yong 195, yonge 328, yongmon 87; youþe

105, youhþe 66, 69, 98 (#geogoð#) show combination with the following

_g_: #eo# after #sc# is _o_ in scolde 87 &c., scholden 11: #heom# is

heom 9.

#ēa# is normally _a_, but reade 80, lyen (= #lēan#) 289; its _i_-umlaut

is _e_, foryemeþ 137, ilef 132, 248, nexte 265, iherest 251, but _u_ in

ihure 10, ihurd 205. #ēo# is normally _eo_, but _e_ in forleseþ 137,

fremannes 299, _o_ in wolde 278, loþ 234, the latter miswritten for

leoþ, _r. w._ forteoþ; the rhyme istreon 125 : lone (#lān#) is

noteworthy: neode 141, 217, 265 is LWS. #nēod# arising beside #nied# by

confusion with #nēod#, desire. #īe# in #scīene#, #gesīene# gives schene

213, isene 75.

#a# + #g# is _aw_, but seye 152, seyþ 234, 246, sayþ, 305: #æ# + #g# is

_ay_, but seyde 24, iseyd 236, ised 230: #e# + #g# is always _ey_: ayeyn

95 = #ongegn#: #o# + #g# always _ow_: #u# + #g# gives mvwe 113 (LWS.

#muge#), doweþes 118 (#duguða#).

#ā# + #g# is always _ow_: #ā# + #h# is _ah_ in ahte 79: #ǣ{1}# + #g#

occurs in feye 113; #ǣ{1}# + #h# in ayhte 125, 171, 274, but eyhte 145:

#ī# + #h# in lyeþ 109 (#lihþ#): #ō# + #g# in inowe 133, plouh 61,

brouhte 181: #ū# + #g# in buwe 201.

#ea# + #h# occurs in wexynde 112, 113, iauhteþ 171 (#geeahtian#),

probably a miswriting of iachteþ in the scribe’s exemplar (T has hachte

for #æht#, nocht, &c.): #eo# + #h# in bryht 211, rihtwis 34, mixe 276

(#meox#), vouh 129 is #feoh#; in case it corresponds to #fēo#, dative;

Skeat and Borgström read veoh. #ēa# + #h# gives þeih 88 (9), þey 79. #ā#

+ #w# is _ow_ in mowe 53, 60, sowen 59, isowen 80, _au_ in saule 23,

_ou_ in nouht 35 &c. and _ey_ in iseye 186 (#gesāwe#): #ēa# + #w# is

_ew_ in fewe 301, þewes 195, 312, vnþewes 262, _eu_ in glev 256, vnþev

198, _eaw_ in gleaw 30: #ēo# + #w# is _eow_ in greowe 81, reowe 330,

treowe 202, _ew_ in rewe 71: the _pron._ #ēow# is ou 21, eu 142, #ēower#

ower 141, eure 20, 23.

The acute accent is used twenty-one times over long vowels, in ten cases

over _e_ representing #ǣ#: séé 95, 132 is furnished with two, as often

in MS. O of Layamon, comp. 95/2. In v́uel 217 it serves to distinguish

the vowel.

The consonants show little divergence from OE. use. For #w#, _u_ is

written in uexynde 112, for #u#, _w_ in hw 22, 42: #wur# is _wr_ in

wrþsipes 22, wrþie 36, 286, wrþe 124: iwrche 83 is OE. #gewyrcan#, wrt

112 is #wyrt#. OE. #swa# is regularly so, but once swo 99, influenced by

the initial _sw_ of the following word. #l# is lost in vyches 276,

eueruyches 54 and other pronominal words of similar formation: #n# is

dropped in euelyche 49, owe 111, wyndrunke 184; uppe _prep._ 132 occurs

beside vpen 123. #f# between vowels is commonly _v, u_, but hafst 133,

oferhoweþ 323, wife 185 where it is probably voiced; initially it is

largely maintained, but it is _v, u_ in urouer 37, velde 112, vouh 129,

forvare 147, 260, vere 148, vordrye 227, vayre 245, 6, avynde 291, vale

300, in all these cases before a vowel. #d# is _t_ in huntseuenti 79;

schaltu 168 has _t_ for #þ# after a dental: #þ# is represented by _d_ in

vordrye 227; madmes 138 answers to LWS. #mādm#: #t# is omitted in lest

316. #c# + #s# is represented by _x_ in arixlye 329. #hw# is generally

preserved, but wile 149: in initial combinations with other consonants

#h# is lost: swyhc 159 is written for swych, iscohte 303 for ischote.

The prefix #ge# is regularly _i_: _k_ is often used for #c#; #cw# is

_qu_; #č# is _ch_, as chireche 57, cheorl 58, &c. #sc# is generally

_sch_, but scolde 87, wrþsipes 22: #ġ# is regularly _y_.

In syllables of minor stress the vowels have mostly been levelled to

_e_, as in egleche, sadelbowe, sikerliche, vppen, &c. An _e_, generally

slurred in scansion, is inserted in clerek, euere, seorewe, arewe,

erewe, foleweþ, pouere.

#Accidence:# Nouns of the strong declension _m._, _neut._ have _s. g._

-es, cristes 283, cunnes 276; _d._ -e, bure 212, balewe 282, &c., but

the termination is sometimes not written before a vowel, god 104, word

16, or omitted by the scribe, lyf 28, lond 12, mod 224, þing 188, or an

accusative form is used, cotlyf 174, fryþ 58, loþ 234, through confusion

of the prepositional constructions. The plural of masculines ends in

-es, _n._ þeynes 1, _d._ wrenches 257, _a._ acres 79: neuter nouns with

masc. terminations are _n._ wordes 24, _a._ sedes 59, þinges 21, wyttes

40, but the normal þing, _pl. a._ 143; treowe 202, _pl. n._ represents

#trēowu#; þinge 250 is an isolated _pl. a._; worde 300 is probably _pl.

g._, an OE. construction after vale; worde 301 is _pl. d._: englene _pl.

g._ 6, &c. (#Engla#), iwriten _pl. a._ 67 are weak forms. Of the strong

feminines, ayhte 125, blisse 31, 282, 310, lone 126 (read lon), neode

141, vnhelþe 73, youþe 105 have added _e_ in the _s. n._, and worlde

278, wunne 279 in the _s. a._: worldes 22, _s. g._ shows confusion of

declensions: the _s. d._ ends regularly in -e, except world 122 (see

note): _s. a._ in e. The general termination of the _pl._ is e, _n._

eyhte 145, ayhte 274, leode 20 &c., wene 74; _g._ quene 237 (#cwēna#),

or _s. g._ (#cwēne#); _d._ leode 264, honde 259; _a._ custe 170, saule

23, but _d._ blissen 31, deden 47, spechen 249: tales 295, _pl. d._

medes 60, _pl. a._ (#mǣdwa#) show confusion of declensions: doweþes 118

appears to be meant for _s. g._, but it answers to OE. #duguþa#; perhaps

doweþe is to be read. Loss of final _n_ has greatly simplified the weak

declension, so _s. d._ heorte 163, sadelbowe 153, weole 82, 103, ivere

144, vere 148, wille 35; _s. a._ tunge 190, tyme 114, weole 91, 100,

wille 185 &c., but wyllen 283: dwales 296 is a strong _pl. a._ The minor

declensions are represented by mon _s. n._ 17, monnes _s. g._ 54,

fremannes 299, mon _s. d._ 159, wymmon _s. a._ 204, monne _pl. g._ 32,

_pl. d._ 253, 269; boke _s. d._ 39; fader _s. n._ 33, _s. g._ 212, moder

_s. d._ 203; freond _s. a._ 83, 245, _pl. v._ 25, _pl. a._ 267.

Remnants of the strong declension of adjectives are longes _s. g. neut._

109, reade _s. d. n._ 80 (#rēadum#), yonge 328 (#geongum#), godne _s. a.

m._ 45, vuelne 231, swikelne 252; wenliche _s. n. m._ 68, godlyche 204

have e, contrary to OE. usage, but vnlede _s. n. m._ 238, is OE.

#unlǣde#. Weak forms are wise _s. n. m._ 287, betere _s. n. neut._ 325,

327, wysuste _s. n. m._ 17; for mildest _s. n. m._ 32 mildeste should be

read. OE. #āna# is one 29, 41, 118, #ān# is o 79, 278. The participial

#āgen# gives _s. n. neut._ owe 149, _d. f._ owere 54, _a. m._ owene 318,

_a. neut._ owe 128. With exception of the above, the adjective is not

inflected in the singular. The plural in all cases ends in e. Adjectives

used as nouns are arewe _s. d._ 152, erewe _s. n._ 156, fayre _s. d._

172, feye _s. g._ 113, frakele _s. a._ 172, god[e] _s. d._ 225, god

_s. a._ 90, ifon _pl. n._ 129, ivo _pl. d._ 186, ildre _pl. g._ 125,

loþe _s. a._ 247, more _s. a._ 162, pouere _s. d._, riche _s. d._ 268,

_s. a._ 50, vuele _s. d._ 90.

The personal pronouns are ich, we, us, þu, þe, ye, ou 21, eu 142:

_s. n._ he _m._ 9, heo _f._ 169 &c.; _d._ him _m._ 35, 71, 88, 330, _n._

312, 316; _a._ hine _m._ 36 &c., hyne 144 &c., hi _f._ 187, 192, 242,

hit _n._ 118, it 96; _pl. n._ hi, heo 76; _d._ heom 9; _a._ hi 80, 170.

Reflexives are him seolue 260, hymseolue 137; definitives, heo seolf

308, himseolf 41, seoluen 38: possessives, mi, me 140, myne _pl._ 25,

26; þi _s. n. m._ 272, þin _s. n. f._ 166, þire _s. d. f._ 163, þin

_s. a. neut._ 323, þi 168, in all other cases þine, þyne; hire, hyre,

once heore 11; vre; eure, ower 141. The definite article is _s. n._ þe

_m._ 4 &c., _f._ 141; þes _g. m._ 63, þas 113; þan _d. m._ 55, 152, þare

_f._ 5, 217, þe 216 (read þare); þane _a. m._ 247, 248, þene 114, 116,

198, þe _f._ 95 &c., þe _n._ 220, 234, þat 46, 56; _pl._ þe in all

cases; for þan _adv._ 240. The compound demonstrative is þis _s. n. f._

63; _d._ 122: the relatives, þe, þat, once þet 154, hwat 181:

interrogative, hwat 84: indefinites, oþre _pl. d._ 242; non _n._ 38, no

112, nones _g._ 299, none _d._ 169, _a. f._ 280, non _a. neut._ 308,

nenne _pl. a._ 296; eny _s. d. neut._ 225: nouht _n._ 35, nouhte _d._

275: me 245, 247: fewe _pl. d._ 301: fele, feole 2, 249, vale 300:

vyches _s. g. neut._ 276, echere _s. d. f._ 161, eueruyches _s. g. m._

54: hwych _s. a. neut._ 52: swuch 53, swyhc 159: al _s. n. neut._ 105,

alle _d. f._ 29, 30, _a. m._ 185, al _a. f._ 278, 279, _a. neut._ 89

&c., alre _pl. g._ 62, 110, in other cases of the _pl._ alle; mid alle

128.

Two-thirds of the infinitives end in e, ie, ye, y, lokie 41, wrþie, 36,

286, wyssye 21, arixlye 329, leorny 69, weny 244; n is retained mostly

before vowels and at the end of lines and half-lines, but leten and

forleten occur six times against lete once. A dative infinitive with

inflection is to fone 55, others without inflection are leden 46, mowen

60, reowe 93, sowen 59, swynke 96, for to do 229, for to werie 56, for

to vordrye 227. Presents are _s._ 1. holde 304, munye 25; 2. hauest 151,

hafst 133, lest 316 (#lǣtest#); 3. leorneþ 66, seyþ 234 &c., foþ 289,

wurþ 209, iwinþ 100 (read iwinneþ), let 204, 329, bihat 245: _pl._ 1.

wurcheþ 283; 3. ibureþ 45, forteoþ 235: _subjunctive s._ 3. fare 64,

lykie 88, lyke 155, loke 64; _pl._ 1. biþenche 284; 2. adrede 27,

luuyen, lykyen 28: _imperative s._ 2. seye 152, leorne 170, ilef 132,

248, ryd 153, let 165, wurþ 184, but wrþe 124; _pl._ 2. lusteþ 140. Past

of Strong Verbs: _s._ 3. Ia. cweþ 19 &c.; Ic. bigon 9, _pl._ Ia. sete 1;

_subj. s._ 2. Ia. iseye 186; 3. Ib. bycome 138; V. greowe 81, wolde 278.

Participles present: I c. singinde 153; V. uexynde 112, 313; past: I b.

iboren 138, 328, vnbore 327; I c. forswunke 200, aswunde 76; II. biswike

76, idryue 61; III. idrowe 105, iscohte 303; IV. ischapen 92; V. isowen

80; VI. bitowe 106. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 2. heuedest 187; 3. brouhte

181, hadde 80, luuede 15, seyde 24, wiste 181. Participles present:

lyuyinde 188, werende 316; past: ihurd 205, ilered 2, 39, iseyd 236,

ised 230, iwreþþed 187, 222. Minor Groups: wot _pr. s._ 118, 156, not

114; ahte _pt. s. subj._ 79; on _pr. s._ 160, 162; con _pr. s._ 154,

302, kunne _pr. s. subj._ 40, cunne 41; schal _pr. s._ 35 &c., schulle 1

_pr. pl._ 127, schulen 276, schulle _pr. pl._ 49 &c., schule _pr. s.

subj._ 42, 1 _pr. pl. subj._ 119, scolde _pt. s._ 87 &c., scholden _pt.

pl._ 11; myht 2 _pr. s._ 159, 263, may _pr. s._ 38 &c., mawe 1 _pr. pl._

286, 2 _pr. pl._ 10, mvwe _pr. s. subj._ 113, myhte _pt. s._ 199 &c., 2

_pt. pl._ 22; mote _pr. s. subj._ 149; beon _inf._ 68, nys _pr. s._ 112,

125, biþ _pr. s._ 322, beoþ _pr. pl._ 74, 76, beo _pr. s. subj._ 35 &c.,

_pr. pl. subj._ 202, wes _pt. s._ 4, were _pt. pl._ 24, _pt. s. subj._

200, 325, nere 82; wille 1 _pr. s._ 142, wile _pr. s._ 154, wule 91 &c.,

nele 254, nule 69, wolde _pt. s._ 21, 2 _pt. pl._ 20, _pt. s. subj._

191; do _inf._ 197, for to do _dat. inf._ 229, deþ _pr. s._ 288, 321,

doþ 81 (read deþ); agoþ _pr. s._ 146, ouergoþ 143, ago _pr. s. subj._

145.

Noteworthy adverbs are frakele 246, ifurn 236 (#gefyrn#), lihte 198,

muchele 162, vuele 171, 176, vayre 245, 246: #oft# is always ofte.

#Dialect:# Southern, free from South-Eastern influence. The wavering in

the representation of #a# before nasals points to the Middle South, but

ihure 10, ihurd 205 are South-Western. But this representation of #īe#,

as well as lyen (= lēan), is found in MS. e of the Poema Morale, which

is generally taken as of the Middle South. The forms vyches, eueruyches

occur elsewhere in MS. J, and are probably due to the scribe.

#Metre:# The system is that of Layamon and the Bestiary; the Worcester

Fragment B shows an earlier stage of its development. It is a mixture of

the national alliterative verse loosely constructed and rhyming

couplets. The latter are bound together by perfect, imperfect, even

inflectional rhymes, and assonances. The halves of the couplets as they

appear in MS. J are of varying lengths, two measures as 73, 216, more

frequently two and a half 7, 44 &c., three 51 &c., three and a half 8

&c. Three-syllable measures are common, as, ‘hé wes þe | wýsuste | mòn,’

17, ‘his sé | des to sów | èn,’ 59, ‘his mé | des to mów | èn’ 60. The

alliterative combinations present every possible variety, 2 + 2, as 16;

the normal 2 + 1, as 67; 1 + 2, as 142; 1 + 1, as 23 and often. The

couplet has sometimes the added ornament of alliteration, as 46, 47.

Where a line has neither alliteration nor rhyme, it may be assumed that

the formless text is corrupt, as at 26, 68 &c.

There is then little to be gained by a metrical analysis of the poem in

its present condition. It had originally a quite definite and regular

structure, but this has been spoiled by copyists with little feeling for

the structure of the verse and possessed by a strong desire to renovate

the antique. It is highly probable that the last of them, the writer of

MS. J, had a large hand in this alteration, for the copy of the Poema

Morale in the same MS. has undergone a drastic revision which sets it

apart among the versions of that poem, and the version of the Owl and

Nightingale has suffered, though not to the same extent. On the other

hand MS. T was copied by a man who was incapable of remodelling it;

though a ruin, it often preserves in details the original.

The dilapidations wrought by the copyists may be classed as follow: i.

Archaic and uncommon words are rejected: for þeynes 1, read sweynes;

comp. L 28359, O 3297, 14953 for this word as meaning the immediate

dependants of the king; the line then divides after ‘sete’: l. 13, see

note: l. 24 for seyde þe, read wordede; comp. ‘þe king wordede þus,’ L

13052: l. 26 with the help of T may be restored, arme ⁊ edie leode · of

lifis wisdom: l. 38, see note: l. 56, adopting ‘here’ from T, read þat

land for to werie | wiþ hunger and wiþ here (the Danish marauding host

was forgotten): l. 62, for bihoue read biliue (bilif T, W): l. 68, for

beon read wurþen: l. 71, 330 for rewe read suwe, smart; comp. 72/199: l.

82, see note and comp. L 30903: l. 87, for howyen, read ȝeomeren, be

depressed: l. 88, 155, for lykie read wurþe: comp. ‘Ne scyle nán wís

monn gnornian to hwæm his wise weorþe,’ Boeth. 40, 3 (B-T): l. 111, see

note: l. 115, for turne read rume (rime T): l. 122, see note: l. 133,

for inowe read muche (moch T): l. 136, for Monymen read moni gume: l.

137, for him seolue read his saule, with T: l. 138, for bycome read

were, with T, restoring a couplet: l. 143 for þing, read weole (welþe

T): half a line is lost after lere: read, And ich eu lere wille · [leoue

freond myne] | wit and wisdom · þat alle weole ouergoþ.: ll. 202, 207,

see notes: l. 278 for mon read wiht: l. 280 for holde read lenge, as in

T. ii. Older forms and constructions are modernised: ll. 159, 160, see

note: l. 169 read þat heo þe bringe, making a couplet: l. 187 read

heuede: l. 216 read þare for þe: l. 305, read alle for al, comp. 185:

other instances are noted in Accidence. iii. Words are rearranged mostly

in a prose order, spoiling rhyme and rhythm: read l. 25, leoue freond

myne: l. 41 himseólf one lokie: l. 55 bihoueþ þan knyhte, for the

alliterating word in the first half of the line comes almost invariably

last, the rare exceptions being mostly verbs: for l. 56 see above: read

l. 80 and he isowen hadde: l. 118 hit one wot dryhten: l. 130, vre

maþmes welden | and vs byhinde leten: l. 142, lere wille: l. 156, if þu

hauest serewe | and hit wot þe erewe: l. 203, þe kat museþ: l. 211,

wiþute is bryht: ll. 232, 233, þe hire rede folẹweþ | to seorewe heo

bringeþ: l. 245, þat he habbe freond: ll. 321, 322, þanne hit sone deþ |

þat þe unyqueme biþ. iv. Lines and parts of lines are transposed, most

of these as affecting the interpretation have been dealt with in the

notes, see 40, 90, 144, 186, 247; read ll. 72, 73, þenne cumeþ vnhelþe |

and ek uniselþe: though the combination in the text is found elsewhere

as 40/197, elde seems to be due to the preceding line; at l. 190 we

should perhaps read wymmon is tungwod · ⁊ haueþ wordes to wroþ. v.

Padding is freely used: l. 4 omit þe: l. 7 read On Engelonde king: l. 9

read gon for bigon: omit l. 24, þe before king; l. 35, ne; l. 49, he; l.

66, his; l. 69, þat; l. 98, þe mon, and read þe on youhþe swo swinkeþ |

and worldes weole her iwinneþ: l. 105, read on ȝouþe þat he haueþ

idrowe: omit l. 132, þu; l. 149, owe; l. 152, þu; l. 188, hit; l. 189,

scholde, forþ; l. 192, nowiht, and read ll. 191, 192 as an alliterative

line: omit l. 205, ne, he; l. 209, blyþe and; l. 210, þe mon: l. 219-23,

with the help of T we may restore, Ne ared þu nouht to swiþe | þe word

of þine wyue. | If heo be i wreþþed · myd worde oþer dede; l. 231, for

þat wymmon read heo; comp. T: l. 242 omit þe mon: l. 249, see note: l.

254, omit þe before wule: l. 262 omit þe, see note: l. 275, for schulle

bicumen read bicumeþ: l. 280, for none read no: ll. 294, 296, omit þu:

l. 324 omit þe. vi. The rhymes may, in some cases, have been spoiled by

the substitution of alien dialectic forms; it is tempting to read ihere

10, iherd 205, but the _u_ forms do not appear to belong to the dialect

of the scribe of J: at l. 102 helde, a patois form (Bülbring § 175

note), might be read: at l. 240 þon. The combinations brouhte : myhte,

181, 182; ayhte : nouhte, 274, 275 are remarkable.

Many intractable lines remain, such as 284, where perhaps bet has been

lost at the end.

Elision and slurring are frequent; pronounce þeorl 4, lawẹlyche 47,

euẹlyche 49, euẹruyches, owẹre 54, &c.

#Introduction:# The ascription of the Proverbs to Alfred rests on no

firmer ground than an affectionate remembrance of the great king as a

sage and teacher of his people. The only part of the poem which could

with even artistic fitness be attributed to him is ll. 19-64, the rest

is mostly the cautious wisdom of the common people, varied by

reflections in a higher strain on the favourite mediaeval theme of the

shortness and uncertainty of life. Up to l. 64 the poem is connected;

afterwards it is without apparent plan, though there is occasionally a

slender thread of union between the stanzas. The editors indeed see a

new exordium and the beginning of a second section in stanza xiii, which

appears to me to be a weak imitation of stanza vii. Perhaps a structural

difference may be detected between the more general observations of the

first part and the advice to an individual which begins with stanza xiv.

Stanza xxi appears to have strayed from its natural place beside stanza

vii.

The version of MS. J is not necessarily the more primitive because it is

shorter than that of T. A poem of such loose structure readily lends

itself to selection on the part of the copyist; and the scribe of MS. J

was evidently a critic.

If the suggestions offered in the section on metre have any weight, a

considerable time and several copies must have intervened between the

original and the present form of the poem. The composition of that

original should, I think, be placed somewhere about 1180 A.D.

1. #Seuorde#: siforde T; Sifforde W, RJ, which is identified by Spelman

126 with ‘Shifford, six miles west from Oxford.’ That it is ‘remote from

the use of the southern dialect’ does not prevent it from being the

place where Alfred discoursed. But Seaford, a seaport in Sussex, is more

likely to have been associated in the popular mind and tradition with

Alfred.

2. #Biscopes#, &c.: comp. ‘Forð iwenden eorles[;] forð iwenden beornes.

| forð iwenden biscopes[;] & þa boc-ilæred m{en}[;] forð iwenden

þæines[;] forð iwe{n}den sweines | . . . at þan hustinge,’ L 14620. With

#bokilered# comp. 19/39, 4/20 note.

Selections from Early Middle English, 1130-1250. Part 2: Notes · 第 75 / 959 题