CHAPTER IV.

SECOND RESIDENCE IN LONDON, AND SEPARATION FROM HARRIET.

Early in April the Shelleys arrived in London, where they were soon joined

by Eliza, from whose increasingly irksome companionship the poet had

recently enjoyed a few weeks’ respite. After living for a short while in

hotels, they took lodgings in Half Moon Street. The house had a projecting

window, where the poet loved to sit with book in hand, and catch,

according to his custom, the maximum of sunlight granted by a chary

English summer. “He wanted,” said one of his female admirers, “only a pan

of clear water and a fresh turf to look like some young lady’s lark,

hanging outside for air and song.” According to Hogg, this period of

London life was a pleasant and tranquil episode in Shelley’s troubled

career. His room was full of books, among which works of German

metaphysics occupied a prominent place, though they were not deeply

studied. He was now learning Italian, and made his first acquaintance with

Tasso, Ariosto, and Petrarch.

The habits of the household were, to say the least, irregular; for Shelley

took no thought of sublunary matters, and Harriet was an indifferent

housekeeper. Dinner seems to have come to them less by forethought than by

the operation of divine chance; and when there was no meat provided for

the entertainment of casual guests, the table was supplied with buns,

procured by Shelley from the nearest pastry-cook. He had already abjured

animal food and alcohol; and his favourite diet consisted of pulse or

bread, which he ate dry with water, or made into panada. Hogg relates how,

when he was walking in the streets and felt hungry, he would dive into a

baker’s shop and emerge with a loaf tucked under his arm. This he consumed

as he went along, very often reading at the same time, and dodging the

foot-passengers with the rapidity of movement which distinguished him. He

could not comprehend how any man should want more than bread. “I have

dropped a word, a hint,” says Hogg, “about a pudding; a pudding, Bysshe

said dogmatically, is a prejudice.” This indifference to diet was highly

characteristic of Shelley. During the last years of his life, even when he

was suffering from the frequent attacks of a painful disorder, he took no

heed of food; and his friend, Trelawny, attributes the derangement of his

health, in a great measure, to this carelessness. Mrs. Shelley used to

send him something to eat into the room where he habitually studied; but

the plate frequently remained untouched for hours upon a bookshelf, and at

the end of the day he might be heard asking, “Mary, have I dined?” His

dress was no less simple than his diet. Hogg says that he never saw him in

a great coat, and that his collar was unbuttoned to let the air play

freely on his throat. “In the street or road he reluctantly wore a hat;

but in fields and gardens, his little round head had no other covering

than his long, wild, ragged locks.” Shelley’s head, as is well known, was

remarkably small and round; he used to plunge it several times a day in

cold water, and expose it recklessly to the intensest heat of fire or

sun. Mrs. Shelley relates that a great part of the _Cenci_ was written on

their house-roof near Leghorn, where Shelley lay exposed to the

unmitigated ardour of Italian summer heat; and Hogg describes him reading

Homer by a blazing fire-light, or roasting his skull upon the hearth-rug

by the hour.

These personal details cannot be omitted by the biographer of such a man

as Shelley. He was an elemental and primeval creature, as little subject

to the laws of custom in his habits as in his modes of thought, living

literally as the spirit moved him, with a natural nonchalance that has

perhaps been never surpassed. To time and place he was equally

indifferent, and could not be got to remember his engagements. “He took

strange caprices, unfounded frights and dislikes, vain apprehensions and

panic terrors, and therefore he absented himself from formal and sacred

engagements. He was unconscious and oblivious of times, places, persons,

and seasons; and falling into some poetic vision, some day-dream, he

quickly and completely forgot all that he had repeatedly and solemnly

promised; or he ran away after some object of imaginary urgency and

importance, which suddenly came into his head, setting off in vain pursuit

of it, he knew not whither. When he was caught, brought up in custody, and

turned over to the ladies, with, Behold, your King! to be caressed,

courted, admired, and flattered, the king of beauty and fancy would too

commonly bolt; slip away, steal out, creep off; unobserved and almost

magically he vanished; thus mysteriously depriving his fair subjects of

his much-coveted, long looked-for company.” If he had been fairly caged

and found himself in congenial company, he let time pass unheeded, sitting

up all night to talk, and chaining his audience by the spell of his

unrivalled eloquence; for wonderful as was his poetry, those who enjoyed

the privilege of converse with him, judged it even more attractive. “He

was commonly most communicative, unreserved, and eloquent, and

enthusiastic, when those around him were inclining to yield to the

influence of sleep, or rather at the hour when they would have been

disposed to seek their chambers, but for the bewitching charms of his

discourse.”

From Half Moon Street the Shelleys moved into a house in Pimlico; and it

was here, according to Hogg, whose narrative can probably be relied on in

this matter, that Shelley’s first child, Ianthe Eliza, was born about the

end of June, 1813. Harriet did not take much to her little girl, and gave

her over to a wet-nurse, for whom Shelley conceived a great dislike. That

a mother should not nurse her own baby was no doubt contrary to his

principles; and the double presence of the servant and Eliza, whom he now

most cordially detested, made his home uncomfortable. We have it on

excellent authority, that of Mr. Peacock, that he “was extremely fond of

it (the child), and would walk up and down a room with it in his arms for

a long time together, singing to it a song of his own making, which ran on

the repetition of a word of his own coining. His song was Yáhmani,

Yáhmani, Yáhmani, Yáhmani.” To the want of sympathy between the father and

the mother in this matter of Ianthe, Mr. Peacock is inclined to attribute

the beginning of troubles in the Shelley household. There is, indeed, no

doubt that the revelation of Harriet’s maternal coldness must have been

extremely painful to her husband; and how far she carried her

insensibility, may be gathered from a story told by Hogg about her conduct

during an operation performed upon the child.

During this period of his sojourn in London, Shelley was again in some

pecuniary difficulties. Yet he indulged Harriet’s vanity by setting up a

carriage, in which they afterwards took a hurried journey to Edinburgh and

back. He narrowly escaped a debtor’s prison through this act of

extravagance, and by a somewhat ludicrous mistake Hogg was arrested for

the debt due to the coachmaker. His acquaintances were few and scattered,

and he saw nothing of his family. Gradually, however, he seems to have

become a kind of prophet in a coterie of learned ladies. The views he had

propounded in _Queen Mab_, his passionate belief in the perfectibility of

man, his vegetarian doctrines, and his readiness to adopt any new nostrum

for the amelioration of the race, endeared him to all manners of strange

people; nor was he deterred by aristocratic prejudices from frequenting

society which proved extremely uncongenial to Hogg, and of which we have

accordingly some caustic sketches from his pen. His chief friends were a

Mrs. Boinville, for whom he conceived an enthusiastic admiration, her

sister Mrs. Newton, and her daughter Cornelia, Mrs. Turner. In order to be

near them he had moved to Pimlico; and his next move, from London to a

cottage named High Elms, at Bracknell, in Berkshire, had the same object.

With Godwin and his family he was also on terms of familiar intercourse.

Under the philosopher’s roof in Skinner Street there was now gathered a

group of miscellaneous inmates--Fanny Imlay, the daughter of his first

wife, Mary Wollstonecraft, Mary, his own daughter by the same marriage;

his second wife, and her two children, Claire and Charles Clairmont, the

offspring of a previous union. From this connexion with the Godwin

household events of the most serious import in the future were destined to

arise, and already it appears that Fanny Imlay had begun to look with

perilous approval on the fascinating poet. Hogg and Mr. Peacock, the

well-known novelist, described by Mrs. Newton as “a cold scholar, who, I

think, has neither taste nor feeling,” were his only other intimates.

Mrs. Newton’s unfair judgment of Mr. Peacock marks a discord between the

two main elements of Shelley’s present society; and indeed it will appear

to a careful student of his biography that Hogg, Peacock, and Harriet, now

stood somewhat by themselves and aloof from the inner sphere of his

associates. If we regard the Shelleys as the centre of an extended line,

we shall find the Westbrook family at one end, the Boinville family at the

other, with Hogg and Peacock somewhere in the middle. Harriet was

naturally drawn to the Westbrook extremity, and Shelley to the Boinville.

Peacock had no affinity for either, but a sincere regard for Harriet as

well as for her husband; while Hogg was in much the same position, except

that he had made friends with Mrs. Newton. The Godwins, of great

importance to Shelley himself, exercised their influence at a distance

from the rest. Frequent changes from Bracknell to London and back again,

varied by the flying journey to Edinburgh, and a last visit paid in

strictest secrecy to his mother and sisters, at Field Place, of which a

very interesting record is left in the narrative of Mr. Kennedy, occupied

the interval between July, 1813, and March, 1814. The period was not

productive of literary masterpieces. We only hear of a _Refutation of

Deism_, a dialogue between Eusebes and Theosophus, which attacked all

forms of Theistic belief.

Since we are now approaching the gravest crisis Shelley’s life, it behoves

us to be more than usually careful in considering his circumstances at

this epoch. His home had become cold and dull. Harriet had lost her

interest in his studies. She became more and more an ordinary woman of the

world. Eliza was a source of continual irritation, and the Westbrook

family did its best, by interference and suggestion, to refrigerate the

poet’s feelings for his wife. On the other hand he found among the

Boinville set exactly that high-flown, enthusiastic, sentimental

atmosphere which suited his idealizing temper. Two extracts from a letter

written to Hogg upon the 16th of March, 1814, speak more eloquently than

any analysis, and will place before the reader the antagonism which had

sprung up in Shelley’s mind between his own home and the circle of his new

friends:--“I have been staying with Mrs. B---- for the last month; I have

escaped, in the society of all that philosophy and friendship combine,

from the dismaying solitude of myself. They have revived in my heart the

expiring flame of life. I have felt myself translated to a paradise, which

has nothing of mortality but its transitoriness; my heart sickens at the

view of that necessity, which will quickly divide me from the delightful

tranquillity of this happy home,--for it has become my home. The trees,

the bridge, the minutest objects, have already a place in my affections.”

“Eliza is still with us,--not here!--but will be with me when the infinite

malice of destiny forces me to depart. I am now but little inclined to

contest this point. I certainly hate her with all my heart and soul. It is

a sight which awakens an inexpressible sensation of disgust and horror, to

see her caress my poor little Ianthe, in whom I may hereafter find the

consolation of sympathy. I sometimes feel faint with the fatigue of

checking the overflowings of my unbounded abhorrence for this miserable

wretch. But she is no more than a blind and loathsome worm, that cannot

see to sting.”[11]

[While divided in this way between a home which had become distasteful to

him, and a house where he found scope for his most romantic outpourings of

sensibility. Shelley fell suddenly and passionately in love with Godwin’s

daughter, Mary. Peacock, who lived in close intimacy with him at this

period, must deliver his testimony as to the overwhelming nature of the

new attachment:--“Nothing that I ever read in tale or history could

present a more striking image of a sudden, violent, irresistible,

uncontrollable passion, than that under which I found him labouring when,

at his request, I went up from the country to call on him in London.

Between his old feelings towards Harriet, _from whom he was not then

separated_, and his new passion for Mary, he showed in his looks, in his

gestures, in his speech, the state of a mind ‘suffering, like a little

kingdom, the nature of an insurrection.’ His eyes were bloodshot, his hair

and dress disordered. He caught up a bottle of laudanum, and said, ‘I

never part from this.’”

We may therefore affirm, I think, with confidence that in the winter and

spring of 1814, Shelley had been becoming gradually more and more

estranged from Harriet, whose commonplace nature was no mate for his, and

whom he had never loved with all the depth of his affection; that his

intimacy with the Boinville family had brought into painful prominence

whatever was jarring and repugnant to him in his home; and that in this

crisis of his fate he had fallen in love for the first time seriously with

Mary Godwin. She was then a girl of sixteen, “fair and fair-haired, pale

indeed, and with a piercing look,” to quote Hogg’s description of her, as

she first appeared before him on the 8th or 9th of June, 1814. With her

freedom from prejudice, her tense and high-wrought sensibility, her acute

intellect, enthusiasm for ideas, and vivid imagination, Mary Godwin was

naturally a fitter companion for Shelley than the good Harriet, however

beautiful.

That Shelley early in 1814 had no intention of leaving his wife, is

probable; for he was re-married to her on the 24th of March, eight days

after his impassioned letter to Hogg, in St. George’s, Hanover Square.

Harriet was pregnant, and this ratification of the Scotch marriage was no

doubt intended to place the legitimacy of a possible heir beyond all

question. Yet it seems, if we may found conjecture on “Stanzas, April,

1814,” that in the very month after this new ceremony Shelley found the

difficulties of his wedded life insuperable, and that he was already

making up his mind to part from Harriet. About the middle of June the

separation actually occurred--not by mutual consent, so far as any

published documents throw light upon the matter, but rather by Shelley’s

sudden abandonment of his wife and child.[12] For a short while Harriet

was left in ignorance of his abode, and with a very insufficient sum of

money at her disposal. She placed herself under the protection of her

father, retired to Bath, and about the beginning of July received a letter

from Shelley, who was thenceforth solicitous for her welfare, keeping up a

correspondence with her, supplying her with funds, and by no means

shrinking from personal communications.

That Shelley must bear the responsibility of this separation seems to me

quite clear. His justification is to be found in his avowed opinions on

the subject of love and marriage--opinions which Harriet knew well and

professed to share, and of which he had recently made ample confession in

the notes to _Queen Mab_. The world will still agree with Lord Eldon in

regarding those opinions as dangerous to society, and a blot upon the

poet’s character; but it would be unfair, while condemning them as frankly

as he professed them, to blame him also because he did not conform to the

opposite code of morals, for which he frequently expressed extreme

abhorrence, and which he stigmatized, however wrongly, as the source of

the worst social vices. It must be added that the Shelley family in their

memorials of the poet, and through their friend, Mr. Richard Garnett,

inform us, without casting any slur on Harriet, that documents are extant

which will completely vindicate the poet’s conduct in this matter. It is

therefore but just to await their publication before pronouncing a decided

judgment. Meanwhile there remains no doubt about the fact that forty days

after leaving Harriet, Shelley departed from London with Mary Godwin, who

had consented to share his fortunes. How he plighted his new troth, and

won the hand of her who was destined to be his companion for life, may

best be told in Lady Shelley’s words:--

“His anguish, his isolation, his difference from other men, his gifts of

genius and eloquent enthusiasm, made a deep impression on Godwin’s

daughter Mary, now a girl of sixteen, who had been accustomed to hear

Shelley spoken of as something rare and strange. To her, as they met one

eventful day in St. Pancras Churchyard, by her mother’s grave, Bysshe, in

burning words, poured forth the tale of his wild past--how he had

suffered, how he had been misled, and how, if supported by her love, he

hoped in future years to enrol his name with the wise and good who had

done battle for their fellow-men, and been true through all adverse storms

to the cause of humanity. Unhesitatingly, she placed her hand in his, and

linked her fortune with his own; and most truthfully, as the remaining

portions of these Memorials will prove, was the pledge of both redeemed.

The theories in which the daughter of the authors of _Political Justice_,

and of the _Rights of Woman_, had been educated, spared her from any

conflict between her duty and her affection. For she was the child of

parents whose writings had had for their object to prove that marriage was

one among the many institutions which a new era in the history of mankind

was about to sweep away. By her father, whom she loved--by the writings of

her mother, whom she had been taught to venerate--these doctrines had been

rendered familiar to her mind. It was therefore natural that she should

listen to the dictates of her own heart, and willingly unite her fate with

one who was so worthy of her love.”

Soon after her withdrawal to Bath, Harriet gave birth to Shelley’s second

child, Charles Bysshe, who died in 1826. She subsequently formed another

connexion which proved unhappy; and on the 10th of November, 1816, she

committed suicide by drowning herself in the Serpentine. The distance of

time between June, 1814, and November, 1816, and the new ties formed by

Harriet in this interval, prove that there was no immediate connexion

between Shelley’s abandonment of his wife and her suicide. She had always

entertained the thought of self-destruction, as Hogg, who is no adverse

witness in her case, has amply recorded; and it may be permitted us to

suppose that finding herself for the second time unhappy in her love, she

reverted to a long-since cherished scheme, and cut the knot of life and

all its troubles.

So far as this is possible, I have attempted to narrate the most painful

episode in Shelley’s life as it occurred, without extenuation and without

condemnation. Until the papers, mentioned with such insistence by Lady

Shelley and Mr. Garnett, are given to the world, it is impossible that the

poet should not bear the reproach of heartlessness and inconstancy in this

the gravest of all human relations. Such, however, is my belief in the

essential goodness of his character, after allowing, as we must do, for

the operation of his peculiar principles upon his conduct, that I for my

own part am willing to suspend my judgment till the time arrives for his

vindication. The language used by Lady Shelley and Mr. Garnett justify us

in expecting that that vindication will be as startling as complete. If it

is not, they, as pleading for him, will have overshot the mark of

prudence.]

On the 28th of July, 1814, Shelley left London with Mary Godwin, who up to

this date had remained beneath her father’s roof. There was some secrecy

in their departure, because they were accompanied by Miss Clairmont, whose

mother disapproved of her forming a third in the party. Having made their

way to Dover, they crossed the Channel in an open boat, and went at once

to Paris. Here they hired a donkey for their luggage, intending to perform

the journey across France on foot. Shelley, however, sprained his ancle,

and a mule-carriage was provided for the party. In this conveyance they

reached the Jura, and entered Switzerland at Neufchatel. Brunnen, on the

Lake of Lucerne, was chosen for their residence; and here Shelley began

his romantic tale of _The Assassins_, a portion of which is printed in

his prose works. Want of money compelled them, after two days in Uri, to

turn their steps homeward; and the back journey was performed upon the

Reuss and Rhine. They reached Gravesend, after a bad passage, on the 13th

of September. Mrs. Shelley’s _History of a Six Weeks’ Tour_ relates the

details of this trip, which was of great importance in forming Shelley’s

taste and in supplying him with the scenery of river, rock, and mountain,

so splendidly utilized in _Alastor_.

The autumn was a period of more than usual money difficulty; but on the

6th of January, 1815, Sir Bysshe died, Percy became the next heir to the

baronetcy and the family estates, and an arrangement was made with his

father by right of which he received an allowance of 1000_l._ a year. A

portion of his income was immediately set apart for Harriet. The winter

was passed in London, where Shelley walked a hospital, in order, it is

said, to acquire some medical knowledge that might be of service to the

poor he visited. His own health at this period was very bad. A physician

whom he consulted, pronounced that he was rapidly sinking under pulmonary

disease, and he suffered frequent attacks of acute pain. The consumptive

symptoms seem to have been so marked that for the next three years he had

no doubt that he was destined to an early death. In 1818, however, all

danger of phthisis passed away; and during the rest of his short life he

only suffered from spasms and violent pains in the side, which baffled the

physicians, but, though they caused him extreme annoyance, did not menace

any vital organ. To the subject of his health it will be necessary to

return at a later period of his biography. For the present it is enough to

remember that his physical condition was such as to justify his own

expectation of death at no distant time.[13]

Fond as ever of wandering, Shelley set out in the early summer for a tour

with Mary. They visited Devonshire and Clifton, and then settled in a

house on Bishopsgate Heath, near Windsor Forest. The summer was further

broken by a water excursion up the Thames to its source, in the company of

Mr. Peacock and Charles Clairmont. Peacock traces the poet’s taste for

boating, which afterwards became a passion with him, to this excursion.

About this there is, however, some doubt. Medwin tells us that Shelley

while a boy delighted in being on the water, and that he enjoyed the

pastime at Eton. On the other hand, Mr. W. S. Halliday, a far better

authority than Medwin, asserts positively that he never saw Shelley on the

river at Eton, and Hogg relates nothing to prove that he practised rowing

at Oxford. It is certain that, though inordinately fond of boats and every

kind of water--river, sea, lake, or canal--he never learned to swim.

Peacock also notices his habit of floating paper boats, and gives an

amusing description of the boredom suffered by Hogg on occasions when

Shelley would stop by the side of pond or mere to float a mimic navy. The

not altogether apocryphal story of his having once constructed a boat out

of a bank-post-bill, and launched it on the lake in Kensington Gardens,

deserves to be alluded to in this connexion.

On their return from this river journey, Shelley began the poem of

_Alastor_, haunting the woodland glades and oak groves of Windsor Forest,

and drawing from that noble scenery his inspiration. It was printed with a

few other poems in one volume the next year. Not only was _Alastor_ the

first serious poem published by Shelley; but it was also the first of his

compositions which revealed the greatness of his genius. Rarely has blank

verse been written with more majesty and music: and while the influence of

Milton and Wordsworth may be traced in certain passages, the

versification, tremulous with lyrical vibrations, is such as only Shelley

could have produced.

“Alastor” is the Greek name for a vengeful dæmon, driving its victim into

desert places; and Shelley, prompted by Peacock, chose it for the title of

a poem which describes the Nemesis of solitary souls. Apart from its

intrinsic merit as a work of art, _Alastor_ has great autobiographical

value. Mrs. Shelley affirms that it was written under the expectation of

speedy death, and under the sense of disappointment, consequent upon the

misfortunes of his early life. This accounts for the somewhat unhealthy

vein of sentiment which threads the wilderness of its sublime

descriptions. All that Shelley had observed of natural beauty--in Wales,

at Lynton, in Switzerland, upon the eddies of the Reuss, beneath the oak

shades of the forest--is presented to us in a series of pictures

penetrated with profound emotion. But the deeper meaning of _Alastor_ is

to be found, not in the thought of death nor in the poet’s recent

communings with nature, but in the motto from St. Augustine placed upon

its title-page, and in the _Hymn to Intellectual Beauty_, composed about a

year later. Enamoured of ideal loveliness, the poet pursues his vision

through the universe, vainly hoping to assuage the thirst which has been

stimulated in his spirit, and vainly longing for some mortal realization

of his love. _Alastor_, like _Epipsychidion_, reveals the mistake which

Shelley made in thinking that the idea of beauty could become incarnate

for him in any earthly form: while the _Hymn to Intellectual Beauty_

recognizes the truth that such realization of the ideal is impossible. The

very last letter written by Shelley sets the misconception in its proper

light: “I think one is always in love with something or other; the error,

and I confess it is not easy for spirits cased in flesh and blood to avoid

it, consists in seeking in a mortal image the likeness of what is,

perhaps, eternal.” But this Shelley discovered only with “the years that

bring the philosophic mind,” and when he was upon the very verge of his

untimely death.

The following quotation is a fair specimen of the blank verse of

_Alastor_. It expresses that longing for perfect sympathy in an ideal

love, which the sense of divine beauty had stirred in the poet’s heart:--

At length upon the lone Chorasmian shore

He paused, a wide and melancholy waste

Of putrid marshes. A strong impulse urged

His steps to the sea-shore. A swan was there,

Beside a sluggish stream among the reeds.

It rose as he approached, and, with strong wings

Scaling the upward sky, bent its bright course

High over the immeasurable main.

His eyes pursued its flight:--“Thou hast a home,

Beautiful bird! thou voyagest to thine home,

Where thy sweet mate will twine her downy neck

With thine, and welcome thy return with eyes

Bright in the lustre of their own fond joy.

And what am I that I should linger here,

With voice far sweeter than thy dying notes,

Spirit more vast than thine, frame more attuned

To beauty, wasting these surpassing powers

In the deaf air, to the blind earth, and heaven

That echoes not my thoughts?” A gloomy smile

Of desperate hope wrinkled his quivering lips.

For Sleep, he knew, kept most relentlessly

Its precious charge, and silent Death exposed,

Faithless perhaps as Sleep, a shadowy lure,

With doubtful smile mocking its own strange charms.

William, the eldest son of Shelley and Mary Godwin, was born on the 24th

of Jan., 1816. In the spring of that year they went together, accompanied

by Miss Clairmont, for a second time to Switzerland. They reached Geneva

about the 15th of May, and were soon after joined by Lord Byron and his

travelling physician, Dr. Polidori. Shelley had not yet made Byron’s

acquaintance, though he had sent him a copy of _Queen Mab_, with a letter,

which miscarried in the post. They were now thrown into daily intercourse,

occupying the villas Diodati and Mont Alégre at no great distance from

each other, passing their days upon the lake in a boat which they

purchased, and spending the nights in conversation. Miss Clairmont had

known Byron in London, and their acquaintance now ripened into an

intimacy, the fruit of which was the child Allegra. This fact has to be

mentioned by Shelley’s biographer, because Allegra afterwards became an

inmate of his home; and though he and Mary were ignorant of what was

passing at Geneva, they did not withdraw their sympathy from the mother of

Lord Byron’s daughter. The lives of Byron and Shelley during the next six

years were destined to be curiously blent. Both were to seek in Italy an

exile-home; while their friendship was to become one of the most

interesting facts of English literary history. The influence of Byron upon

Shelley, as he more than once acknowledged, and as his wife plainly

perceived, was, to a large extent, depressing. For Byron’s genius and its

fruits in poetry he entertained the highest possible opinion. He could not

help comparing his own achievement and his fame with Byron’s; and the

result was that in the presence of one whom he erroneously believed to be

the greater poet, he became inactive. Shelley, on the contrary,

stimulated Byron’s productive faculty to nobler efforts, raised his moral

tone, and infused into his less subtle intellect something of his own

philosophical depth and earnestness. Much as he enjoyed Byron’s society

and admired his writing, Shelley was not blind to the imperfections of his

nature. The sketch which he has left us of Count Maddalo, the letters

written to his wife from Venice and Ravenna, and his correspondence on the

subject of Leigh Hunt’s visit to Italy, supply the most discriminating

criticism which has yet been passed upon his brother poet’s character. It

is clear that he never found in Byron a perfect friend, and that he had

not accepted him as one with whom he sympathized upon the deeper questions

of feeling and conduct. Byron, for his part, recognized in Shelley the

purest nature he had ever known. “He was the most gentle, the most

amiable, and least worldly-minded person I ever met; full of delicacy,

disinterested beyond all other men, and possessing a degree of genius

joined to simplicity as rare as it is admirable. He had formed to himself

a _beau ideal_ of all that is fine, high-minded, and noble, and he acted

up to this ideal even to the very letter.”

Toward the end of June the two poets made the tour of Lake Geneva in their

boat, and were very nearly wrecked off the rocks of Meillerie. On this

occasion Shelley was in imminent danger of death from drowning. His one

anxiety, however, as he wrote to Peacock, was lest Byron should attempt to

save him at the risk of his own life. Byron described him as “bold as a

lion;” and indeed it may here be said, once and for all, that Shelley’s

physical courage was only equalled by his moral fearlessness. He carried

both without bravado to the verge of temerity, and may justly be said to

have never known what terror was. Another summer excursion was a visit to

Chamouni, of which he has left memorable descriptions in his letters to

Peacock, and in the somewhat Coleridgian verses on Mont Blanc. The preface

to _Laon and Cythna_ shows what a powerful impression had been made upon

him by the glaciers, and how he delighted in the element of peril. There

is a tone of exultation in the words which record the experiences of his

two journeys in Switzerland and France:--“I have been familiar from

boyhood with mountains and lakes and the sea, and the solitude of forests.

Danger, which sports upon the brink of precipices, has been my playmate. I

have trodden the glaciers of the Alps, and lived under the eye of Mont

Blanc. I have been a wanderer among distant fields. I have sailed down

mighty rivers, and seen the sun rise and set, and the stars come forth,

whilst I have sailed night and day down a rapid stream among mountains. I

have seen populous cities, and have watched the passions which rise and

spread, and sink and change amongst assembled multitudes of men. I have

seen the theatre of the more visible ravages of tyranny and war, cities

and villages reduced to scattered groups of black and roofless houses, and

the naked inhabitants sitting famished upon their desolated thresholds.”

On their return to the lake, the Shelleys found M. G. Lewis established

with Byron. This addition to the circle introduced much conversation about

apparitions, and each member of the party undertook to produce a ghost

story. Polidori’s _Vampyre_ and Mrs. Shelley’s _Frankenstein_ were the

only durable results of their determination. But an incident occurred

which is of some importance in the history of Shelley’s psychological

condition. Toward midnight on the 18th of July, Byron recited the lines

in _Christabel_ about the lady’s breast; when Shelley suddenly started up,

shrieked, and fled from the room. He had seen a vision of a woman with

eyes instead of nipples. At this time he was writing notes upon the

phenomena of sleep to be inserted in his _Speculations on Metaphysics_,

and Mrs. Shelley informs us that the mere effort to remember dreams of

thrilling or mysterious import so disturbed his nervous system that he had

to relinquish the task. At no period of his life was he wholly free from

visions which had the reality of facts. Sometimes they occurred in sleep

and were prolonged with painful vividness into his waking moments.

Sometimes they seemed to grow out of his intense meditation, or to present

themselves before his eyes as the projection of a powerful inner

impression. All his sensations were abnormally acute, and his ever-active

imagination confused the border-lands of the actual and the visionary.

Such a nature as Shelley’s, through its far greater susceptibility than is

common even with artistic temperaments, was debarred in moments of

high-strung emotion from observing the ordinary distinctions of subject

and object; and this peculiar quality must never be forgotten when we seek

to estimate the proper proportions of _Dichtung und Wahrheit_ in certain

episodes of his biography. The strange story, for example, told by Peacock

about a supposed warning he had received in the spring of this year from

Mr. Williams of Tremadoc, may possibly be explained on the hypothesis that

his brooding thoughts had taken form before him, both ear and eye having

been unconsciously pressed into the service of a subjective energy.[14]

On their return to England in September, Shelley took a cottage at Great

Marlow on the Thames, in order to be near his friend Peacock. While it was

being prepared for the reception of his family, he stayed at Bath, and

there heard of Harriet’s suicide. The life that once was dearest to him,

had ended thus in misery, desertion, want. The mother of his two children,

abandoned by both her husband and her lover, and driven from her father’s

home, had drowned herself after a brief struggle with circumstance.

However Shelley may have felt that his conscience was free from blame,

however small an element of self-reproach may have mingled with his grief

and horror, there is no doubt that he suffered most acutely. His deepest

ground for remorse seems to have been the conviction that he had drawn

Harriet into a sphere of thought and feeling for which she was not

qualified, and that had it not been for him and his opinions, she might

have lived a happy woman in some common walk of life. One of his

biographers asserts that “he continued to be haunted by certain

recollections, partly real and partly imaginative, which pursued him like

an Orestes,” and even Trelawny, who knew him only in the last months of

his life, said that the impression of that dreadful moment was still

vivid. We may trace the echo of his feelings in some painfully pathetic

verses written in 1817;[15] and though he did not often speak of Harriet,

Peacock has recorded one memorable occasion on which he disclosed the

anguish of his spirit to a friend.[16]

Shelley hurried at once to London, and found some consolation in the

society of Leigh Hunt. The friendship extended to him by that excellent

man at this season of his trouble may perhaps count for something with

those who are inclined to judge him harshly. Two important events followed

immediately upon the tragedy. The first was Shelley’s marriage with Mary

Godwin on the 30th of December, 1816. [Whether Shelley would have taken

this step except under strong pressure from without, appears to me very

doubtful. Of all men who ever lived, he was the most resolutely bent on

confirming his theories by his practice; and in this instance there was no

valid reason why he should not act up to principles professed in common by

himself and the partner of his fortunes, no less than by her father and

her mother. It is, therefore, reasonable to suppose that he yielded to

arguments; and these arguments must have been urged by Godwin, who had

never treated him with cordiality since he left England in 1816. Godwin,

though overrated in his generation and almost ludicrously idealized by

Shelley, was a man whose talents verged on genius. But he was by no means

consistent. His conduct in money-matters shows that he could not live the

life of a self-sufficing philosopher; while the irritation he expressed

when Shelley omitted to address him as Esquire, stood in comic

contradiction with his published doctrines. We are therefore perhaps

justified in concluding that he worried Shelley, the one enthusiastic and

thoroughgoing follower he had, into marrying his daughter in spite of his

disciple’s protestations; nor shall we be far wrong if we surmise that

Godwin congratulated himself on Mary’s having won the right to bear the

name of a future baronet.]

The second event was the refusal of Mr. Westbrook to deliver up the

custody of his grandchildren. A chancery suit was instituted; at the

conclusion of which, in March, 1817, Lord Eldon deprived Shelley of his

son and daughter on the double ground of his opinions expressed in _Queen

Mab_, and of his conduct toward his first wife. The children were placed

in the hands of a Dr. Hume, to be educated in accordance with principles

diametrically opposed to their parent’s, while Shelley’s income was

mulcted in a sum of 200_l._ for their maintenance. Thus sternly did the

father learn the value of that ancient Æschylean maxim, τῷ δράσαντι

παθεῖν, the doer of the deed must suffer. His own impulsiveness, his

reckless assumption of the heaviest responsibilities, his overweening

confidence in his own strength to move the weight of the world’s opinions,

had brought him to this tragic pass--to the suicide of the woman who had

loved him, and to the sequestration of the offspring whom he loved.

Shelley ought not to be made the text for any sermon; and yet we may learn

from him as from a hero of Hebrew or Hellenic story. His life was a

tragedy; and like some protagonist of Greek drama, he was capable of

erring and of suffering greatly. He had kicked against the altar of

justice as established in the daily sanctities of human life; and now he

had to bear the penalty. The conventions he despised and treated like the

dust beneath his feet, were found in this most cruel crisis to be a rock

on which his very heart was broken. From this rude trial of his moral

nature he arose a stronger being; and if longer life had been granted him,

he would undoubtedly have presented the ennobling spectacle of one who had

been lessoned by his own audacity, and by its bitter fruits, into harmony

with the immutable laws which he was ever seeking to obey. It is just this

conflict between the innate rectitude of Shelley’s over-daring nature and

the circumstances of ordinary existence, which makes his history so

tragic: and we may justly wonder whether, when he read the Sophoclean

tragedies of Œdipus, he did not apply their doctrine of self-will and

Nemesis to his own fortunes.

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