#Manuscript:# Laud Misc. 636, Bodleian Library (MS. E). Described in
Plummer, ii. xxxiv, v. A new hand begins with 1132 and continues to the
end in 1155 A.D.
#Facsimile:# Keller, Wolfgang, Angelsächsische Palaeographie, Berlin,
1906: plate xii gives ll. 1-25.
#Editions:# For the earlier editions see Plummer, ii. cxxvii-cxxxv.
Thorpe, B., The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 2 vols., London, 1861; Earle, J.,
Two of the Saxon Chronicles parallel, Oxford, 1865; *Plummer, C., Two of
the Saxon Chronicles parallel, 2 vols., Oxford, 1892, 1899; Emerson,
O. F., A Middle English Reader, New York, 1905.
#Literature:# Behm, O. P., The Language of the Later Part of the
Peterborough Chronicle, Gothenburgh, 1884: Würzner, A., Review of Behm,
Anglia, viii, Anzeiger, 18-24: Meyer, H., Zur Sprache der jüngeren Teile
der Chronik von Peterborough, Jena, 1889: Horst, K., Beiträge zur
Kenntniss der Altenglischen Annalen, ES xxv. 195-218: Robertson, W. A.,
Tempus und Modus in der altenglischen Chronik, Marburg, 1906. =For
History:= Hugo Albus, ed. Sparke in Hist. Angl. Scriptores, Londini,
1723 (comp. Liebermann, F., Ueber ostenglische Geschichtsquellen,
Hannover, 1892): Gesta Stephani in Chronicles of the Reign of Stephen,
Rolls Series; William of Malmesbury, Historia Novella, Rolls Series;
Bridges, J., History of Northamptonshire, 2 vols., Oxford, 1791:
Norgate, K., England under the Angevin Kings, 2 vols., London, 1887:
Round, J. H., Geoffrey de Mandeville, London, 1892.
#Phonology:# #a# is regularly _a_, whether oral, faren 9, makede 23, ac
39, pades 59 (*#pad#); or before nasals, Godman 22, nam 42; or before
lengthening groups, land 1, enmang 26. It is _e_ in henged 55, 56
influenced by Scand. _hengja_; _æ_, which in this text lies near _e_, in
the Scand. loan-word tæcen 120, 139; _o_ in oc 7, but, through influence
of Scand. _oc_, also. #æ# is mostly _a_, was (34 times), þat (9), at
(5), -masse (3), but no instance of after; the pasts, bar 85, spac 141,
stal 165; but _e_, wes (7 times, all between ll. 20 and 76), þet (once),
-messe (once), efter (15), analogy of #eft#; and _æ_, wæs (9), þæt
(once), æt (6), -mæsse (once), æfter (once), stæl 132. #e# is generally
_e_, nefe 7, wel 72; before lengthening groups, sende 4, 9, þrengde 61
(*#þrengan#), ferde 166; but _æ_ in bæron 63, 66, wæl 95, 203, þæ 100,
æten 124. #i# is regularly _i_, milce 4, scip 14, but _y_ is sometimes
written for it, uurythen 58, suyken 135, wyd 141. #o# is regularly _o_,
ouer 13, smoke 56, o 74 (= #on#); before length. groups, uuolde 3, gold
24. It is _a_ in an 14, a 20; _u_ in durste 22. #u# is regularly _u_,
sunne 15, cumen 18, sturuen 75; before length. groups, wurþen 17, hungær
67, wurthen 147. It is omitted in of uundred 17 (a French spelling). #y#
is _i_, dide 9, 18, bebiriend 22, sinnes 88, mint 98; written _y_ in
byrthen 24, yfel 29, 51, 88, fyrst 30, fylden 49, 51, styred 136.
#ā# is normally _a_, þa 1, sua 3, an 10, athes 46, mare 76, 87, mar 136;
before two consonants, halechede 28 (#hālgode#), halechen 87 (#hālgan#),
axen 128. It is _o_ in nan more 71, nan mor 6, to 111, 117 through loss
of stress. #ǣ{1}# is _e_, todeld 39, neure 73, flec 74, hethen 77, here,
her 190, or _æ_, æuricman 20, sæ 13, ælc 102, æuez 117 (#ǣfæst#),
todælde 178; exceptionally _a_ in ani 52, lastede 68; _o_ in onne 63
(#ǣnne#). #ǣ{2}# is normally _e_, slep 14, uueron 84, ormete 114, eten
123, or _æ_, wæron 6, 54, þær 61, 145, ræd 156, but _a_ occurs before
#r# some fifteen times, uuare 16, 183, uuaren 50, 75, war 85, 172, thar
40, 84, 136, thare 96, 149, bare 24, forbaren 78, nadres 59, stali 147.
#ē# is mainly _e_, fet 55, slep 86, refen 92, cuen 145; before consonant
groups, underfeng 27, uuenden 38, spedde 171, but _æ_ in læt 92, 164,
and rounded into _eo_ before _rd_ in feorde 6, 125, feorden 34, 150. #ī#
is regularly _i_, suithe 8, lic 21, for which _y_ is sometimes written,
suyðe 49, 92, gysles 157. #ō# is _o_, com 1, oþre 5, moste 97. #ū# is
_u_, ut 9, abuten 16. #ȳ# is _i_, litel 35.
#ea# before #r# + cons. is _a_ in quarterne 59, nareu 60; _æ_ in scærpe
61, 64, iærd 78, 102; _a_ generally before lengthening groups, uuard 15,
18, 122, 189, 201, forewarde 157, 185, nowiderwardes 65, but _æ_ in wærd
176, 177, 193. The _i_-umlaut is represented by _æ_, _e_, _eo_, færd
115, 180, ferd 133, feord 164. #ea# before #l# + cons. is regularly _a_,
als 15, alre 30, alle 45, hals 65; but ælle 43; before #ld#, ald 16,
halden 143, 186, 189; but manifældlice 113. Palatal #ea# is _a_, iaf 10,
128, 129, 158, 205; _æ_ in begæt 96, 98. Palatal #ie# is generally _i,
y_ after #g#, gyuen 9, 71, ííuen 144, 158, but gæildes 70, bigæton 170;
after #č#, cęste 60. #eo# before #r# + cons. is _eo_, weorces 50,
weorkes 103 (influence of _w_); _e_ in sterres 16; before length. groups
_e_, erthe 85, _eo_, eorl 116, _æo_, æorl 132. To the #wur# group belong
wurscipe 11, wurtscipe 93. #w# + #ie#, umlaut of #eo# before #r# + cons.
is represented in uuerse 69, wærse, 156, 159. #eo# before #l# + cons. is
_e_ in helde 184, _æ_ in sælf 202. #eo#, umlaut of #i#, is _e_ in
clepeden 70, here 44; _i, y_ in sithen 153, siððan 32, sythen 79, sylure
24, syluer 40, 53. #eo# after #g# is seen in iunge 178; after #sc# in
sculde 18, 38, scort 60; after #w# in suster 170; beionde 196, heom 34,
represent #eo# of obscure origin.
#ēa# is mostly _e_, ded 19, 176, 177, 193, hefed 56, estren 108, forles
140, reuede 173; or _æ_, ræuede 20, ræflac 29, ræueden 71, ræueres 83,
hæued 58, but _eo_ in eom 38, beom 64. Its _i_-umlaut is seen in flemden
118, herde 163, cæse 74. Palatal #ēa# after #g# is _æ_ in gære 13, 18,
undergæton 44; _ea_ in gear 1, _a_ in iafen 44 (#gēafon#).
#ēo# is mostly _e_, underþeden 3, ben 7, frend 21, helden 32, undep 61,
ieden 75, but _æ_ in dær 23, gæde 58, scæ 140 (*#sēo# Anglia, Beiblatt,
vii. 331), iæde 165, wæx 127, and _eo_ in heolden 47, 49, deoules 51,
preostes 80, freond 151. Its _i_-umlaut is seen in þestrede 15, 122,
dære 74, sæclede 201 and atywede 111 (#ætīewan#). #gīet# is gæt 76, get
38.
#æ# + #g# is _æi_ in dæi 15, 16, 19, 52; _ei_ in dei 11, 14; _ai_ in lai
14, mai 67; _æ_ in sæde 143, sæden 17, 86. #e# + #g# is _æi_ in æie 22,
sæin 87, læide 173, læiden 70; _ei_ in eie 196, sei 24. #ongegn# is
represented by agænes 48, 130, agenes 30, 180, so togænes 116. #i# + #g#
is _i_ in ani 52. #o# + #h# is _oh_ in wrohte 91, bohton 107. #u# + #g#
is _ug_, flugen 76, 135, 147; #u# + #h#, _uh_ in fuhten 117. #ǣ{1}# +
#h# is seen in bepaht 4. #ē# + #g# is _ei_ in uureide 2, beien 176. #ī#
+ #g# is _i_ in fridæi 109. #ō# + #g#, #h# is _oh_ in onoh 63, brohten
21, brohte 92. #ea# + #h# gives _uh_ in muhten 147. #ēa# + #g# is _eg_
in rachenteges 63; #ēa# + #h#, _eh_, neh 4, fleh 140, 149, 165, hehlice
204; but heglice 112.
#ā# + #w# gives _au_ in saule 40; #ō# + #w# is represented in nouther
78, 154 (#nōhwæðer#), noht 8 (#nōwiht#); #ēa# + #w# in fæumen 117; #ēo#
+ #w# in neuuæ 93, treuthe 47, 154, treothes 47.
In syllables of minor or no stress, #swā# is reduced to _se_, alse 38,
55, ware se 172; #o# to _e_, altegædere 79, enmang 26. _æ_ is written
for e, flugæn 82, forcursæd 84, War sæ 85, neuuæ 93, bletcæd 198. In
sona 30, _a_ is traditional spelling, instead of _e_. The suffix in
wreccehed 76 represents *#hæd#. Inflectional vowels are mostly levelled
to _e_, but _a_ persists in the infinitives winnan 115, rixan 176, and
is found in the _pt._ plurals, tocan 32, coman 82; _o_ in wæron (11
times), undergæton 44, bræcon 62, brendon 72, heoldon 143, fæston 154;
in macod 41, begunnon 210 and the _inf._ bæron 63, bigaeton 170. In
wicci 155 _i_ is miswritten for e.
For #w#, the scribe adds to the OE. symbol ƿ the French _uu_, which
occurs for the most part initially, as uureide 2, but medially in
þohuuethere 33, Noruuic 107; and for #sw#, #cw#, _su_, _cu_, as sua 3,
cuen 145. Once for #cw# he has French _qu_ in quarterne 59. In cusen
201, cosan 204, _s_ has been substituted for #r#, by influence of
#cēosan#, #cēas#, &c. An inorganic _n_ appears in conjunction with _d_
in bebiriend[en] 22, þolenden 87. In umwile 70, the prefix is O. Scand.
#um#; þumbes 56 (#þūma#) has inorganic _b_: in hauen, 131, #bb# has
passed through f, by analogy of #hafað#, to _u_; similarly liuen 98. #f#
between vowels is generally represented by _u_, as æuez 117, ræueres 83;
but hefed 56, yfel 29: it is also _u_ in æure 69, deoules 51, sturuen
75: it is assimilated in wimmen 53, lammasse 13. #t# is lost in efsones
156, and misplaced in sa`t´hleden 153: OE. #milts# is milce 4. #d# has
fallen off in þusen 66, and interchanged with þ in wurþen 17, wurthen
147. The contraction ⁊ = and 47, 198, but the _d_ as well as that of mid
142, 160 was evidently pronounced _t_ when followed by _te_ for þe. #þ#,
#ð#, #th# all occur indiscriminately; the last is French. #þ# of the
article þe is assimilated to a preceding _t_, as ð{at} te 3, þatte 8, æt
te 13, ⁊ te 5, and often, ⁊ to 111, 117, mid te 142, 160, but not after
_d_ in fand þe 90, nor in mid þemperice 160, wyd þemperice 162, where
the article coalesces with the noun. In wurtscipe 93, &c., wart 122, _t_
has displaced #þ#; while in wurscipe 11 #þ# has been lost: #þ# often
interchanged with _d_, as uuard 15, 176, 201, nowiderwardes 65,
fordfeorde 125, wyd 141, widuten 147. In bletcæd 198 (#bletsod#) _c_ is
written for #s#, as in emperice 141. #Sc# is [š], _sh_ in ship; so
sculde 7, scip 14, lundenisce 27, scort 60, scærpe 61, scæ 140, -scipe
11, &c. Voiced #s# is once written _z_, æuezmen 117.
The scribe uses _ch_, as often in Anglo-Norman, with the value of [k] to
represent #c#, #g#, as rachenteges 63 (#racente#, always with k
elsewhere in ME.), halechede 28 (#hālgode#), halechen 87 (#hālgan#),
folecheden 148 (#folgodon#), Burch 2, burch 163 (#burg#); being all the
instances of _ch_ which occur. But he also has _c_ with the same value
as folc, com, tocon, macod, &c., and _c_ for #č# (_ch_ in chin), which
may be assumed for ricemen 30, cæse 74, circe 78, ceste 60, cild 107,
cusen 201, cosan 204, -cestre 133, -rice 9, and for final ic.
Palatal #g# is mostly _i_, iaf 128, 129, 158, 205, iafen 44, aiauen 168
(#āgiefan#), ííuen 144, 158, iunge 178, iærd 78, 102, beionde 196, iæde
165, ieden 75 (#ge-ēodon#), but _g_ in gear 1, begæt 98, get 38, gæt 76,
gæde 58, bryniges 57. In sloghen 118 (#slōgon#) the guttural sound is
expressed.
Initial #h# in words of less stress has largely disappeared, so, it 8,
&c., but hit 189: it is added in hær 159, here, her 190. #hw# is reduced
to _w_, War 85, wile 69, umwile 70, and is _wu_ in Wua 24. #h# is lost
in þur 112 through confusion with the following word, but its guttural
character is sufficiently indicated by added _c_ in þurhc 155, 156. _þ_
is written for #h# in þoþ 35, þoþwethere 91, 181; but þohuuethere 33.
#Accidence:# In the strong declension #sunu# _m._ is levelled to sune
_s. n._ 21; _f._ sæhte _s. n._ 184 has added _e_. Gen. _s._ -es, as
kinges 29; no examples of fem. or neut. nouns. The dative is mostly
without distinctive inflection, as land 1, king 2; eie 196, sune 184,
rice 177, genge 119 do not differ in termination from the nom., but
exceptionally kinge 28, tune 73; lande 10, 76, gære 13, quarterne 59,
wiue 179 have _e_. The dat. fem. forms saule 40, ceste 60, strengthe 99,
145, rode 109, forewarde 157, and the accusatives milce 4, treuthe 47,
blisse 175 probably correspond in this text to ME. nominatives with
added _e_, as is the case with the acc. fare 72, helpe 169, sahte 182.
Men 23 is probably dat. sing.: the gen. is mannes 65. Sylure 24 is
probably for syluer, as at 53. The plural _n. d. a._ inflection is -es;
sandes 34, tunes 70, 72; once s in martyrs 54. Neuters in es are gæildes
70, landes 92, weorkes 103, but wunder 46, 67 _pl. a._ retains the OE.
plural. Fote 165 is prob. _pl. d._ (= #fōtum#); wintre 69, 89 is a _pl.
a._ corresponding to OE. pl.#winter#; similarly threniht, _pl. a._ 16.
Pining 54, 108 (#pīnung# _f._) appears to be treated as a neut. pl.,
comp. pines 68: freond 151 is OE. _pl. a._ #frēond#. No example of _pl._
gen. occurs.
The weak declension of all genders has e in all cases of the singular;
_n._ mone 16; _d._ messe 11, lammasse 13, smoke 56, pape 95, time 106,
luue 109; _a._ throte 65, cyrce 79. But sunnen (dæi) 198 preserves an
old genitive; cyricen 203, circewican 97, horderwycan 98 are datives.
The plurals are mostly in -es. _n._ nadres 59, _d._ þumbes 56, _a._
neues 43; but halechen _pl. n._ 87, estren _pl. d._ 108 descend from OE.
forms.
Most of the adjective inflections are lost, and there is little trace of
the distinction between strong and weak. There is no instance of
undoubted inflection of a strong adj. in the singular, but ful 56, an
60, scort 60, al 66, 88 are uninflected: micel is invariable. Strong
_pl._ in e are sæhte 35, alle 45, 62, 67, 68, 72, 96, 129, yuele 51,
scærpe 61, suilce 86, manie 102, gode 104, wunderlice, manifældlice 112:
not inflected are al 15, cnotted 57, hethen 77, mani 103. I take
untellendlice 54, alle, ilce 108 as _pl. a._ The weak declension is
exemplified in the singular, lundenisce 27, 139, yfele 88, ilce 200; but
ilc 18, &c. Wise 182 is plural; not inflected, æuez 117, &c. onne 63,
_s. a. f._ corresponds to #ǣnne#, rather than #āne#.
The personal pronouns are i 67; he, him; hi _pl. n._ 37, her _pl. g._
(#hiera#) 154, heom, and once hi _pl. a._ 51; scæ 140 (first
appearance), hire; it: relatives þe, ð{at}, used also in oblique cases,
_pl. g._ 63, _s. d._ 116: article _s. pl._ þe, but _pl._ to 111, 117
(for þo).
Strong verbs have _inf._ in -en, but bæron 63, bigæton 170. The _dat.
inf._ with _to_, but uninflected, occurs 63, 71, 124, 170, 186, 189;
_part. pr._ are sittende 73, ridend 82; _pr. pl._ lien 97; _pt. s._ I a.
iaf, lai, besæt, begæt, spac: I b. com, nam, bar, stæl, stal: I c.
warth, uuard, ward, wærd, wart, fand, wan, belamp: III. fleh, forles:
IV. for, toc, suor, forstod: V. underfeng, held, slep, læt, wæx, hatte;
_pt. pl._ usually ends in -en, but on, an, æn also occur; I a. iafen,
undergæton 44, drapen, eten: I b. comen, coman 82, namen, bæron,
forbaren, stali (error for stalen) 147, bræcon 62: I c. wurþen, fuhten,
fuhtten 181, sturuen: II. risen, uurythen, suyken: III. flugen, flugæn
82, 135, cusen: IV. tocan 32, sloghen: V. helden, heolden, hengen: iafen
44, bræcon 62 are possibly subjunctives; bare 24, helde 184 are _pt. s.
subj._: _pp._ I b. forholen: I c. begunnon: III. cosan, forloren: IV.
suoren, forsworen: V. underfangen.
Weak verbs have _inf._ in en, but rixan 176, uuerrien 33, sæin 87, sei
24; _dat. inf._ with _to_, but uninflected, at 33, 98, 131; _pr. s._
maket 112, _pt. s._ in -de, -ede; but besætte 131, wrohte 91: beteht
117, goded 92, henged 55, 56, læd 135, macod 41, mint 98, scatered,
to-deld 39 have lost final _e_; gæde 58 is _pt. s. subj._; þole(n)den 1
_pt. pl._ 87; _pt. pl._ in -en, as sæden 17, &c.; once in on, brendon
72. bebiriend 22, bebyried 111 are for bebyrieden; comp. byrieden 110,
the loss of _en_ is due to the following word; _part. pt._ in -ed, but
forcursæd 84, bepaht 4.
Noteworthy among the Anomala are myhtes 2 _pt. s._; muhten _pt. pl._;
cunnen 1 _pr. pl._; durste _pt. s._; wæron, uuaren _pt. pl._; uuare 16,
ware 183, _pt. s. subj._; hatte 113, gehaten 11, 202.
#Dialect:# This is, no doubt, substantially the North-East Midland of
Peterborough, but with traces of Northern influence, such as the form
saule 40, and the extensive representation by _a_ of #ǣ{2}# before _r_;
of #ā#; and of #a# before lengthening groups. The last two perhaps need
no such explanation in this early text; they are indeed usual in Orm
fifty years later, but the inclination to #o# is marked in other East
Midland texts. There is a considerable survival of traditional spelling,
especially noticeable in the use of #æ# and in inflections of the verbs.
#Vocabulary:# French are acordede, canceler (pre-Conquest), castles,
carited, cuntesse (first appearance), curt (f. a.), emperice (f. a.),
justise, iudeus (f. a., OF. judeu, Reimpredigt 14/27), messe, miracles
(f. a.), pais (f. a.), prisun, processiun, rentes (f. a.), sot(lice),
Standard, tenserie, treson (f. a.), tresor (f. a.), tur, uuerre,
uuerrien 33: Latin are crucet (hus) 60, priuilegies 96; anno 94 is an
early use. Scandinavian are bathe 52, brendon 72 (OWScand. brenna),
bryniges, carlmen (already in OE.), drapen, hærnes, sæht, sæhtlian,
tæcen 139, þoh, til (in OE.), um (while).
#Introduction:# The Peterborough Chronicle continues the history for
seventy-five years beyond any of the other redactions of the AS.
Chronicle. The last section of it here printed differs in form and
language from the rest. It is not in annal form; only six dates are
given as headings and events are not recorded in their chronological
order. Places like 6/29, 7/68, 8/88, 104 show that, at least from the
first-mentioned passage, the whole was written down at the same time,
and that not long after 1155 (comp. 11/210). Though there is
considerable variation in spellings, there is no evidence of progressive
change, or of the influence of earlier documents. These variations are
distributed quite impartially over the whole piece, and witness to
nothing but the strong effort of the scribe to express as accurately as
possible the sounds he heard. For I think it was taken down at the
dictation of an old monk, who had lived through the Anarchy, by a
younger man acquainted with French scribal methods. His mistakes, such
as false grouping of syllables 6/20, failure to grasp what was said
7/62, dropping and altering of end syllables under the influence of the
following word, 6/22, 8/111, 8/112, 9/147, the omissions shown by the
interlineations, are mistakes of dictation. And the brevity and absence
of subordination in the sentences, the confusions in construction, as at
7/64-7, the frequent changing of the number of the verbs 7/48, 9; 7/56,
7; 7/60, 61, are hardly consistent with deliberate written composition.
Throughout this time there was an historian at Peterborough. Hugo Albus
was a monk there from 1114, and sub-prior from 1134 to 1154. In advanced
age he wrote the History of the Monastery in Latin, in which, at any
rate, he utilized the English Chronicle. Some have thought him the
author of the latter also, but that view is rejected very decidedly by
Liebermann (Ueber osteng. Geschichtsquellen, 5). His strongest argument
is the difference of style, the comparative smoothness, elaboration, and
coldness of the Latin. Some of that may be due to lapse of time, for
there is probably fifteen years between the two compositions. Something
too should be allowed for the difference in language and in purpose.
1. King Henry returned from Normandy to England in July, 1131. Henry of
Poitou had been in turn bishop of Soissons, monk and prior of Cluny,
prior of Savigny, abbot of S. Jean d’Angely in 1104, and, ‘quia versutus
erat et callidus et ingeniosus,’ as Hugo says, he acquired the
archbishopric of Besançon, from which he was expelled by the abbot of
Cluny after three days’ tenure. Then he got and lost in the same way the
bishopric of Saintes, which he held for a week. In 1123 he came to
England as legate for the collection of Rome-scot, and returning in 1127
on the same errand he told the king, to whom he was related, that being
old and tired of war and dissension in his own land, he desired to
abandon S. Jean for Peterborough. But being made abbot of the latter in
1128, he held both till the monks of S. Jean expelled him in 1131, when
he went to Cluny and was detained there till he swore to the abbot that,
if permitted to return to England, he would procure the subjection of
Peterborough as a priory to Cluny. What he charged the monks with is not
known.
2. #burch#: S. Petri Burgum: ‘Medeshamstede monasterium . . quod nunc
. . Burch vulgariter nominatur,’ Hugo, 23.
3. #ð# = þat 6/34, 7/60, 64; but þet 11/186 and þæt demonstrative
11/195, each once only.
4. #sende efter#: summoned the monks to Brampton in Hampshire: ‘rex . .
misit propter monachos apud Bramtune,’ Hugo, 75. With #efter# comp. 5/9,
6/28.
5. Roger of Salisbury, chancellor 1101; named bishop of Salisbury 1102,
but not consecrated till 1107; ‘secundus a rege,’ Henry of Huntingdon,
245; deprived of his castles at Oxford 1139 (6/42); died in the same
year. Alexander, nephew of Roger, created bishop of Lincoln 1123; died
1148. #b# = biscop, see 8/83, 9/140. #Seresberi# with inorganic _s_ is
Sereberi 6/42, OE. #Searoburg#: Sælesberi in the AS. Chronicle MS. F
_anno_ 552 has dissimilated _r_, while the corresponding Latin is
Seleberi: #lincol# is influenced by the common French form, Nicol: on
Lincollan occurs at E 627.
6. In #he feorde#, he may be the king, who had to deal with guile: comp.
‘Al es bot a fantum þat [we] with ffare,’ ES xxi. 201/1; ‘Tandem non
post multum temporis post haec intellexit rex fraudulentias eius,’ Hugo,
75. If _he_ is the abbot, as in the next sentence, the sense is, he
employed guile, so ‘_Iactantia_, ꝥ is idelȝelp on englisc, þenne mon bið
lof-ȝeorn ⁊ mid fikenunge fearð,’ OEH i. 103/29. With the next sentence
comp. ‘Cum autem quod cogitaverat perficere non posset, voluit nepotem
suum Gerardum haeredem & abbatem facere pro se, ut quod ille non potuit,
iste perficeret,’ Hugo, 75.
9. Henry returned to S. Jean. Hugo says he made a good end. His
successor, Martin de Vecti, native of the Isle of Wight, usually called
Martin de Bec, first prior after its second foundation of St. Neots, a
cell to Bec, was received by the monks on June 29th, 1132. #S’# = seint,
sometimes sein; a French fashion. In MS. E, from 1066 to 1122, where a
new section begins, _sc̄e_ for sancte is normal and frequent, exceptions
being Octab{us} sc͞i Martini 1114, Octab{us} sc͞i Joh{ann}is 1117, while
sc͞e Marie is treated as a genitive depending on words like _nativitas_.
From 1122 to 1131, S’ is regular save for three entries in 1125 and sc͞e
Marie twice as genitive. #neod# = Neotus may be due to the Anglo-Norman
tendency to substitute _d_ for final _t_ (Stimming, Boeve de Haumtone,
221). The pronunciation persisted, for in the church of St. Neots in
Cornwall, whence the body of the saint was stolen by the people of St.
Neots in Huntingdonshire, there is a tablet over his tomb with verses
said to have been written in the sixteenth century, in which occurs the
line ‘The vulgar call it now St. Need’s’ (Gorham, History of Eynesbury,
340). Sancti Neothi occurs twice in a document, Palaeograph. Society,
First Series, pl. 193. The name is now pronounced like mod. Eng. neats.
10. Comp. ‘An preost wes on leoden[;] Laȝamon wes ihoten,’ L 1: ‘he
co{m} to þere dune oliueti his ihaten,’ OEH i. 3/5. This paratactic
construction with _hatan_ is confined to names of persons and places; it
is colloquial and does not involve ellipsis of a relative.
11. #mid micel wurscipe#: ‘cum magno honore et gaudio,’ Hugo, 75: comp.
8/93, 11/188, 197, 207, 108/241.
13. #gære#: 1133 A.D. The eclipse took place on August 2nd ‘ð oþer dei’;
it lasted ‘ab hora fere 3 usque ad horam 6,’ Liebermann,
Anglo-Normannische Geschichtsquellen, 79. Henry died at Lions-la-Forêt
on the night of December 1st, 1135, and was buried January 6th, 1136.
18. #sua dide#: Comp. ‘sua diden’ 10/152; ‘swa ibeoð’ 14/70: similar are
8/84, 110, 9/115, 10/165, 176, 12/v. 5, 140/30, 146/117, 215/27, 217/97.
The subject is often omitted when it would represent the same thing as a
noun or pronoun in an oblique case in the preceding clause or phrase, as
at 16/122, 45/239, 98/71, 102/133, 118/42, 128/5, 140/25, 207/354,
217/94; see KH 1268 note.