CHAPTER VIII

SOCIETY

Macaulay observes of Frances Burney that “while still a girl she had

laid up such a store of materials for fiction as few of those who mix

much in the world are able to accumulate during a long life. She had

watched and listened to people of every class, from princes and great

officers of State, down to artists living in garrets and poets familiar

with subterranean cook-shops. Hundreds of remarkable persons had

passed in review before her--English, French, German, Italian, lords

and fiddlers, deans of cathedrals and managers of theatres, travellers

leading about newly caught savages, and singing women escorted by

deputy husbands.”

This is true of Disraeli. Long before he entered public life, before

he knew the inimitable D’Orsay, or even the luminous Lyndhurst, before

his most happy marriage, he had entered society at both doors--the gate

of horn and the gate of ivory. As a stripling of twenty he had been

sent, as we have seen, by Murray, the founder of his own fortune on

Byron’s fortune and misfortunes, to Abbotsford and Sir Walter Scott.

The young Disraeli used to dub Murray “the Emperor.” Murray described

him as the most remarkable young man he had ever met; “a deep thinker

but thoroughly practical in his ideas,” at once brilliant and solid,

of a bright and airy disposition which endeared him to the young, and,

himself unspoilt as “a child;” singularly happy in his home relations,

and “his father is my oldest friend.” That father was himself a

singular and remarkable man, who had attracted a distinguished

coterie. He was Pye’s early intimate and Thomas Baring’s friend. His

ties with Penn cemented his love of Buckinghamshire. He was familiar

with Southey, and he knew Mrs. Siddons. He conversed with Samuel

Rogers[144] and Tom Moore; he had corresponded and dined with Byron,

of whom “Disraeli the Younger” has recorded some striking traits. He

knew all the men of quills and letters, including the antiquarian

Bliss and Douce, many of the wits, and some of the “wit-woulds.” His

own brother-in-law, George Basevi, was an eminent architect,[145] and

architecture is often touched in the son’s novels.[146] Another member

of the family was a conveyancer, and through him the son was first

sent to read law with a solicitor, in whose office he read Chaucer,

and was then entered at Lincoln’s Inn. He had artistic acquaintances

also. Barry, he knew well. Downman painted his wife, and Downman’s

brother was his associate. And there were also some men of affairs

who visited Isaac Disraeli’s house. The burrowing and irrepressible

Croker, afterwards so mercilessly satirised as “Rigby,”[147] and

equally trounced, poor man, by Thackeray and Macaulay, seems to have

been his occasional purveyor of politics. But for contemporary parties

he cared little. He was a solitary student of the past; excavating

ancient manuscripts in the British Museum when the daily number of

such scholars did not exceed six. He was shy, meditative, dreamy, and

dispassionate. But he was poet besides recluse; his earliest courtship,

while Dr. Johnson lay dying, had been that of the muse. Sir Walter

Scott included one of his lyrics in a published collection.[148]

He diversified his stern by lighter labours, and his novels, long

since moldered, caused some stir and attracted sympathy. After the

romance of his early failures and the surprise of his early success,

he set himself patiently down to work for ten years before he would

print another line. His own father, who never understood but always

humored him, was a man of business, sanguine and prompt, yet gay and

nonchalant, who lost fortunes and regained them.[149] Disraeli the

Younger united the two strains of his father and of his grandfather. He

was a practical dreamer.

Isaac Disraeli, then, gave his boy an opening to the literary world.

Among his intimates was the shrewd solicitor, Mr. Austin, and his

clever young wife, a literary coquette of talent, the aunt of the

future Sir Henry Layard, the transcriber of _Vivian Grey_. Her salon

was frequented, among others, by the Hooks[150] and the Mathews.

With the Austins young Disraeli journeyed in Italy and Germany. From

his father’s library he thus emerged on a larger world. But he soon

outstepped its bounds. After his long Eastern travels with Clay, and

Meredith[151] affianced to Disraeli’s sister--a voyage on which Byron’s

Tita became Disraeli’s valet, and on which he encountered the most

opposite types as well as some curious adventures[152]--his own first

books made him the lion of several seasons. He and Bulwer divided the

honors of Bath, then still fashionable. Lyndhurst grew to depend on his

assistance, and even advice; Disraeli escorted him when as Chancellor

he was present at Kensington at the accession of Queen Victoria;

Lyndhurst’s daughter became an associate of Disraeli’s sister; and

nothing gave Disraeli more unfeigned pleasure than the visits of

Lyndhurst and Bulwer to his father at Bradenham.

He not only wrote novels, pamphlets, and sonnets (his vain ambition

was to revolutionise poetry), but he seems to have contributed to

the _Edinburgh Review_ as well as to many magazines. In 1833, as has

been noticed, he corresponded with its editor, Napier, with a view

to a “slasher” on Morier’s “Zohrab,” which had been puffed in the

_Quarterly_. Of the book he remarks, “A production in every respect

more contemptible I have seldom met with;” and of the puff, “This is

what comes of putting a tenth-rate novelist at the head of a great

critical journal.”[153]

Then followed Gore House, with its high Bohemian wits, its low

Bohemian buffoons, its loose celebrities, its “man of destiny,” Louis

Napoleon; its laughter and its tears; its Watteau-like _parterres_,

and the generous, erring Egeria of the grot.[154] Then, too, came that

fascinating circle of the Sheridans, which united sparkling talent

to entrancing beauty in extraordinary charm. But then also came the

duller round of High Mayfair--the Londonderrys and the Buckinghams.

Among diplomatists at this period he knew Pozzo. He had seen, or met,

or known the fathers or grandfathers of most of the aristocracy which,

forty years afterwards, he was to lead. Resolved from the first, as

he said in an early letter, “to respect himself, the only way to make

others respect you;” an outrageous dandy; sometimes in deplored debt,

often in surmounted scrapes, always in good humour, he had surveyed the

whole kaleidoscope of society, artificial as well as natural, before,

or soon after, he turned thirty years of age; from the pachas and

intriguers of the East, to the leaders and amusers of the West; from

Ali and the governors, admirals, and garrisons of Malta and Gibraltar,

to solemn busy-bodies in and out of place; the fops and flutterers in

and out of society; men famous who were destined to obscurity, men

obscure who were vowed to fame; eccentrics and platitudinarians; the

Upper Ten--“the two thousand Brahmins who constitute the world”--and

the lower ten thousand; from the eccentric Urquhart to “L. E. L.,” “the

Sappho of Brompton,” and, it would seem, Davison the future musical

critic. An early letter, probably addressed to him, lies before me. It

may be of passing interest to subjoin it:--

“MY DEAR DAVISON,

“I am very vexed that I missed you this morning. I arrived in town

to-day, and am now living the _vie solitaire_ in Bloomsbury. Will

you come and ameliorate a bachelor’s torments by partaking of his

goblet?

“I am alone, as Ossian says, but luckily not upon the hill of

storms.

“Instead of that catch-cold situation, a good fireside will greet

you.

“Mind you come.

“Yours ever,

“B. DISRAELI.”

“Excuse scrawl, etc. 6 o’clock.”

The society of those days still retained much of the Regency’s tinsel.

It glittered far more than it shone. Society was not then quite

the Dresden china shop with porcelain figures of beaux and boxers,

of topers and bull-dogs, of satyrs and nymphs, of city swains and

simpering shepherdesses, that it had been ten or fifteen years before.

Byron, with his savage sincerity, may be said to have dashed that

smooth farrago to fragments. But it remained a society of veneer and

affectation. It was a less natural age than our own, with fewer ideals

and less outward movement. It was a more boisterous age than our own;

public opinion exercised far less pressure. It was at once a coarser,

a more sentimental and a more romantic, if a more bombastic age than

ours. There still lingered the curiosity of Dr. Johnson’s age for the

tittle-tattle of voyagers and the curiosities of barbarism. But it was

not in the main a more material age, or, under the surface, a much

more selfish one. Sympathy was local then. “The people were only half

born.” It was, however, certainly a generation far more fastidious and

exclusive; and at the same time it was certainly more appreciative

of genius. You could then appeal to the few where you cannot now

appeal to the many; for the few then had neither the narrowness of the

_bourgeoisie_ nor the unlimited appetite of the million.

“The invention,” smiles Disraeli so early as in his mock-classical

squib, _The Infernal Marriage_, “by Jupiter of an aristocratic

immortality, as a reward for a well-spent life on earth, appears to

me to have been a very ingenious idea. It really is a reward very

stimulative of good conduct before we shuffle off this mortal coil, and

remarkably contrasts with the democracy of the damned. The Elysians,

with a splendid climate, a teeming soil, and a nation made on purpose

to wait upon them, of course enjoyed themselves very much.... The

Elysians, indeed, being highly refined and gifted ... were naturally a

very liberal-minded race and very capable of appreciating every kind of

excellence. If a gnome, or a sylph, therefore, in any way distinguished

themselves, ... aye! indeed, if the poor devils could do nothing better

than write a poem or a novel, they were sure to be noticed by the

Elysians, who always bowed to them as they passed by, and sometimes,

indeed, even admitted them into their circles.”

What Disraeli detested was what he termed, even in _Vivian Grey_,

“_society on anti-social principles_.” What he liked was a distinct

and distinctive circle, interchanging its ideas--“free trade in

conversation.” In his social, as in his political outlook, he

craved inclusiveness on the basis of excellence, and not either the

restrictedness of a caste or the miscellany of a multitude. In this

sense all society should be “aristocratic.” And he always felt that, as

a rule, it was precisely the middle-class element, contrasted either

with those who inherited the finer perceptions of breeding or with

those--the gallery--born with perceptive instincts--that is in the main

deficient in these respects. “... The stockbrokers’ ladies took off the

quarto travels and the hot-pressed poetry. They were the patronesses of

your patent ink and your wire-wove paper. That is all past....”[155]

What he disrelished was the meaner sort of mediocrity, except when it

was unassuming and useful.

“High breeding and a good heart,” he demands in _Lothair_ for the

“perfect host.” “To throw over a host,” he has also written, “is the

most heinous of social crimes. It ought never to be pardoned....”

“... She, too,” he says of the Duchess in _Coningsby_--who “was one

of the delights of existence,”--“was distinguished by that perfect

good breeding which is the result of nature and not of education; for

it may be found in a cottage and may be missed in a palace. ’Tis a

genial regard for the feelings of others that springs from the absence

of selfishness.... Nothing in the world could have induced her to

appear bored when another was addressing or attempting to amuse her.

She was not one of those vulgar fine ladies who meet you one day with

a vacant stare, as if unconscious of your existence, and address

you on another in a tone of impertinent familiarity.” “This is a

lesson for you fine ladies,” says “Egremont” in _Sybil_, “who think

you can govern the world by what you call your social influences;

asking people once or twice a year to an inconvenient crowd in your

house; now haughtily smirking, and now impertinently staring at them,

and flattering yourselves all this time that to have the occasional

privilege of entering your saloons, and the periodical experience of

your insolent recognition, is to be a reward for great exertions, or,

if necessary, an inducement to infamous tergiversation.” And, indeed,

the “Zenobia” of _Endymion_, who was Lady Jersey, did sometimes

condescend to practise these shifts of political ambition.[156] But

in high society with low standards, there were worse depths than the

backstairs patronage of party recruits. “Never,” as the fine sentence

prefixed to _Sybil_ recalls, “were so many gentlemen, and so little

gentleness.” The contemptuous materialism of “Monmouth House,” the

elegant indifference of “Lord Eskdale,” around which revolve the

satellites and parasites, social and political--the folks that made

Selwyn exclaim when a great nobleman’s golden dinner-service was up to

auction--“Lord, how many toads have eaten off this plate!”

“Among the habitual dwellers” (this from _Coningsby_) “in these

delicate halls there was a tacit understanding, a prevalent doctrine,

that required no formal exposition, no proofs and illustrations,

no comment, and no gloss, which was, indeed, rather a traditional

conviction than an impartial dogma--that the exoteric public were,

on many subjects, the victims of very vulgar prejudice, which these

enlightened personages wished neither to disturb nor to adopt.”

“Society,” he said, alluding to its treatment of Byron in _Venetia_,

“is all passions and no heart.” In _Vivian Grey_ (as to the

circumstances of which I shall say something in my last chapter) the

father (that is, Disraeli’s father) thus admonishes the boyish son.

“... You are now inspecting one of the worst portions of society in

what is called the great world (St. Giles’ is bad, but of another

kind), and it may be useful, on the principle that the actual sight

of brutal ebriety was supposed to have inspired youth with the virtue

of temperance.... Let me warn you not to fall into the usual error

of youth, in fancying that the circle you move in is precisely the

world itself. Do not imagine that there are not other beings, whose

benevolent principle is governed by finer sympathies, and by those

nobler emotions which really constitute all our public and private

virtues. I give you this hint, lest, in your present society, you might

suppose these virtues were merely historical.” Speaking of “Vivian

Grey” under the guise of “Contarini Fleming’s” first novel, Disraeli

makes his hero ejaculate: “All the bitterness of my heart, occasioned

by my wretched existence among their false circles, found its full

vent. Never was anything so imprudent. Everybody figured, and all

parties and opinions alike suffered.” Still more did he despise “the

insolence of the insignificant.”

What he admired in whatever form--even when incompatible with

society--was purpose with personality. This is manifest in all his

early novels, conspicuous in his later ones. The two heroes of

_Venetia_--Byron and Shelley[157]--are portrayed from this point

of view. Even the hysterical purpose of Lady Caroline Lamb in the

person of “Lady Monteagle” is recognised; and of Byron he causes his

characters to speak in _Vivian Grey_: “There was the man! And that

such a man should be lost to us at the very moment that he had begun

to discover why it had pleased the Omnipotent to have endowed him

with such powers!”--“If one thing were more characteristic of Byron’s

mind than another, it was his strong, shrewd common sense, his pure,

unadulterated sagacity.”--“The loss of Byron can never be retrieved.

He was indeed a real man; and, when I say this, I award him the most

splendid character which human nature need aspire to.”[158] The very

intellectual purpose of comparative purposelessness, of dilettante

taste, attracted him. This is how he addresses “Luttrell” in _The Young

Duke_: “... Teach us that wealth is not elegance, that profusion is

not magnificence, and that splendour is not heart. Teach us that taste

is a talisman which can do greater wonders than the millions of the

loan-monger. Teach us that to vie is not to rival; and to imitate not

to invent. Teach us that pretension is a bore. Teach us that wit is

excessively good-natured, and, like champagne, not only sparkles, but

is sweet.[159] Teach us the vulgarity of malignity. Teach us that envy

spoils our complexions, and that anxiety destroys our figure. Catch the

fleeting colours of that sly chameleon, Cant, and show what excessive

trouble we are ever taking to make ourselves miserable and silly. Teach

us all this, and Aglaia shall stop a crow in its course, and present

you with a pen, Thalia hold the golden fluid in a Sévres vase, and

Euphrosyne support the violet-coloured scroll.”

So, too, the energetic personality of D’Orsay aroused his enthusiastic

friendship, and drew from him, some twenty years after that ambrosial

figure had vanished, the tribute of “... the most accomplished and the

most engaging character that has figured in this century, who, with

the form and universal genius of an Alcibiades, combined a brilliant

wit and a heart of quick affection, and who, placed in a public

position, would have displayed a courage, a judgment, and a commanding

intelligence which would have ranked him among the leaders of mankind.”

D’Orsay speaks and acts to the life as “Count Mirabel” in _The Young

Duke_. And, in a too unfamiliar passage of _The Young Duke_, he thus

also embalms, I fancy,[160] the memory of Lady Blessington’s maligned

charm under the veil of “Lady Aphrodite.”

“... We are not of those who set themselves against the verdict of

society, or ever omit to expedite, by a gentle kick, a falling friend.

And yet, when we just remember beauty is beauty, and grace is grace,

and kindness is kindness, although the beautiful, the graceful, and the

amiable do get in a scrape, we don’t know how it is, we confess it is a

weakness, but, under these circumstances, we do not feel quite inclined

to sneer. But this is wrong. We should not pity or pardon those who

have yielded to great temptation, or, perchance, great provocation.

Besides, it is right that our sympathies should be kept for the

injured.” Endeavour and individuality he reverenced and recognised.

Tact, the charity of manners, he admired.[161] But for aimlessness,

whether callous or random, whether patrician or plebeian--whether of

“Lord Marney,” who said to “Egremont,” “I am your elder brother, sir,

whose relationship to you is your only claim to the consideration of

society,” and was answered, “A curse on the society that has fashioned

such claims ... founded on selfishness, cruelty, and fraud, and leading

to demoralisation, misery, and crime;” or of “Rigby,” who called his

record in Debrett of the marriage successfully schemed for his patron,

“a great fact.” To such as these he gave no quarter; and he scalped

them with a wit and an irony that has rarely been equalled.

And he loved startling contrasts. “Whatever they did,” he says in _The

Infernal Marriage_, “the Elysians were careful never to be vehement.”

Disraeli liked to break the monotone of society’s polished surface

by pronounced and original types of race, of class, of passion, of

enterprise; the Roman among the European-Americans, the Arabian,

the Syrian, the Greek, the Gaul among the Franks. He revelled in

romantic women, muses, or prophetesses, who lead forlorn movements,

or rally broken fortunes; in men whom they cheer and kindle; in

public spirits; in sudden and unexpected revolutions of fortune,

and sudden and unforeseen revelations of character. To himself in

his first youth might adhere the phrase with which he then labelled

“Popanilla:” “He looked the most dandified of savages, and the most

savage of dandies.” He liked to pit the Bohemian against the noble,

and the valet against the hero; the “light children of dance and song”

against their heavy patrons; to display the power of career even in the

lodginghouse-keeper’s daughter; to depict the aristocracy of the master

working man; to analyse and contrast the ironies of the struggle, the

social tragedy of illusion, and the social farce of fashion. “...

‘Your mind is opening, Ixion,’” says Mercury, in that brilliant skit

which Disraeli penned before he was celebrated; “‘you will soon be

a man of the world. To the left, and keep clear of that star’--‘Who

lives there?’--‘The Fates know, not I. Some low people who are trying

to shine into notice. ’Tis a parvenu planet, and only sprung up into

space within this century. We don’t visit them.’” “Sybil” herself, it

should be remembered, is an aristocrat born, but not bred, while half

“Egremont’s” Norman relations are cads or snobs.

He loved, too, society’s foibles--to hit off the precocious wiseacres

of the golden youth. “... A young fellow of two- or three-and-twenty

knows the world as men used to do after as many years of scrapes. I

wonder whether there is such a thing as a greenhorn? Effie Crabbs

says the reason he gives up his house is that he has cleaned out the

old generation, and that the new generation would clean him.”[162] To

banter “those uncommonly able men who only want an opportunity,” the

philosophers and the puppies; to jest, as he does in _Popanilla_, at

legal fictions; to poke fun at the “great orator, before a green table,

beating a red box,” or the prattlers on science in “gilded saloons;” to

depict the pyramidal selfishness but unruffled pride of Lord Hertford

in “Lord Monmouth”--Thackeray’s “Lord Steyne;” to chronicle the pæan

of “Mrs. Guy Flouncey”--a precursor of “Becky Sharp”--when she wins

the invitation to the great house: “My dear, we have done it at last!”

or those whose _summum bonum_ is to have ten thousand a year and be

thought to have five; or those waiters on dying Mammon, who, when the

will is read, “all become orderly and broken-hearted;” or the bored

good humour of the Radical noble, who was almost a Communist except as

regarded land--“as if a fellow could have too much land;” to burlesque

the whole medley of blue bores and bore-blues, of red-tape, and

peas-on-drums, the Jacks-in-office and the Jacks-in-boxes, of “nobs and

snobs,” of “statesmen, fiddlers, and buffoons.” But it should not be

forgotten that he ever kept a warm place in his heart for sailors, whom

he regarded as among the most natural and delightful of mankind.[163]

It was not only the big shams and little follies of society that

revolted or amused him. He held, also, that melancholy and dulness were

social crimes. “If a man be gloomy, let him keep to himself. No man has

a right to go croaking about society, or, what is worse, looking as if

he stifled grief. These fellows should be put in the pound. We like a

good broken heart or so now and then; but then one should retire to the

Sierra Morena mountains and live upon locusts and wild honey, not dine

out with our cracked cores....”[164] And among breaches of social tact,

he most disliked those minor monomanias which make the bore. “Never,”

he once warned a young man, “discuss ‘The Letters of Junius,’ or ‘The

Man in the Iron Mask.’” Some of his happiest conversations are to be

found in the _Lothair_ colloquies at Muriel Towers.

Society used to depend on conversation much more than it does now, when

there is so much hurry, so much wealth, so many amusements, so little

privacy, and so much printed about it that practically there is no

compact society at all--merely a touring menagerie. Disraeli, in one of

his earlier novels,[165] has an excellent essay in miniature on social

conversation:--

“The high style of conversation where eloquence and philosophy emulate

each other, ... all this has ceased. It ceased in this country

with Johnson and Burke, and it requires a Johnson and a Burke for

its maintenance. There is no mediocrity in such intercourse, no

intermediate character between the sage and the bore. The second style,

where men, not things, are the staple, but where wit and refinement and

sensibility invest even personal details with intellectual interest,

does flourish at present, as it always must in a highly civilised

society.... Then comes your conversation man, who, we confess, is

our aversion. His talk is a thing apart, got up before he enters the

company from whose conduct it should grow out. He sits in the middle of

a large table, and, with a brazen voice, bawls out his anecdotes about

Sir Thomas or Sir Humphry, Lord Blank or Lady Blue. He is incessant,

yet not interesting; ever varying, yet always monotonous. Even if we

are amused, we are no more grateful for the entertainment than we are

to the lamp over the table for the light which it universally sheds,

and to yield which it was obtained on purpose. _We are more gratified

by the slight conversation of one who is often silent, but who speaks

from his momentary feelings, than by all this hullabaloo._ Yet this

machine is generally a favourite piece of furniture with the hostess.

You may catch her eye, as he recounts some adventure of the morning,

which proves that he not only belongs to every club, but goes to them,

light up with approbation; and then when the ladies withdraw, and the

female senate deliver their criticism on the late actors, she will

observe with a gratified smile to her _confidante_, that the dinner

went off well, and that Mr. Bellow was very strong to-day. All this is

horrid, and the whole affair is a delusion. A variety of people are

brought together, who all come as late as possible, and retire as soon,

merely to show that they have other engagements. A dinner is prepared

for them, which is hurried over, in order that a certain number of

dishes should be--not tasted, but seen. And provided that there is no

moment that an absolute silence reigns; that, besides the bustling of

the servants, the clattering of the plates and knives, a stray anecdote

is told, which, if good, has been heard before, and which, if new, is

generally flat; provided a certain number of certain names of people

of consideration are introduced, by which some stranger, for whom the

party is often secretly given, may learn the scale of civilisation

of which he this moment forms a part; provided the senators do not

steal out too soon to the House, and their wives to another party--the

hostess is congratulated on the success of her entertainment.” He much

preferred the conversation of “Pinto,” whose raillery, unremembered,

amused and “flattered the self-love of those whom it seemed sportively

not to spare.... He was not an intellectual Crœsus, but his pockets

were full of sixpences.” But then, “Pinto” did not quite belong to

the lower social stratum above characterised. That Disraeli had not

altered his opinion of it after forty years’ immense and intimate

experience is shown by the description in _Lothair_ of the “reception”

of “Mrs. Putney Giles.” Not that Disraeli by any means inclined to the

“call-a-spade-a-spade” view of conversation. To say all one thought,

to be rudely frank, would destroy social converse. “... As Pinto says,

if every man were straightforward in his opinions, there would be no

conversation. The fun of talk is to find out what a man really thinks,

and then contrast it with the enormous lies he has been telling all

dinner, and perhaps all his life.” “Never argue,” he once wrote, “and,

if controversy arises, change the subject.” And he also recognised that

“talk to man about himself, and he will listen for hours.” “All women

are vain, some men are not.” He believed, too, in the saying of Swift,

that a community of ailments is a fastener of friendship. Once when an

intimate asked Lord Beaconsfield what he did when his acquaintanceship

was claimed by many whose faces and names were unfamiliar, but who

professed to have known him in youth, he answered, “I always say one

thing--‘Quite so, quite so! _and how is the old complaint?_’”

I have said that in his youth Disraeli had occasionally been in

debt.[166] No one ever reprobated it more, though no one, except

Goldsmith and Sheridan, has also extracted more humour out of it, as is

attested by the episode of “Mr. Levison” and the coals in _Henrietta

Temple_.[167] In this novel he thus moralises--

“If youth but knew the fatal misery that they are entailing on

themselves the moment they accept a pecuniary credit to which they

are not entitled, how they would start in their career! how pale they

would turn! how they would tremble, and clasp their hands in agony

at the precipice on which they are disporting. Debt is the prolific

mother of folly and of crime; it taints the course of life in all its

dreams. Hence so many unhappy marriages, so many prostituted pens and

venal politicians. It hath a small beginning, but a giant’s growth and

strength. When we make the monster we make our master, who haunts us at

all hours, and shakes his whip of scorpions forever in our sight. The

slave hath no overseer so severe. Faustus, when he signed the bond with

blood, did not secure a dream more terrific. But when we are young we

must enjoy ourselves. True; and there are few things more gloomy than

the recollection of a youth that has not been enjoyed....”

He was never a gambler. One of the most striking passages of _Vivian

Grey_ gives the story--which would make a strong play--of a man in high

place, led on by even noble motives to game, until he sharped at play,

and was rescued from disgrace by friendship; and in _The Young Duke_

is the thrilling romance of the career of the founder of Crockford’s.

The Macaronis were replaced by the Beaux; the Beaux in their turn by

the more florid Dandies; until, at last, in the ’seventies, appeared

the “Swells,” the heavy, if grand, Blunderbores, sworn to bachelor

indulgence, who thought that “every woman should marry, but no man,”

the exception only being if a girl sprang from “an affectionate family,

with good shooting and first-rate claret.” Disraeli was interested

in the “swells.” In a measure he had created them, because he had

reconciled the people to the nobles, and the “swell” was a term

embodying the people’s homage. But in this phase Disraeli saw something

comic and barbaric. “St. Aldegonde,” himself a gigantic “swell,” could

not bear the “swells.” When he met them he described them as “a social

jungle in which there was a great herd of animals.”

And with the “swells” began something of that “free-and-easiness”

which hails from modern Columbia, and has now leavened society with

its licence and its slang. “Free-and-easiness is all very well,” once

laughed Disraeli to a friend, “but why not be a little freer and a

little less easy?” “His spirit,” he says of “Coningsby,” “recoiled from

that gross familiarity that is the characteristic of modern manners,

and which would destroy all forms and ceremonies, merely because

they curb and control their own coarse convenience and ill-disguised

selfishness.” With the “swells” came also another social change--the

diffusion not only of wealth, but of taste. A great lady assures

“Lothair” that he will be surprised to see so many well-dressed and

good-looking people at the opera, that he never beheld before.

Political society pervades all Disraeli’s novels. Only two phases of

it need here be mentioned. The tiny coteries who dine together twice

a week and “think themselves a party.” They appear in _Sybil_; they

reappear in _Endymion_. And the breakfast gatherings of the ’forties,

peculiar, as Disraeli noted, to Liberals. “It shows a restless,

revolutionary mind,” mocks “Lady Firebrace,” “that can settle to

nothing, but must be running after gossip the moment they are awake.”

But two sayings, not directly with regard to society, may in this

connection, however, be recorded. Both are from _The Young Duke_. “...

He was always offended and always offending. Such a man could never

succeed as a politician--a character who, of all others, must learn

to endure, to forget, and to forgive.” The second was prophetic: “One

thing is clear--that a man may speak very well in the House of Commons

and fail very completely in the House of Lords. There are two distinct

styles requisite. I intend in the course of my career, if I have time,

to give a specimen of both. In the Lower House, ‘Don Juan’ may perhaps

be our model; in the Upper House, ‘Paradise Lost.’”

As for club existence, the “lounging, languid men who spend their time

in crossing from Brooks’s to Boodle’s and from Boodle’s to Brooks’s,”

has he not characterised “those middle-aged nameless gentlemen of

easy circumstances, who haunt clubs and dine a great deal at each

others’ houses and chambers; men who travel regularly a little, and

gossip regularly a great deal; who lead a sort of facile, slipshod

existence, doing nothing, yet mightily interested in what others do;

_great critics of little things_ ... peering through the window of a

club-house as if they were discovering a planet”? And as for civic

hospitality, he sums it up best, perhaps, in the _Endymion_ epigram:

“Turtle makes all men equal.”

He felt all along that, after all, true society is at home, and not

with “polished ruffians;” the “courtesy of the heart” was preferable

to that “of the head.” “My idea of perfect society,” says “Lothair,”

“is being married, as I propose, and paying visits to Brentham;” or, as

Disraeli varies the theme in the same novel, “I am fond of society that

pleases me, that is accomplished and natural and ingenious; otherwise I

prefer being alone.” Home, he thought, should be the centre of society,

and a homeless society was not one at all. It is very noticeable, in

comparing present with past fiction, how the English sense of home and

flicker of the fireside, which used to warm every page, has receded

out of view before the motor-speed and nervous restlessness of the

age. His home-fondness was touchingly displayed after the death of his

wife by his reply to a friend, who asked if he were driving home--a

reply accompanied by tears; “Home! I have no home _now_.” Nor did any

great man ever reserve the sanctities of the hearth more completely

from a prying public. The purity of his home affections was one of Mr.

Gladstone’s notes of eulogy in the funeral oration that he delivered

in the House to which Disraeli had been proudly devoted for forty-five

long years. There are scores of sayings and episodes in his books, from

_Vivian Grey_ downwards, regarding the home affections; many charming

touches, too, in his letters to his sister. But I content myself with

one, from _Venetia_--

“... After all, we have no friends that we can depend upon in this life

but our parents.... All other intimacies, however ardent, are liable

to cool; all other confidence, however limited, to be violated. In

the phantasmagoria of life, the friend with whom we have cultivated

mutual trust for years is often suddenly or gradually estranged from

us, or becomes, from painful yet irresistible circumstances, even

our deadliest foe. As for women ... the mistresses of our hearts,

who has not learnt that the links of passion are fragile as they are

glittering?... Where is the enamoured face that smiled upon our early

love, and was to shed tears over our grave?... No wonder we grow

callous, for how few have the opportunity of returning to the hearth

which they quitted in levity or thoughtless weariness, yet which alone

is faithful to them; whose sweet affections require not the stimulus

of prosperity or fame, the lure of accomplishments or the tribute of

flattery, but which are constant to us in distress, and console us even

in disgrace!”

I ought, perhaps, to add a word of Disraeli’s ideas on love and

marriage. No one set more store by, or laid more store on, the deciding

influence of woman on man’s career. No one recognised more heartily a

woman’s instinctive superiority to logic. How good is the humour in

that dressing-room scene of the ’seventies in _Lothair_:--

“... The gentlemen of the smoking-room have it not all their own way

quite as much as they think. If, indeed, a new school of Athens were

to be pictured, the sages and the students might be represented in

exquisite dressing-gowns, with slippers rarer than the lost one of

Cinderella, and brandishing beautiful brushes over tresses still more

fair. Then is the time when characters are never more finely drawn, or

difficult social questions more accurately solved; knowledge without

reasoning, and truth without logic--the triumph of intuition! But we

must not profane the mysteries of Bona Dea.”

To women, moreover, he, like “Coningsby,” “instinctively bowed as

to beings set apart for reverence and delicate treatment,” but

disillusions chequered his experience. In maturity he could undoubtedly

“conceive that there were any other women in the world than fair

Geraldines and Countesses of Pembroke.” While Lord Randolph Churchill

was still alive, a young man--now an eminent Liberal statesman, and

then in the thick of a passionate courtship--poured out his heart to

him as they walked home together from the House. Lord Randolph reminded

him of what Disraeli had once observed to himself, that two of the

great elements in life were passion and power; that in youth the first

prevailed, but that, as years proceeded, the last proved incomparable.

He once said in his early youth that most of the distinguished men

of his acquaintance who had married “for love” bullied or maltreated

their wives; and he also remarked at an early period that the man who

wishes to rule mankind must not marry a too beautiful wife, who would

divide his time and his will. Long afterwards, in the devotion of his

home, Mrs. Disraeli would rally him by saying, “You know you married

me for money, and I know that now, if you had to do it again, you

would marry me for love.” It will be recalled, too, that “Sidonia,”

though he had a heart, indulged his deeper emotions more towards

causes than individuals. “In his organisation there was a peculiarity,

perhaps a great deficiency.” And yet Disraeli wrote: “We know not how

it is, but love at first sight is a subject of constant ridicule, but

somehow we suspect that it has more to do with the affairs of this

world than the world is willing to own.”--“Where we do not respect, we

soon cease to love; when we cease to love, virtue weeps and flies.”

I think that real love as the base of marriage is more genuinely, as

well as romantically, portrayed in _Venetia_ that in any of his works.

In those pages it really moves us instead of moving before us, as it

often does, even in the “love story” of _Henrietta Temple_. One of his

early hobbies, too, was that men ought to marry early, as a source of

strength and simplicity both to the affections and to the race. This

is emphasised in _Contarini Fleming_. The passage is striking, and

illustrates his deeper ideas on the whole subject: “To a man who is in

love the thought of another woman is uninteresting, if not repulsive.

Constancy is human nature. Instead of love being the occasion of all

the misery of this world, as is sung by fantastic bards, _I believe

that the misery of this world is occasioned by there not being love

enough_.... Happiness is only to be found in a recurrence to the

principles of human nature, and these will prompt very simple manners.

For myself, I believe that permanent unions of the sexes should be

early encouraged; nor do I conceive that general happiness can ever

flourish but in societies where it is the custom for all males to

marry at eighteen. This custom, I am informed, is not unusual in the

United States of America, and its consequence is a simplicity of

manners and purity of conduct _which Europeans cannot comprehend, but

to which they must ultimately have recourse_. Primeval barbarism and

extreme civilisation must arrive at the same results. Men under these

circumstances are actuated by their structure; in the first instance

instinctively, in the second philosophically. At present[168] we are

all in the various gradations of the intermediate state of corruption.”

At all events, his own compositions were conspicuously spotless; and

it may be said of him, as it was of Addison--so unlike otherwise--“No

whiter page remains.”

Such, then, are some of Disraeli’s main ideas on the outward forms and

inward spirit of society. Fashionable “society” he played with, and

he used--it amused him; but he never cherished, rather he scorned it.

Power he valued; and fame--“the opinion of mankind after death”--for

him meant power. There was once a certain rather fussy Radical member

who had long been anxious to make his acquaintance. When _Lothair_

appeared, he rushed up to Disraeli excitedly, with many apologies

for the intrusion, and begged him to receive the assurance of his

daughter’s intense admiration for that work. “Thank you ever so much,”

returned Disraeli, “_and this is fame_!”

When the gorgeous trinket was in his grasp, and he was at the zenith

of his eminence, I have already recorded an impressive instance. I may

contrast with this another picture, also of a fact already chronicled

in the interesting recollections of a young associate of his old age.

It will bear repetition. The scene was Hughenden in late autumn, the

time, after Lady Beaconsfield’s death. He sat in reverie before the

fire, watching the flickering embers. “Dreams, dreams, dreams,” he

murmured, as the wreaths of smoke and the sparks of flame went upwards.

He was thinking of his favourite Sheridans, by whose own fireside, and

basking in whose sunshine of wit and beauty, so many of his happiest

evenings had been spent forty years agone. And perhaps, also, he was

thinking of that charming daughter of Lord Lyndhurst, whose pet name

tallied with his own sister’s; and possibly, too, of that little

Frances Braham, whom he had known in girlhood, and whom, after she,

too, had carved a career, he still knew and admired as Frances, Lady

Waldegrave.

Yet one more dissolving view--

The scene shifts again to London and a Foreign Office reception, with

its gaping throng. It was the last function that Lady Beaconsfield,

frail with age and bent with rheumatism, was able to attend. Step by

step, all the way down that long staircase, he himself planted her

feet and tenderly supported her feeble frame, till, when she reached

the end, he presented to her a youth of promise, since a member of

ministries, who will still remember it.

Yes, it was companionship, not “society,” that was precious to him. And

trial proves friendship.

“‘Since I last met you, I heard you had seen much and suffered

much.’--‘And that makes the kind thoughts of friends more

precious.’--‘You have, however, a great many things which ought to make

you happy.’--‘I do not deserve to be happy, for I have made so many

mistakes....’--‘Take a brighter and a nobler view of your life.... Feel

rather that you have been tried and not found wanting.’”

[Illustration: DISRAELI IN 1852

_After a painting by Sir Francis Grant, P.R.A._]

Disraeli: A Study in Personality and Ideas · 第 9 / 11 章