PART IV.

=The Library.=

DR. HENRY'S HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN.

A GAME AT CHESS.--OF MONACHISM AND CHIVALRY.

DINNER AT LORENZO'S.

SOME ACCOUNT OF BOOK-COLLECTORS IN ENGLAND.

----Wisdom loves

This seat serene, and Virtue's self approves:--

Here come the griev'd, a change of thought to find;

The curious here, to feed a craving mind:

Here the devout, their peaceful temple chuse;

And here, the poet meets his favouring Muse.

CRABBE'S POEMS. (_The Library._)

[Illustration:

=Ingredere

ut

Proficias.=]

[Illustration]

=The Library.=

DR. HENRY'S HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN.

A GAME OF CHESS.--OF MONACHISM AND CHIVALRY.

DINNER AT LORENZO'S.

SOME ACCOUNT OF BOOK-COLLECTORS IN ENGLAND.

During the first seven miles of our return from the busy scene which

has just been described, it was sufficiently obvious that Lisardo was

suffering a little under the pangs of mortification. True it was, he

had filled his pocket with an ampler supply of pistoles than it ever

fell to the lot of Gil Blas, at the same time of life, to be master

of; but he had not calculated upon the similar condition of his

competitors; some of whom had yet greater powers of purchase, and a

more resolute determination, as well as nicer skill, in exercising

these powers, than himself. Thus rushing into the combat with the heat

and vehemence of youth, he was of necessity compelled to experience

the disappointment attendant upon such precipitancy. It was in vain

that Philemon and myself endeavoured to make him completely satisfied

with his purchase: nothing produced a look of complacency from him. At

length, upon seeing the rising ground which was within two or three

miles of our respective homes, he cheered up by degrees; and a sudden

thought of the treasures contained in his Clement, De Bure and Panzer,

darted a gleam of satisfaction across his countenance. His eyes

resumed their wonted brilliancy, and all the natural gaiety of his

disposition returned with full effect to banish every vapour of

melancholy. "Indeed, my good friend," said he to me--"I shall always

have reason to think and speak well of your kindness shewn towards me

this day; and although some years may elapse before a similar

collection may be disposed of--and I must necessarily wait a tedious

period 'ere I get possession of Maittaire, Audiffredi, and others of

the old school--yet I hope to convince Lysander, on the exhibition of

my purchase, that my conversion to bibliography has been sincere. Yes:

I perceive that I have food enough to digest, in the volumes which are

now my travelling companions, for two or three years to come--and if,

by keeping a sharp look-out upon booksellers' catalogues when they are

first published, I can catch hold of Vogt, Schelhorn and Heinecken, my

progress in bibliography, within the same period, must be downright

marvellous!" "I congratulate you," exclaimed PHILEMON, "upon the

return of your reason and good sense. I began to think that the story

of Orlando had been thrown away upon you; and that his regular yearly

purchases of a certain set of books, and making himself master of

their principal contents before he ventured upon another similar

purchase, had already been banished from your recollection."

We were now fast approaching the end of our journey; when the groom of

Lorenzo, mounted upon a well-bred courser, darted quickly by the

chaise, apparently making towards my house--but on turning his head,

and perceiving me within it, he drew up and bade the postilion stop. A

note from his master soon disclosed the reason of this interruption.

LORENZO, upon hearing of the arrival of Lysander and Philemon, and of

their wish to visit his library, had sent us all three a kind

invitation to dine with him on the morrow. His close intimacy with

Lisardo (who was his neighbour) had left no doubt in the mind of the

latter but that a similar note had been sent to his own house. After

telling the messenger that we would not fail to pay our respects to

his master, we drove briskly homewards; and found Lysander sitting on

a stile under some wide-spreading beech trees, at the entrance of the

paddock, expecting our arrival. In less than half an hour we sat down

to dinner (at a time greatly beyond what I was accustomed to);

regaling Lysander, during the repast, with an account of the contest

we had witnessed; and every now and then preventing Lisardo from

rushing towards his packet (even in the midst of his _fricandeau_),

and displaying his book-treasures. After dinner, our discussion

assumed a more methodical shape. Lysander bestowed his hearty

commendations upon the purchase; and, in order to whet the

bibliomaniacal appetite of his young convert, he slyly observed that

his set of De Bure's pieces were _half bound_ and _uncut_; and that by

having them bound in morocco, with gilt leaves, he would excel my own

set; which latter was coated in a prettily-sprinkled calf leather,

with speckled edges. Lisardo could not repress the joyful sensations

which this remark excited; and I observed that, whenever his eyes

glanced upon my shelves, he afterwards returned them upon his own

little collection, with a look of complacency mingled with exultation.

It was evident, therefore, that he was now thoroughly reconciled to

his fortune.

LYSAND. During your absence, I have been reading a very favourite work

of mine--DR. HENRY'S _History of Great Britain_; especially that part

of it which I prefer so much to the history of human cunning and

human slaughter; I mean, the account of learning and of learned men.

PHIL. It is also a great favourite with me. But while I regret the

inexcuseable omission of an index to such a voluminous work, and the

inequality of Mr. Andrews's partial continuation of it, I must be

permitted to observe that the history of our literature and learned

men is not the most brilliant, or best executed, part of Dr. Henry's

valuable labours. There are many omissions to supply, and much

interesting additional matter to bring forward, even in some of the

most elaborate parts of it. His account of the arts might also be

improved; although in commerce, manners and customs, I think he has

done as much, and as well, as could reasonably be expected. I

question, however, whether his work, from the plan upon which it is

executed, will ever become so popular as its fondest admirers seem to

hope.

LYSAND. You are to consider, Philemon, that in the execution of such

an important whole, in the erection of so immense a fabric, some parts

must necessarily be finished in a less workman-like style than others.

And, after all, there is a good deal of caprice in our criticisms. You

fancy, in this fabric (if I may be allowed to go on with my simile), a

boudoir, a hall, or a staircase; and fix a critical eye upon a recess

badly contrived, an oval badly turned, or pillars weakly put

together:--the builder says, Don't look at these parts of the fabric

with such fastidious nicety; they are subordinate. If my boudoir will

hold a moderate collection of old-fashioned Dresden China, if my

staircase be stout enough to conduct you and your company to the upper

rooms; and, if my hall be spacious enough to hold the hats, umbrellas

and walking-sticks of your largest dinner-party, they answer the ends

proposed:--unless you would _live_ in your boudoir, upon your

staircase, or within your hall! The fact then is, you, Philemon,

prefer the boudoir, and might, perhaps, improve upon its structure;

but, recollect, there are places in a house of equal, or perhaps more,

consequence than this beloved boudoir. Now, to make the obvious

application to the work which has given rise to this wonderful stretch

of imagination on my part:--Dr. Henry is the builder, and his history

is the building, in question: in the latter he had to put together,

with skill and credit, a number of weighty parts, of which the "_Civil

and Ecclesiastical_" is undoubtedly the most important to the

generality of readers. But one of these component parts was the _The

History of Learning and of Learned Men_; which its author probably

thought of subordinate consequence, or in the management of which, to

allow you the full force of your objection, he was not so well

skilled. Yet, still, never before having been thus connected with such

a building, it was undoubtedly a delightful acquisition; and I

question whether, if it had been more elaborately executed--if it had

exhibited all the fret-work and sparkling points which you seem to

conceive necessary to its completion; I question, whether the

popularity of the work would have been even so great as it is, and as

it unquestionably merits to be! A few passionately-smitten literary

antiquaries are not, perhaps, the fittest judges of such a production.

To be generally useful and profitable should be the object of every

author of a similar publication; and as far as candour and liberality

of sentiment, an unaffected and manly style, accompanied with weighty

matter, extensive research, and faithful quotation, render a work

nationally valuable--the work of Dr. Henry, on these grounds, is an

ornament and honour to his country.

PHIL. Yet I wish he had rambled (if you will permit me so to speak) a

little more into book-men and book-anecdotes.

LYSAND. You may indulge this wish very innocently; but, certainly, you

ought not to censure Dr. Henry for the omission of such minutiæ.

LIS. Does he ever quote Clement, De Bure, or Panzer?

LYSAND. Away with such bibliomaniacal frenzy! He quotes solid, useful

and respectable authorities; chiefly our old and most valuable

historians. No writer before him ever did them so much justice, or

displayed a more familiar acquaintance with them.

LIS. Do pray give us, Lysander, some little sketches of

book-characters--which, I admit, did not enter into the plan of Dr.

Henry's excellent work. As I possess the original quarto edition of

this latter, bound in Russia, you will not censure me for a want of

respect towards the author.

PHIL. I second Lisardo's motion; although I fear the evening presses

too hard upon us to admit of much present discussion.

LYSAND. Nothing--(speaking most unaffectedly from my heart) nothing

affords me sincerer pleasure than to do any thing in my power which

may please such cordial friends as yourselves. My pretensions to that

sort of antiquarian _knowledge_, which belongs to the history of

book-collectors, are very poor, as you well know,--they being greatly

eclipsed by my _zeal_ in the same cause. But, as I love my country and

my country's literature, so no conversation or research affords me a

livelier pleasure than that which leads me to become better acquainted

with the ages which have gone by; with the great and good men of old;

who have found the most imperishable monuments of their fame in the

sympathizing hearts of their successors. But I am wandering--

LIS. Go on as you please, dear Lysander; for I have been too much

indebted to your conversation ever to suppose it could diverge into

any thing censoriously irrelevant. Begin where and when you please.

LYSAND. I assure you it is far from my intention to make any formal

exordium, even if I knew the exact object of your request.

PHIL. Tell us all about book-collecting and BIBLIOMANIACS in this

country--

LIS. "Commençez au commençement"--as the French adage is.

LYSAND. In sober truth, you impose upon me a pretty tough task! "One

Thousand and One Nights" would hardly suffice for the execution of it;

and now, already, I see the owl flying across the lawn to take her

station in the neighbouring oak; while even the middle ground of

yonder landscape is veiled in the blue haziness of evening. Come a

short half hour, and who, unless the moon befriend him, can see the

outline of the village church? Thus gradually and imperceptibly, but

thus surely, succeeds age to youth--death to life--eternity to

time!--You see in what sort of mood I am for the performance of my

promise?

LIS. Reserve these meditations for your pillow, dear Lysander: and

now, again I entreat you--"commençez au commençement."

PHIL. Pray make a beginning only: the conclusion shall be reserved, as

a desert, for Lorenzo's dinner to-morrow.

LYSAND. Lest I should be thought coquettish, I will act with you as I

have already done; and endeavour to say something which may gratify

you as before.

It has often struck me my dear friends, continued Lysander--(in a

balanced attitude, and seeming to bring quietly together all his

scattered thoughts upon the subject) it has often struck me that few

things have operated more unfavourably towards the encouragement of

learning, and of book-collecting, than the universal passion for

_chivalry_--which obtained towards the middle ages; while, on the

other hand, a _monastic life_ seems to have excited a love of

retirement, meditation, and reading.[210] I admit readily, that,

considering the long continuance of the monastic orders, and that

almost all intellectual improvement was confined within the cloister,

a very slow and partial progress was made in literature. The system of

education was a poor, stinted, and unproductive one. Nor was it till

after the enterprising activity of Poggio had succeeded in securing a

few precious remains of classical antiquity,[211] that the wretched

indolence of the monastic life began to be diverted from a constant

meditation upon "antiphoners, grailes, and psalters,"[212] towards

subjects of a more generally interesting nature. I am willing to admit

every degree of merit to the manual dexterity of the cloistered

student. I admire his snow-white vellum missals, emblazoned with gold,

and sparkling with carmine and ultramarine blue. By the help of the

microscopic glass, I peruse his diminutive penmanship, executed with

the most astonishing neatness and regularity; and often wish in my

heart that our typographers printed with ink as glossy black as that

which they sometimes used in their writing. I admire all this; and now

and then, for a guinea or two, I purchase a specimen of such

marvellous leger-de-main: but the book, when purchased, is to me a

sealed book. And yet, Philemon, I blame not the individual, but the

age; not the task, but the task-master; for surely the same exquisite

and unrivalled beauty would have been exhibited in copying an ode of

Horace, or a dictum of Quintilian. Still, however, you may say that

the intention, in all this, was pure and meritorious; for that such a

system excited insensibly a love of quiet, domestic order, and

seriousness: while those counsels and regulations which punished a

"Clerk for being a hunter," and restricted "the intercourse of

Concubines,"[213] evinced a spirit of jurisprudence which would have

done justice to any age. Let us allow, then, if you please, that a

love of book-reading, and of book-collecting, was a meritorious trait

in the monastic life; and that we are to look upon old abbies and

convents as the sacred depositories of the literature of past ages.

What can you say in defence of your times of beloved chivalry?

[Footnote 210: As early as the sixth century commenced the

custom, in some monasteries, of copying ancient books and

composing new ones. It was the usual, and even only,

employment of the first monks of Marmoutier. A monastery

without a library was considered as a fort or a camp

deprived of the necessary articles for its defence:

"claustrum sine armario, quasi castrum sine armentario."

Peignot, _Dict. de Bibliolog._, vol. i., 77. I am fearful

that this good old bibliomanical custom of keeping up the

credit of their libraries among the monks had ceased--at

least in the convent of Romsey, in Hampshire--towards the

commencement of the sixteenth century. One would think that

the books had been there disposed of in bartering for

_strong liquors_; for at a visitation by Bishop Fox, held

there in 1506, Joyce Rows, the abbess, is accused of

_immoderate drinking_, especially in the night time; and of

inviting the nuns to her chamber every evening, for the

purpose of these excesses, "post completorium." What is

frightful to add,--"this was a rich convent, and filled with

ladies of the best families." See Warton's cruel note in his

_Life of Sir Thomas Pope_, p. 25, edit. 1772. A

tender-hearted bibliomaniac cannot but feel acutely on

reflecting upon the many beautifully-illuminated vellum

books which were, in all probability, exchanged for these

inebriating gratifications! To balance this unfavourable

account read Hearne's remark about the libraries in ancient

monasteries, in the sixth volume of _Leland's Collectanea_,

p. 86-7, edit. 1774: and especially the anecdotes and

authorities stated by Dr. Henry in book iii., chap, iv.,

sec. 1.]

[Footnote 211: See the first volume of Mr. Roscoe's _Lorenzo

de Medici_; and the Rev. Mr. Shepherd's _Life of Poggio

Bracciolini_.]

[Footnote 212: When Queen Elizabeth deputed a set of

commissioners to examine into the superstitious books

belonging to All-Souls library, there was returned, in the

list of these superstitious works, "eight grailes, seven

antiphoners of parchment and bound." Gutch's _Collectanea

Curiosa_, vol. ii., 276. At page 115, ante, the reader will

find a definition of the word "Antiphoner." He is here

informed that a "gradale" or "grail," is a book which ought

to have in it "the office of sprinkling holy water: the

beginnings of the masses, or the offices of _Kyrie_, with

the verses of _gloria in excelsis_; the _gradales_, or what

is gradually sung after the epistles; the hallelujah and

tracts, the sequences, the creed to be sung at mass, the

offertories, the hymns holy, and Lamb of God, the communion,

&c., which relate to the choir at the singing of a solemn

mass." This is the Rev. J. Lewis's account; _idem opus_,

vol. ii., 168.]

[Footnote 213: "_Of a Clerk that is an Hunter._"

"We ordain that if any clerk be defamed of trespass

committed in forest or park of any man's, and thereof be

lawfully convicted before his ordinary, or do confess it to

him, the diocesan shall make redemption thereof in his

goods, if he have goods after the quality of his fault; and

such redemption shall be assigned to him to whom the loss,

hurt, or injury, is done; but if he have no goods, let his

bishop grievously punish his person according as the fault

requireth, lest through trust to escape punishment they

boldly presume to offend." _Fol._ 86, _rev._: vide _infra_.

(The same prohibition against clergymen being Hunters

appears in a circular letter, or injunctions, by Lee,

Archbishop of York, A.D. 1536. "Item; they shall not be

common _Hunters ne Hawkers_, ne playe at gammes prohibytede,

as dycese and cartes, and such oder." Burnet's _Hist. of the

Reformation_; vol. iii. p. 136, "Collections.")

"_Of the removing of Clerks' Concubines._"

"Although the governors of the church have always laboured

and enforced to drive and chase away from the houses of the

church that rotten contagiousness of pleasant filthiness

with the which the sight and beauty of the church is

grievously spotted and defiled, and yet could never hitherto

bring it to pass, seeing it is of so great a lewd boldness

that it thursteth in unshamefastly without ceasing; we,

therefore," &c. _Fol._ 114, _rect._

"_Of Concubines, that is to say of them that keep

Concubines._"

"How unbecoming it is, and how contrary to the pureness of

Christians, to touch sacred things with lips and hands

polluted, or any to give the laws and praisings of

cleanness, or to present himself in the Lord's temple, when

he is defiled with the spots of lechery, not only the divine

and canonical laws, but also the monitions of secular

princes, hath evidently seen by the judgment of holy

consideration, commanding and enjoining both discreetly and

also wholesomely, shamefacedness unto all Christ's faithful,

and ministers of the holy church." _Fol._ 131, _rect._

_Constitutions Provincialles, and of Otho aud [Transcriber's

Note: and] Octhobone._ Redman's edit. 1534, 12mo. On looking

into Du Pin's _Ecclesiastical History_, vol. ix., p. 58,

edit. 1699, I find that Hugh of Dia, by the ninth canon in

the council of Poictiers, (centy. xi.) ordained "That the

sub-deacons, deacons, and priests, shall have no concubine,

or any other suspicious women in their houses; and that all

those who shall wittingly hear the mass of a priest that

keeps a concubine, or is guilty of simony, shall be

excommunicated."]

PHIL. Shew me in what respect the gallant spirit of an ancient knight

was hostile to the cultivation of the belles-lettres?

LYSAND. Most readily. Look at your old romances, and what is the

system of education--of youthful pursuits--which they in general

inculcate? Intrigue and bloodshed.[214] Examine your favourite new

edition of the _Fabliaux et Contes_ of the middle ages, collected by

Barbazan! However the editor may say that "though some of these pieces

are a little too free, others breathe a spirit of morality and

religion--"[215] the main scope of the poems, taken collectively, is

that which has just been mentioned. But let us come to particulars.

What is there in the _Ordene de Chevalerie_, or _Le Castoiement d'un

Pere à son fils_ (pieces in which one would expect a little

seriousness of youthful instruction), that can possibly excite a love

of reading, book-collecting, or domestic quiet? Again; let us see what

these chivalrous lads do, as soon as they become able-bodied! Nothing

but assault and wound one another. Read concerning your favourite

_Oliver of Castile_,[216] and his half-brother _Arthur_! Or, open

the beautiful volumes of the late interesting translation of

Monstrelet, and what is almost the very first thing which meets your

eye? Why, "an Esquire of Arragon (one of your chivalrous heroes) named

Michel D'Orris, sends a challenge to an English esquire of the same

complexion with himself--and this is the nature of the challenge:

[which I will read from the volume, as it is close at my right hand,

and I have been dipping into it this morning in your absence--]

[Footnote 214: The celebrated LUDOVICUS VIVES has strung

together a whole list of ancient popular romances, calling

them "ungracious books." The following is his saucy

philippic: "Which books but idle men wrote unlearned, and

set all upon filth and viciousness; in whom I wonder what

should delight men, but that vice pleaseth them so much. As

for learning, none is to be looked for in those men, which

saw never so much as a shadow of learning themselves. And

when they tell ought, what delight can be in those things

that be so plain and foolish lies? One killeth twenty by

himself alone, another killeth thirty; another, wounded with

a hundred wounds, and left for dead, riseth up again; and on

the next day, made whole and strong, overcometh two giants,

and then goeth away loaden with gold and silver and precious

stones, mo than a galley would carry away. What madness is

it of folks to have pleasure in these books! Also there is

no wit in them, but a few words of wanton lust; which be

spoken to move her mind with whom they love, if it chance

she be steadfast. And if they be read but for this, the best

were to make books of bawd's crafts, for in other things

what craft can be had of such a maker that is ignorant of

all good craft? Nor I never heard man say that he liked

these books, but those that never touched good

books."--_Instruction of a Christian Woman_, sign. D. 1.

rev., edit. 1593. From the fifth chapter (sufficiently

curious) of "What books be to be read, and what not."]

[Footnote 215: Vol. ii., p. 39, edit. 1808.]

[Footnote 216: "When the king saw that they were puissant

enough for to wield armour at their ease, he gave them

license for to do cry a Justing and Tournament. The which

OLIVER and ARTHUR made for to be cried, that three

aventurous knights should just against all comers, the which

should find them there the first day of the lusty month of

May, in complete harness, for to just against their

adversaries with sharp spears. And the said three champions

should just three days in three colours: that is to wit, in

black, grey and violet--and their shields of the same hue;

and them to find on the third day at the lists. There justed

divers young knights of the king's court: and the justing

was more _asperer_ of those young knights than ever they had

seen any in that country. And, by the report of the ladies,

they did so knightly, every one, that it was not possible

for to do better, as them thought, by their strokes. But,

above all other, OLIVER and ARTHUR (his loyal fellow) had

the _bruit_ and _loos_. The justing endured long: it was

marvel to see the hideous strokes that they dealt; for the

justing had not finished so soon but that the night

_separed_ them. Nevertheless, the adversary party abode

'till the torches were light. But the ladies and

_damoyselles_, that of all the justing time had been there,

were weary, and would depart. Wherefore the justers departed

in likewise, and went and disarmed them for to come to the

banquet or feast. And when that the banquet was finished and

done, the dances began. And there came the king and the

valiant knights of arms, for to enquire of the ladies and

_damoyselles_, who that had best borne him as for that day.

The ladies, which were all of one accord and agreement, said

that Oliver and Arthur had surmounted all the best doers of

that _journey_. And by cause that Oliver and Arthur were

both of one party, and that they could find but little

difference between them of knighthood, they knew not the

which they might sustain. But, in the end, they said that

Arthur had done right valiantly: nevertheless, they said

that Oliver had done best unto their seeming. And therefore

it was concluded that the _pryce_ should be given unto

Oliver, as for the best of them of within. And another noble

knight, of the realm of Algarbe, that came with the queen,

had the pryce of without. When the pryce of the juste that

had been made was brought before Oliver, by two fair

_damoyselles_, he waxed all red, and was ashamed at that

present time; and said that it was of their bounty for to

give him the pryce, and not of his desert: nevertheless, he

received it; and, as it was of custom in guerdoning them, he

kissed them. And soon after they brought the wine and

spices; and then the dances and the feast took an end as for

that night." _Hystorye of Olyuer of Castylle, and of the

fayre Helayne, &c._, 1518, 4to., sign. A. v. vj. This I

suppose to be the passage alluded to by Lysander. The

edition from which it is taken, and of which the title was

barely known to Ames and Herbert, is printed by Wynkyn De

Worde. Mr. Heber's copy of it is at present considered to be

unique. The reader will see some copious extracts from it in

the second volume of the _British Typographical

Antiquities_.]

"First, to enter the lists on foot, each armed in the manner he shall

please, having a dagger and sword attached to any part of his body,

and a battle-axe, with the handle of such length as the challenger

shall fix on. The combat to be as follows: ten strokes of the

battle-axe, without intermission; and when these strokes shall have

been given, and the judge shall cry out 'Ho!' ten cuts with the sword

to be given without intermission or change of armour. When the judge

shall cry out 'Ho!' we will resort to our daggers, and give ten stabs

with them. Should either party lose or drop his weapon, the other may

continue the use of the one in his hand until the judge shall cry out

'Ho!'" &c.[217] A very pretty specimen of honourable combat,

truly!--and a mighty merciful judge who required even more cuts and

thrusts than these (for the combat is to go on) before he cried out

"Ho!" Defend us from such ejaculatory umpires!--

[Footnote 217: See _Monstrelet's Chronicles_, translated by

Thomas Johnes, Esq., vol. i., p. 8, edit. 1809, 4to. Another

elegant and elaborate specimen of the Hafod press; whose

owner will be remembered as long as literature and taste

shall be cultivated in this country.]

LIS. Pray dwell no longer upon such barbarous heroism! We admit that

_Monachism_ may have contributed towards the making of bibliomaniacs

more effectually than _Chivalry_. Now proceed--

These words had hardly escaped Lisardo, when the arrival of my worthy

neighbour NARCOTTUS (who lived by the parsonage house), put a stop to

the discourse. Agreeably to a promise which I had made him three days

before, he came to play a GAME OF CHESS with Philemon; who, on his

part, although a distinguished champion at this head-distracting game,

gave way rather reluctantly to the performance of the promise: for

LYSANDER was now about to enter upon the history of the Bibliomania in

this country. The Chess-board, however was brought out; and down to

the contest the combatants sat--while Lisardo retired to one corner of

the room to examine thoroughly his newly-purchased volumes, and

Lysander took down a prettily executed 8vo. volume upon the Game of

Chess, printed at Cheltenham, about six years ago, and composed "by an

amateur." While we were examining, in this neat work, an account of

the numerous publications upon the Game of Chess, in various countries

and languages, and were expressing our delight in reading anecdotes

about eminent chess players, Lisardo was carefully packing up his

books, as he expected his servant every minute to take them away. The

servant shortly arrived, and upon his expressing his inability to

carry the entire packet--"Here," exclaimed Lisardo, "do you take the

quartos, and follow me; who will march onward with the octavos." This

was no sooner said than our young bibliomaniacal convert gave De Bure,

Gaignat, and La Valliere, a vigorous swing across his shoulders; while

the twenty quarto volumes of Clement and Panzer were piled, like "Ossa

upon Pelion," upon those of his servant--and

"Light of foot, and light of heart"

Lisardo took leave of us 'till the morrow.

Meanwhile, the chess combat continued with unabated spirit. Here

Philemon's king stood pretty firmly guarded by both his knights, one

castle, one bishop, and a body of common soldiers[218]--impenetrable

as the Grecian phalanx, or Roman legion; while his queen had made a

sly sortie to surprise the only surviving knight of Narcottus.

Narcottus, on the other hand, was cautiously collecting his scattered

foot soldiers, and, with two bishops, and two castle-armed elephants,

were meditating a desperate onset to retrieve the disgrace of his lost

queen. An inadvertent remark from Lysander, concerning the antiquity

of the game, attracted the attention of Philemon so much as to throw

him off his guard; while his queen, forgetful of her sex, and

venturing unprotected, like Penthesilea of old, into the thickest of

the fight, was trampled under foot, without mercy,[219] by a huge

elephant, carrying a castle of armed men upon his back. Shouts of

applause, from Narcottus's men, rent the vaulted air; while grief and

consternation possessed the astonished army of Philemon. "Away with

your antiquarian questions," exclaimed the latter, looking sharply at

Lysander: "away with your old editions of the Game of Chess! The

moment is critical; and I fear the day may be lost. Now for desperate

action!" So saying, he bade the King exhort his dismayed subjects. His

Majesty made a spirited oration; and called upon _Sir Launcelot_, the

most distinguished of the two Knights,[220] to be mindful of his own

and of his country's honour: to spare the effusion of blood among his

subjects as much as possible; but rather to place victory or defeat in

the comparative skill of the officers: and, at all events, to rally

round that throne which had conferred such high marks of distinction

upon his ancestors. "I needed not, gracious sire," replied Sir

Launcelot--curbing in his mouth-foaming steed, and fixing his spear in

the rest--"I needed not to be here reminded of your kindness to my

forefathers, or of the necessity of doing every thing, at such a

crisis, beseeming the honour of a true round-table knight.--Yes,

gracious sovereign, I swear to you by the love I bear to THE LADY OF

THE LAKE[221]--by the remembrance of the soft moments we have passed

together in the honey-suckle bowers of her father--by all that an

knight of chivalry is taught to believe the most sacred and binding--I

swear that I will not return this day alive without the laurel of

victory entwined round my brow. Right well do I perceive that deeds

and not words must save us now--let the issue of the combat prove my

valour and allegiance." Upon this, Sir Launcelot clapped spurs to his

horse, and after driving an unprotected Bishop into the midst of the

foot-soldiers, who quickly took him prisoner, he sprang forward, with

a lion-like nimbleness and ferocity, to pick out _Sir Galaad_, the

only remaining knight in the adverse army, to single combat. Sir

Galaad, strong and wary, like the Greenland bear when assailed by the

darts and bullets of our whale-fishing men, marked the fury of Sir

Launcelot's course, and sought rather to present a formidable defence

by calling to aid his elephants, than to meet such a champion

single-handed. A shrill blast from his horn told the danger of his

situation, and the necessity of help. What should now be done? The

unbroken ranks of Philemon's men presented a fearful front to the

advance of the elephants, and the recent capture of a venerable bishop

had made the monarch, on Narcottus's side, justly fearful of risking

the safety of his empire by leaving himself wholly without episcopal

aid. Meanwhile the progress of Sir Launcelot was marked with blood;

and he was of necessity compelled to slaughter a host of common men,

who stood thickly around Sir Galaad, resolved to conquer or die by his

side. At length, as Master Laneham aptly expresses it, "get they

grysly together."[222] The hostile leaders met; there was neither time

nor disposition for parley. Sir Galaad threw his javelin with

well-directed fury; which, flying within an hair's breadth of Sir

Launcelot's shoulder, passed onward, and, grazing the cheek of a foot

soldier, stood quivering in the sand. He then was about to draw his

ponderous sword--but the tremendous spear of Sir Launcelot, whizzing

strongly in the air, passed through his thickly quilted belt, and,

burying itself in his bowels, made Sir Galaad to fall breathless from

his horse. Now might you hear the shouts of victory on one side, and

the groans of the vanquished on the other; or, as old Homer expresses

it,

Victors and vanquished shouts promiscuous rise.

With streams of blood the slippery fields are dyed,

And slaughtered heroes swell the dreadful tide.

_Iliad_ [passim].

[Footnote 218: "Whilst there are strong, able, and active

men of the king's side, to defend his cause, there is no

danger of [this] misfortune." _Letter to the Craftsman on

the Game of Chess_, p. 13.]

[Footnote 219: "When therefore the men of one party attack

those of the other, though their spleen at first may only

seem bent against a _Bishop_, a _Knight_, or an inferior

officer; yet, if successful in their attacks on that servant

of the king, they never stop there: they come afterwards to

think themselves strong enough even to attack _the Queen_,"

&c. _The same_, p. 12.]

[Footnote 220: "_The Knight_ (whose steps, as your

correspondent justly observes, are not of an ordinary kind,

and often surprise men who oppose him) is of great use in

extricating _the King_ out of those difficulties in which

his foes endeavour to entangle him.--He is a man whom a wise

player makes great use of in these exigences, and who

oftenest defeats the shallow schemes and thin artifices of

unskilful antagonists. They must be very bad players who do

not guard against the steps of _the Knight_." _The same_, p.

14.]

[Footnote 221: "The Lady of the Lake; famous in King Arthurz

Book"--says Master Laneham, in his Letter to Master Humfrey

Martin; concerning the entertainment given by Lord Leicester

to Q. Elizabeth at Kenilworth Castle: A.D. 1575, edit. 1784,

p. 12. Yet more famous, I add, in a poem under this express

title, by WALTER SCOTT, 1810.]

[Footnote 222: See the authority (p. 40) quoted in the note

at page 157, ante.]

And, truly, the army of Narcottus seemed wasted with a great

slaughter: yet on neither side, had the monarch been _checked_, so as

to be put in personal danger! "While there is life there is hope,"

said the surviving Bishop[223] on the side of Narcottus: who now

taking upon him the command of the army, and perceiving Sir Launcelot

to be pretty nearly exhausted with fatigue, and wantonly exposing

his person, ordered the men at arms to charge him briskly on all

sides; while his own two castles kept a check upon the remaining

castle, knight, and bishop of the opposite army: also, he exhorted the

king to make a feint, as if about to march onwards. Sir Launcelot, on

perceiving the movement of the monarch, sprang forward to make him a

prisoner; but he was surprised by an elephant in ambuscade, from whose

castle-bearing back a well-shot arrow pierced his corslet, and

inflicted a mortal wound. He fell; but, in falling, he seemed to smile

even sweetly, as he thought upon the noble speech of Sir Bohort[224]

over the dead body of his illustrious ancestor, of the same name; and,

exhorting his gallant men to revenge his fall, he held the handle of

his sword firmly, till his whole frame was stiffened in death. And now

the battle was renewed with equal courage and equal hopes of victory

on both sides: but the loss of the flower of their armies, and

especially of their beloved spouses, had heavily oppressed the adverse

monarchs: who, retiring to a secured spot, bemoaned in secret the

hapless deaths of their queens, and bitterly bewailed that injudicious

law which, of necessity, so much exposed their fair persons, by giving

them such an unlimited power. The fortune of the day, therefore,

remained in the hands of the respective commanders; and if the knight

and bishop, on Philemon's side, had not contested about superiority of

rule, the victory had surely been with Philemon. But the strife of

these commanders threw every thing into confusion. The men, after

being trampled upon by the elephants of Narcottus, left their king

exposed, without the power of being aided by his castle. An error so

fatal was instantly perceived by the bishop of Narcottus's shattered

army; who, like another Ximenes,[225] putting himself at the head of

his forces, and calling upon his men resolutely to march onwards, gave

orders for the elephants to be moved cautiously at a distance, and to

lose no opportunity of making the opposite monarch prisoner. Thus,

while he charged in front, and captured, with his own hands, the

remaining adverse knight, his men kept the adverse bishop from sending

reinforcements; and Philemon's elephant not having an opportunity of

sweeping across the plain to come to the timely aid of the

king,[226] the victory was speedily obtained, for the men upon the

backs of Narcottus's elephants kept up so tremendous a discharge of

arrows that the monarch was left without a single attendant: and, of

necessity, was obliged to submit to the generosity of his captors.

[Footnote 223: "I think _the Bishops_ extremely considerable

throughout the whole game. One quality too they have, which

is peculiar to themselves; this is that, throughout the

whole game, they have a _steadiness_ in their conduct,

superior to men of any other denomination on the board; as

they never change their colour, but always pursue the path

in which they set out." _The same_ (vid. 206-7) p. 20.]

[Footnote 224: This truly chivalrous speech may be seen

extracted in Mr. Burnet's _Specimens of English Prose

Writers_, vol. i., 269. One of Virgil's heroes, to the best

of my recollection, dies serenely upon thinking of his

beloved countrymen:

----dulces moriens reminiscitur Argos!]

[Footnote 225: It is always pleasant to me to make

comparisons with eminent book-patrons, or, if the reader

pleases, bibliomaniacs. CARDINAL XIMENES was the promoter

and patron of the celebrated Complutensian Polyglott Bible;

concerning which I have already submitted some account to

the public in my _Introduction to the Classics_, vol. i.,

pp. 7, 8. His political abilities and personal courage have

been described by Dr. Robertson (in his history of Charles

V.), with his usual ability. We have here only to talk of

him as connected with books. Mallinkrot and Le Long have

both preserved the interesting anecdote which is related by

his first biographer, Alvaro Gomez, concerning the

completion of the forementioned Polyglott. "I have often

heard John Brocarius (says Gomez) son of Arnoldus Brocarius,

who printed the Polyglott, tell his friends that, when his

father had put the finishing stroke to the last volume, he

deputed _him_ to carry it to the Cardinal. John Brocarius

was then a lad; and, having dressed himself in an elegant

suit of clothes, he gravely approached Ximenes, and

delivered the volume into his hands. 'I render thanks to

thee, oh God!' exclaimed the Cardinal, 'that thou hast

protracted my life to the completion of these biblical

labours.' Afterwards, when conversing with his friends,

Ximenes would often observe that the surmounting of the

various difficulties of his political situation did not

afford him half the satisfaction which he experienced from

the finishing of his Polyglott. He died in the year 1517,

not many weeks after the last volume was published." Gomez,

or Gomecius's work "_de rebus gestis, à Francisco Ximenio

Cisnerio Archiepiscopo Complut_," 1569, fol., is a book of

very uncommon occurrence. It is much to be wished that Lord

Holland, or Mr. Southey, would give us a life of this

celebrated political character: as the biographies of

Flechier and Marsolier seem miserably defective, and the

sources of Gomez to have been but partially consulted. But I

must not let slip this opportunity of commemorating the

book-reputation of XIMENES, without making the reader

acquainted with two other singularly scarce and curious

productions of the press, which owe their birth to the

bibliomanical spirit of our Cardinal. I mean the "_Missale

mixtum secundun [Transcriber's Note: secundum] regulum B.

Isidori, dictum Mozarabes, cum præfat._" _A. Ortiz._ Toleti,

1500, fol. and the "_Breviarium, mixtum," &c._ _Mozarabes._

Toleti, 1502, fol.: of the former of which there was a copy

in the Harleian collection; as the ensuing interesting note,

in the catalogue of Lord Harley's books, specifies. I shall

give it without abridgment: "This is the scarcest book in

the whole Harleian collection. At the end of it are the

following words, which deserve to be inserted

here:--Adlaudem Omnipotentis Dei, nec non Virginis Mariæ

Matris ejus, omnium sanctorum sanctarumq; expletum est

Missale mixtum secundum regulam beati Isidori dictum

Mozarabes: maxima cum diligentia perlectum et emendatum, per

Reverendum in utroq; Jure Doctorem Dominum Alfonsum Ortiz,

Canonicum Toletanum. Impressum in regal. civitate Toleti,

Jussu Reverendissimi in Christo Patris Domini D. Francisci

Ximenii, ejusdem civitatis Archiepiscopi. Impensis Nobilis

Melchioris Gorricii Novariensis, per Magistrum Petrum

Hagembach, Almanum, anno salutis nostræ 1500, Die 29o

mensis Januarii." "This is supposed to be the ancient Missal

amended and purged by St. Isidore, archbishop of Sevil, and

ordered by the Council of Toledo to be used in all churches;

every one of which before that time had a missal peculiar to

itself. The Moors afterwards committing great ravages in

Spain, destroying the churches, and throwing every thing

there, both civil and sacred, into confusion, all St.

Isidore's missals, excepting those in the city of Toledo,

were lost. But those were preserved even after the Moors had

made themselves masters of that city; since they left six of

the churches there to the Christians, and granted them the

free exercise of their religion. Alphonsus the Sixth, many

ages afterwards, expelled the Moors from Toledo, and ordered

the Roman missal to be used in those churches where St.

Isidore's missal had been in vogue, ever since the council

above-mentioned. But the people of Toledo insisting that

their missal was drawn up by the most ancient bishops,

revised and corrected by St. Isidore, proved to be the best

by the great number of saints who had followed it, and been

preserved during the whole time of the Moorish government in

Spain, he could not bring his project to bear without great

difficulty. In short, the contest between the Roman and

Toletan missals came to that height that, according to the

genius of the age, it was decided by a single combat,

wherein the champion of the Toletan missal proved

victorious. But King Alphonsus, say some of the Spanish

writers, not being satisfied with this, which he considered

as the effect of chance only, ordered a fast to be

proclaimed, and a great fire to be then made; into which,

after the king and people had prayed fervently to God for

his assistance in this affair, both the missals were thrown;

but the Toletan only escaped the violence of the flames.

This, continue the same authors, made such an impression

upon the king that he permitted the citizens of Toledo to

use their own missal in those churches that had been granted

the Christians by the Moors. However, the copies of this

missal grew afterwards so scarce, that Cardinal Ximenes

found it extremely difficult to meet with one of them: which

induced him to order this impression, and to build a chapel,

in which this service was chanted every day, as it had at

first been by the ancient Christians. But, notwithstanding

this, the copies of the Toletan missal are become now so

exceeding rare that it is at present almost in as much

danger of being buried in oblivion as it was when committed

to the press by Cardinal Ximenes." _Bibl. Harl._, vol. iii.,

p. 117. But let the reader consult the more extended details

of De Bure (_Bibl. Instruct._, vol. i., no. 210, 211),

and De La Serna Santander (_Dict. Chois. Bibliogr. du_ xv.

_Siecle_, part iii., p. 178); also the very valuable notice

of Vogt; _Cat. Libror. Rarior._, p. 591; who mention a fine

copy of the missal and breviary, each struck off UPON

VELLUM, in the collegiate church of St. Ildefonso. If I

recollect rightly, Mr. Edwards informed me that an Italian

Cardinal was in possession of a similar copy of each. This

missal was republished at Rome, with a capital preface and

learned notes, by Lesleus, a Jesuit, in 1755, 4to.: and

Lorenzana, archbishop of Toledo, republished the breviary in

a most splendid manner at Madrid, in 1788. Both these

re-impressions are also scarce. I know not whether the late

king of Spain ever put his design into execution of giving a

new edition of these curious religious volumes; some ancient

MSS. of which had been carefully collated by Burriel.

Consult Osmont's _Dict. Typog._, vol. i., p. 477; _Cat. de

Gaignat_, nos. 179, 180; _Cat. de la Valliere_, nos.

271, 272; _Bibl. Solger._, vol. ii. no. 1280; and _Bibl.

Colbert_, nos. 342, 366. Having expatiated thus much, and

perhaps tediously, about these renowned volumes, let me

introduce to the notice of the heraldic reader the _Coat of

Arms_ of the equally renowned Cardinal--of whose genuine

editions of the Mozarabic Missal and Breviary my eyes were

highly gratified with a sight, in the exquisite library of

Earl Spencer, at Althorp.

[Illustration]]

[Footnote 226: Of the _Tower_ or _Rook_ (or _Elephant_) one

may indeed--to speak in the scripture style--(and properly

speaking, considering its situation) call this piece "the

head stone of the corner." There are two of them; and,

whilst they remain firm, his majesty is ever in safety. The

common enemies, therefore, of them and their king watch

their least motion very narrowly, and try a hundred tricks

to decoy them from the king's side, by feints, false alarms,

stumbling blocks, or any other method that can be contrived

to divert them from their duty. The _same_, p. 15. (vide.

159, ante.)]

Thus ended one of the most memorable chess contests upon record. Not

more stubbornly did the Grecians and Romans upon Troy's plain, or the

English and French upon Egypt's shores, contend for the palm of

victory, than did Philemon and Narcottus compel their respective

forces to signalize themselves in this hard-fought game. To change the

simile for a more homely one; no Northamptonshire hunt was ever more

vigorously kept up; and had it not been (at least so Philemon

thought!) for the inadvertent questions of Lysander, respecting the

antiquity of the amusement, an easy victory would have been obtained

by my guest over my neighbour. Lysander, with his usual politeness,

took all the blame upon himself. Philemon felt, as all chess-combatants

feel upon defeat, peevish and vexed. But the admirably well adapted

conversation of Lysander, and the natural diffidence of Narcottus,

served to smooth Philemon's ruffled plumage; and at length diffused

o'er his countenance his natural glow of good humour.

It was now fast advancing towards midnight; when Narcottus withdrew to

his house, and my guests to their chambers.

To-morrow came; and with the morrow came composure and hilarity in the

countenances of my guests. The defeat of the preceding evening was no

longer thought of; except that Philemon betrayed some little marks of

irritability on Lysander's shewing him the fac-simile wood-cuts of the

pieces and men in Caxton's edition of the game of chess, which are

published in the recent edition of the Typographical Antiquities of

our country.

Lisardo visited us betimes. His countenance, on his entrance gave

indication of vexation and disappointment--as well it might; for, on

his return home the preceding evening, he found the following note

from Lorenzo:--

"My dear Lisardo;

Our friend's visitors, Lysander and Philemon, are coming with their

host to eat old mutton, and drink old sherry, with me to-morrow; and

afterwards to discuss subjects of bibliography. I do not ask you to

join them, because I know your thorough aversion to every thing

connected with such topics. Adieu!

Truly yours,

LORENZO."

"Little," exclaimed Lisardo, "does he know of my conversion. I'll join

you uninvited; and abide by the consequences."

At four o'clock we set off, in company with Lisardo, for Lorenzo's

dinner. I need hardly add that the company of the latter was cordially

welcomed by our host; who, before the course of pastry was cleared

away, proposed a sparkling bumper of Malmsey madeira, to commemorate

his conversion to Bibliomaniacism. By half-past-five we were ushered

into THE LIBRARY, to partake of a costly dessert of rock melons and

Hamburgh grapes, with all their appropriate embellishments of

nectarines and nuts. Massive and curiously cut decanters, filled with

the genuine juice of the grape, strayed backwards and forwards upon

the table: and well-furnished minds, which could not refuse the luxury

of such a feast, made every thing as pleasant as rational pleasure

could be.

LIS. If Lorenzo have not any thing which he may conceive more

interesting to propose, I move that you, good Lysander, now resume the

discussion of a subject which you so pleasantly commenced last night.

PHIL. I rise to second the motion.

LOREN. And I, to give it every support in my power.

LYSAND. There is no resisting such adroitly levelled attacks. Do pray

tell me what it is you wish me to go on with?

PHIL. The history of book-collecting and of book-collectors in this

country.

LIS. The history of BIBLIOMANIA, if you please.

LYSAND. You are madder than the maddest of book-collectors, Lisardo.

But I will gossip away upon the subjects as well as I am able.

I think we left off with an abuse of the anti-bibliomaniacal powers of

chivalry. Let us pursue a more systematic method; and begin, as

Lisardo says, "at the beginning."

In the plan which I may pursue, you must forgive me, my friends, if

you find it desultory and irregular: and, as a proof of the sincerity

of your criticism, I earnestly beg that, like the chivalrous judge, of

whom mention was made last night, you will cry out "_Ho!_" when you

wish me to cease. But where shall we begin? From what period shall we

take up the history of BOOKISM (or, if you please, BIBLIOMANIA) in

this country? Let us pass over those long-bearded gentlemen called the

Druids; for in the various hypotheses which sagacious antiquaries have

advanced upon their beloved _Stone-henge_, none, I believe, are to be

found wherein the traces of a _Library_, in that vast ruin, are

pretended to be discovered. As the Druids were sparing of their

writing,[227] they probably read the more; but whether they carried

their books with them into trees, or made their pillows of them upon

Salisbury-plain, tradition is equally silent. Let us therefore

preserve the same prudent silence, and march on at once into the

seventh, eighth, and ninth centuries; in which the learning of Bede,

Alcuin, Erigena, and Alfred, strikes us with no small degree of

amazement. Yet we must not forget that their predecessor THEODORE,

archbishop of Canterbury, was among the earliest book-collectors in

this country; for he brought over from Rome, not only a number of able

professors, but a valuable collection of books.[228] Such, however,

was the scarcity of the book article, that Benedict Biscop (a founder

of the monastery of Weremouth in Northumberland), a short time

after, made not fewer than five journeys to Rome to purchase books,

and other necessary things for his monastery--for one of which books

our immortal Alfred (a very _Helluo Librorum_! as you will presently

learn) gave afterwards as much land as eight ploughs could

labour.[229] We now proceed to BEDE; whose library I conjecture to

have been both copious and curious. What matin and midnight vigils

must this literary phenomenon have patiently sustained! What a full

and variously furnished mind was his! Read the table of contents of

the eight folio volumes of the Cologne edition[230] of his works, as

given by Dr. Henry in the appendix to the fourth volume of his history

of our own country; and judge, however you may wish that the author

had gone less into abstruse and ponderous subjects, whether it was

barely possible to avoid falling upon such themes, considering the

gross ignorance and strong bias of the age? Before this, perhaps, I

ought slightly to have noticed INA, king of the West Saxons, whose

ideas of the comforts of a monastery, and whose partiality to

_handsome book-binding_, we may gather from a curious passage in

Stow's Chronicle or Annals.[231]

[Footnote 227: Julius Cæsar tells us that they dared not to

commit their laws to writing. _De Bell. Gall._, lib. vi., §

xiii.-xviii.]

[Footnote 228: Dr. Henry's _Hist. of Great Britain_, vol.

iv., p. 12, edit. 1800, 8vo. We shall readily forgive

Theodore's singularity of opinions in respect to some cases

of pharmacy, in which he held it to be "dangerous to perform

bleeding on the fourth day of the moon; because both the

light of the moon and the tides of the sea were then upon

the increase."--We shall readily forgive this, when we think

of his laudable spirit of BIBLIOMANIA.]

[Footnote 229: Dr. Henry says that "This bargain was

concluded by Benedict with the king a little before his

death, A.D. 690; and the book was delivered, and the estate

received by his successor abbot Ceolfred." _Hist. of Great

Britain_, vol. iv., p. 21. There must be some mistake here:

as Alfred was not born till the middle of the ninth century.

_Bed. Hist. Abbat Wermuthien, edit. Smith_, pp. 297-8, is

quoted by Dr. Henry.]

[Footnote 230: 1612, folio. De Bure (_Bibliogr. Instruct._

no. 353) might have just informed us that the Paris and

Basil editions of Bede's works are incomplete: and, at

no. 4444, where he notices the Cambridge edition of

Bede's _Ecclesiastical History_, (1644, fol.) we may add

that a previous English translation of it, by the celebrated

Stapleton, had been printed at Antwerp in 1565, 4to.,

containing some few admirably-well executed wood cuts.

Stapleton's translation has become a scarce book; and, as

almost every copy of it now to be found is in a smeared and

crazy condition, we may judge that it was once popular and

much read.]

[Footnote 231: The passage is partly as follows--"the sayde

king did also erect a chapell of gold and silver (to wit,

garnished) with ornaments and vesselles likewise of golde

and siluer, to the building of the which chappell hee gaue

2640 pounds of siluer, and to the altar 264 pounde of golde,

a chaleis with the patten, tenne pounde of golde, a censar 8

pound, and twenty mancas of golde, two candlesticks, twelue

pound and a halfe of siluer, A KIVER FOR THE GOSPEL BOOKE

TWENTY POUNDS"! &c. This was attached to the monastery of

Glastonbury; which Ina built "in a fenni place out of the

way, to the end the monkes mought so much the more giue

their minds to heauenly things," &c. _Chronicle_, edit.

1615, p. 76.]

We have mentioned ALCUIN: whom Ashmole calls one of the

school-mistresses to France.[232] How incomparably brilliant and

beautifully polished was this great man's mind!--and, withal, what an

enthusiastic bibliomaniac! Read, in particular, his celebrated letter

to Charlemagne, which Dr. Henry has very ably translated; and see, how

zealous he there shews himself to enrich the library of his

archiepiscopal patron with good books and industrious students.[233]

Well might Egbert be proud of his librarian: the first, I believe upon

record, who has composed a catalogue[234] of books in Latin hexameter

verse: and full reluctantly, I ween, did this librarian take leave of

his _Cell_ stored with the choicest volumes--as we may judge from his

pathetic address to it, on quitting England for France! If I recollect

rightly, Mr. Turner's elegant translation[235] of it begins thus:

"O my lov'd cell, sweet dwelling of my soul,

Must I for ever say, dear spot, farewell?"

[Footnote 232: _Theatrum Chemicum_, proleg. sign. A. 3.

rect.]

[Footnote 233: _History of Great Britain_, vol. iv., pp. 32,

86. "Literatorum virorum fautor et Mæcenas habebatur ætate

sua maximus ac doctissimus," says Bale: _Scrip. Brytan.

Illustr._, p. 109, edit. 1559. "Præ cæteris (says Lomeier)

insignem in colligendis illustrium virorum scriptis operam

dedit Egbertus Eboracensis archiepiscopus, &c.: qui

nobilissimam Eboraci bibliothecam instituit, cujus meminit

Alcuinis," &c. _De Bibliothecis_, p. 151. We are here

informed that the archbishop's library, together with the

cathedral of York, were accidentally burnt by fire in the

reign of Stephen.]

[Footnote 234: This curious catalogue is printed by Dr.

Henry, from Gale's _Rer. Anglicar. Scriptor. Vet._, tom. i.,

730. The entire works of Alcuin were printed at Paris, in

1617, folio: and again, at Ratisbon, in 1777, fol., 2 vols.

See Fournier's _Dict. Portat. de Bibliographie_, p. 12. Some

scarce separately-printed treatises of the same great man

are noticed in the first volume of the appendix to Bauer's

_Bibl. Libror. Rarior._, p. 44.]

[Footnote 235: _Anglo-Saxon History_, vol. ii., p. 355,

edit. 1808, 4to.]

Now, don't imagine, my dear Lisardo, that this anguish of heart

proceeded from his leaving behind all the woodbines, and apple-trees,

and singing birds, which were wont to gratify his senses near the

said cell, and which he could readily meet with in another clime!--No,

no: this monody is the genuine language of a bibliomaniac, upon being

compelled to take a long adieu of his choicest _book-treasures_,

stored in some secretly-cut recess of his hermitage; and of which

neither his patron, nor his illustrious predecessor, Bede, had ever

dreamt of the existence of copies! But it is time to think of Johannes

SCOTUS ERIGENA; the most facetious wag of his times, notwithstanding

his sirname of the _Wise_. "While Great Britain (says Bale) was a prey

to intestine wars, our philosopher was travelling quietly abroad

amidst the academic bowers of Greece;"[236] and there I suppose he

acquired, with his knowledge of the Greek language, a taste for

book-collecting and punning.[237] He was in truth a marvellous man; as

we may gather from the eulogy of him by Brucker.[238]

[Footnote 236: Freely translated from his _Script. Brytan.

Illustr._, p. 124.]

[Footnote 237: Scot's celebrated reply to his patron and

admirer, Charles the Bald, was first made a popular story, I

believe, among the "wise speeches" in _Camden's Remaines_,

where it is thus told: "Johannes Erigena, surnamed Scotus, a

man renowned for learning, sitting at the table, in respect

of his learning, with Charles the Bauld, Emperor and King of

France, behaved himselfe as a slovenly scholler, nothing

courtly; whereupon the Emperor asked him merrily, _Quid

interest inter Scotum et Sotum_? (what is there between a

Scot and a Sot?) He merrily, but yet malapertly answered,

'_Mensa_'--(the table): as though the emperor were the Sot

and he the Scot." p. 236. _Roger Hoveden_ is quoted as the

authority; but one would like to know where Hoveden got his

information, if Scotus has not mentioned the anecdote in his

own works? Since Camden's time, this facetious story has

been told by almost every historian and annalist.]

[Footnote 238: _Hist. Philosoph._, tom. 3, 616: as referred

to and quoted by Dr. Henry; whose account of our

book-champion, although less valuable than Mackenzie's, is

exceedingly interesting.]

In his celebrated work upon predestination, he maintained that

"material fire is no part of the torments of the damned;"[239] a very

singular notion in those times of frightful superstition, when the

minds of men were harrowed into despair by descriptions of hell's

torments--and I notice it here merely because I should like to be

informed in what curious book the said John Scotus Erigena acquired

the said notion? Let us now proceed to ALFRED; whose bust, I see,

adorns that department of Lorenzo's library which is devoted to

English History.

[Footnote 239: "He endeavours to prove, in his logical way,

that the torments of the damned are mere privations of the

happiness, or the trouble of being deprived of it; so that,

according to him, material fire is no part of the torments

of the damned; that there is no other fire prepared for them

but the fourth element, through which the bodies of all men

must pass; but that the bodies of the elect are changed into

an ætherial nature, and are not subject to the power of

fire: whereas, on the contrary, the bodies of the wicked are

changed into air, and suffer torments by the fire, because

of their contrary qualities. And for this reason 'tis that

the demons, who had a body of an ætherial nature, were

massed with a body of air, that they might feel the fire."

_Mackenzie's Scottish Writers_: vol. i., 49. All this may be

ingenious enough; of its truth, a future state only will be

the evidence. Very different from that of Scotus is the

language of Gregory Narienzen: "Exit in inferno frigus

insuperabile: ignis inextinguibilis: vermis immortalis:

fetor intollerabilis: tenebræ palpabiles: flagella

cedencium: horrenda visio demonum: desperatio omnium

bonorum." This I gather from the _Speculum Christiani_, fol.

37, printed by Machlinia, in the fifteenth century. The idea

is enlarged, and the picture aggravated, in a great number

of nearly contemporaneous publications, which will be

noticed, in part, hereafter. It is reported that some

sermons are about to be published, in which the personality

of Satan is questioned and denied. Thus having, by the

ingenuity of Scotus, got rid of the fire "which is never

quenched"--and, by means of modern scepticism, of the devil,

who is constantly "seeking whom he may devour," we may go on

comfortably enough, without such awkward checks, in the

commission of every species of folly and crime!]

This great and good man, the boast and the bulwark of his country, was

instructed by his mother, from infancy, in such golden rules of virtue

and good sense that one feels a regret at not knowing more of the

family, early years, and character, of such a parent. As she told him

that "a wise and a good man suffered no part of his time, but what is

necessarily devoted to bodily exercise, to pass in unprofitable

inactivity"--you may be sure that, with such book-propensities as he

felt, Alfred did not fail to make the most of the fleeting hour.

Accordingly we find, from his ancient biographer, that he resolutely

set to work by the aid of his wax tapers,[240] and produced some

very respectable compositions; for which I refer you to Mr. Turner's

excellent account of their author:[241] adding only that Alfred's

translation of Boethius is esteemed his most popular performance.

[Footnote 240: The story of the _wax tapers_ is related both

by Asser and William of Malmesbury, differing a little in

the unessential parts of it. It is this: Alfred commanded

six wax tapers to be made, each 12 inches in length, and of

as many ounces in weight. On these tapers he caused the

inches to be regularly marked; and having found that one

taper burnt just four hours, he committed them to the care

of the keepers of his chapel; who, from time to time gave

him notice how the hours went. But as in windy weather the

tapers were more wasted--to remedy this inconvenience, he

placed them in a kind of lanthorn, there being no glass to

be met with in his dominions. This event is supposed to have

occurred after Alfred had ascended the throne. In his

younger days, Asser tells us that he used to carry about, in

his bosom, day and night, a curiously-written volume of

hours, and psalms, and prayers, which by some are supposed

to have been the composition of Aldhelm. That Alfred had the

highest opinion of Aldhelm, and of his predecessors and

contemporaries, is indisputable; for in his famous letter to

Wulfseg, Bishop of London, he takes a retrospective view of

the times in which they lived, as affording "churches and

monasteries filled with libraries of excellent books in

several languages." It is quite clear, therefore, that our

great Alfred was not a little infected with the

bibliomaniacal disease.]

[Footnote 241: _The History of the Anglo-Saxons_; by Sharon

Turner, F.S.A., 1808, 4to., 2 vols. This is the last and

best edition of a work which places Mr. Turner quite at the

head of those historians who have treated of the age of

Alfred.]

After Alfred, we may just notice his son EDWARD, and his grandson

ATHELSTAN; the former of whom is supposed by Rous[242] (one of the

most credulous of our early historians) to have founded the University

of Cambridge. The latter had probably greater abilities than his

predecessor; and a thousand pities it is that William of Malmesbury

should have been so stern and squeamish as not to give us the

substance of that old book, containing a life of Athelstan--which he

discovered, and supposed to be coeval with the monarch--because,

forsooth, the account was too uniformly flattering! Let me here,

however, refer you to that beautiful translation of a Saxon ode,

written in commemoration of Athelstan's decisive victory over the

Danes of Brunamburg, which Mr. George Ellis has inserted in his

interesting volumes of _Specimens of the Early English Poets_:[243]

and always bear in recollection that this monarch shewed the best

proof of his attachment to books by employing as many learned men as

he could collect together for the purpose of translating the

Scriptures into his native Saxon tongue.

[Footnote 242: Consult _Johannis Rossi Historia Regum

Angliæ; edit. Hearne_, 1745, 8vo., p. 96. This passage has

been faithfully translated by Dr. Henry. But let the lover

of knotty points in ancient matters look into Master Henry

Bynneman's prettily printed impression (A.D. 1568) of _De

Antiquitate Cantabrigiensis Academiæ_, p. 14--where the

antiquity of the University of Cambridge is gravely assigned

to the æra of Gurguntius's reign, A.M. 3588!--Nor must we

rest satisfied with the ingenious temerity of this author's

claims in favour of his beloved Cambridge, until we have

patiently examined Thomas Hearne's edition (A.D. 1720) of

_Thomæ Caii Vindic. Antiquitat. Acad. Oxon._: a work well

deserving of a snug place in the antiquary's cabinet.]

[Footnote 243: Edit. 1803, vol. i., p. 14.]

Let us pass by that extraordinary scholar, courtier, statesman, and

monk--ST. DUNSTAN; by observing only that, as he was even more to

Edgar than Wolsey was to Henry VIII.--so, if there had then been the

same love of literature and progress in civilization which marked the

opening of the sixteenth century, Dunstan would have equalled, if not

eclipsed, Wolsey in the magnificence and utility of his institutions.

How many volumes of legends he gave to the library of Glastonbury, of

which he was once the abbot, or to Canterbury, of which he was

afterwards the Archbishop, I cannot take upon me to guess: as I have

neither of Hearne's three publications[244] relating to Glastonbury in

my humble library.

[Footnote 244: There is an ample Catalogue Raisonné of these

three scarce publications in the first volume of the

_British Bibliographer_. And to supply the deficiency of any

extract from them, in this place, take, kind-hearted reader,

the following--which I have gleaned from Eadmer's account of

St. Dunstan, as incorporated in Wharton's

_Anglia-Sacra_--and which would not have been inserted could

I have discovered any thing in the same relating to

book-presents to Canterbury cathedral.--"Once on a time, the

king went a hunting early on Sunday morning; and requested

the Archbishop to postpone the celebration of the mass till

he returned. About three hours afterwards, Dunstan went into

the cathedral, put on his robes, and waited at the altar in

expectation of the king--where, reclining with his arms in a

devotional posture, he was absorbed in tears and prayers. A

gentle sleep suddenly possessed him; he was snatched up into

heaven; and in a vision associated with a company of angels,

whose harmonious voices, chaunting _Kyrie eleyson, Kyrie

eleyson, Kyrie eleyson_, burst upon his ravished ears! He

afterwards came to himself, and demanded whether or not the

king had arrived? Upon being answered in the negative, he

betook himself again to his prayers, and, after a short

interval, was once more absorbed in celestial extasies, and

heard a loud voice from heaven saying--_Ite, missa est_. He

had no sooner returned thanks to God for the same, when the

king's clerical attendants cried out that his majesty had

arrived, and entreated Dunstan to dispatch the mass. But he,

turning from the altar, declared that the mass had been

already celebrated; and that no other mass should be

performed during that day. Having put off his robes, he

enquired of his attendants into the truth of the

transaction; who told him what had happened. Then, assuming

a magisterial power, he prohibited the king, in future, from

hunting on a Sunday; and taught his disciples the _Kyrie

eleyson_, which he had heard in heaven: hence this

ejaculation, in many places, now obtains as a part of the

mass service." Tom. ii., p. 217. What shall we say to "the

amiable and elegant Eadmer" for this valuable piece of

biographical information?--"The face of things was so

changed by the endeavours of Dunstan, and his master,

Ethelwald, that in a short time learning was generally

restored, and began to flourish. From this period, the

monasteries were the schools and seminaries of almost the

whole clergy, both secular and regular." Collier's _Eccles.

History_, vol. ii., p. 19, col. 2. That Glastonbury had many

and excellent books, vide Hearne's _Antiquities of

Glastonbury_; pp. LXXIV-VII. At Cambridge there is a

catalogue of the MSS. which were in Glastonbury library,

A.D. 1248.]

We may open the eleventh century with CANUTE; upon whose political

talents this is not the place to expatiate: but of whose

bibliomaniacal character the illuminated MS. of _The Four Gospels_ in

the Danish tongue--now in the British Museum, and once this monarch's

own book--leaves not the shadow of a doubt! From Canute we may proceed

to notice that extraordinary literary triumvirate--Ingulph, Lanfranc,

and Anselm. No rational man can hesitate about numbering them among

the very first rate book-collectors of that age. As to INGULPH, let us

only follow him, in his boyhood, in his removal from school to

college: let us fancy we see him, with his _Quatuor Sermones_ on a

Sunday--and his _Cunabula Artis Grammaticæ_[245] on a week day--under

his arm: making his obeisance to Edgitha, the queen of Edward the

Confessor, and introduced by her to William Duke of Normandy! Again,

when he was placed, by this latter at the head of the rich abbey of

Croyland, let us fancy we see him both adding to, and arranging, its

curious library[246]--before he ventured upon writing the history of

the said abbey. From Ingulph we go to LANFRANC; who, in his earlier

years, gratified his book appetites in the quiet and congenial

seclusion of his little favourite abbey in Normandy: where he

afterwards opened a school, the celebrity of which was acknowledged

throughout Europe. From being a pedagogue, let us trace him in his

virtuous career to the primacy of England; and when we read of his

studious and unimpeachable behaviour, as head of the see of

Canterbury,[247] let us acknowledge that a love of books and of mental

cultivation is among the few comforts in this world of which neither

craft nor misfortune can deprive us. To Lanfranc succeeded, in

book-fame and in professional elevation, his disciple ANSELM; who was

"lettered and chaste of his childhood," says Trevisa:[248] but who was

better suited to the cloister than to the primacy. For, although, like

Wulston, Bishop of Worcester, he might have "sung a long mass, and

held him _apayred_ with only the offering of Christian men, and was

holden a clean _mayde_, and did no outrage in drink,"[249] yet in his

intercourse with William II. and Henry I., he involved himself in

ceaseless quarrels; and quitted both his archiepiscopal chair and the

country. His memory, however, is consecrated among the fathers of

scholastic divinity.

[Footnote 245: These were the common school books of the

period.]

[Footnote 246: Though the abbey of Croyland was burnt only

twenty-five years after the conquest, its library then

consisted of 900 volumes, of which 300 were very large. The

lovers of English history and antiquities are much indebted

to Ingulph for his excellent history of the abbey of

Croyland, from its foundation, A.D. 664, to A.D. 1091: into

which he hath introduced much of the general history of the

kingdom, with a variety of curious anecdotes that are no

where else to be found. DR. HENRY: book iii., chap. iv., § 1

and 2. But Ingulph merits a more particular eulogium. The

editors of that stupendous, and in truth, matchless

collection of national history, entitled _Recueil des

Historiens des Gaules_, thus say of him: "Il avoit tout vu

en bon connoisseur, et ce qu'il rapporte, il l'écrit en

homme lettré, judicieux et vrai:" tom. xi., p. xlij. In case

any reader of this note and lover of romance literature

should happen to be unacquainted with the French language, I

will add, from the same respectable authority, that "The

readers of the _Round Table History_ should be informed that

there are many minute and curious descriptions in INGULPH

which throw considerable light upon the history of _Ancient

Chivalry_." Ibid. See too the animated eulogy upon him, at

p. 153, note _a_, of the same volume. These learned editors

have, however, forgotten to notice that the best, and only

perfect, edition of Ingulph's History of Croyland Abbey,

with the continuation of the same, by Peter de Blois and

Edward Abbas, is that which is inserted in the first volume

of Gale's _Rerum Anglicarum Scriptores Veteres_: Oxon, 1684.

(3 vols.)]

[Footnote 247: LANFRANC was obliged, against his will, by

the express command of Abbot Harlein, to take upon him the

archbishopric in the year 1070. He governed that church for

nineteen years together, with a great deal of wisdom and

authority. His largest work is a commentary upon the

Epistles of St. Paul; which is sometimes not very faithfully

quoted by Peter Lombard. His treatise in favour of the real

presence, in opposition to Birenger, is one of his most

remarkable performances. His letters "are short and few, but

contain in them things very remarkable." Du Pin's

_Ecclesiastical History_, vol. xi., p. 12, &c., edit. 1699.]

[Footnote 248: _Polychronicon_, Caxton's edit., sign. 46,

rev.]

[Footnote 249: _Polychronicon._ Caxton's edit., fol. cccvj.

rev. Poor Caxton (towards whom the reader will naturally

conceive I bear some little affection) is thus dragooned

into the list of naughty writers who have ventured to speak

mildly (and justly) of Anselm's memory. "They feign in

another fable that he (Anselm) tare with his teeth Christ's

flesh from his bones, as he hung on the rood, for

withholding the lands of certain bishoprics and abbies:

Polydorus not being ashamed to rehearse it. Somewhere they

call him a red dragon: somewhere a fiery serpent, and a

bloody tyrant; for occupying the fruits of their vacant

benefices about his princely buildings. Thus rail they of

their kings, without either reason or shame, in their

legends of abominable lies: Look Eadmerus, Helinandus,

Vincentius, Matthew of Westminster, Rudborne, Capgrave,

WILLIAM CAXTON, Polydore, and others." This is the language

of master Bale, in his _Actes of Englyshe Votaryes_, pt.

ii., sign. I. vij. rev. Tisdale's edit. No wonder Hearne

says of the author, "erat immoderata

intemperantia."--_Bened. Abbas._, vol. i., præf. p. xx.]

And here you may expect me to notice that curious book-reader and

Collector, GIRALD, _Archbishop of York_, who died just at the close of

the 11th century. Let us fancy we see him, according to Trevisa,[250]

creeping quietly to his garden arbour, and devoting his midnight

vigils to the investigation of that old-fashioned author, Julius

Firmicus; whom Fabricius calls by a name little short of that of an

old woman. It is a pity we know not more of the private studies of

such a bibliomaniac. And equally to be lamented it is that we have not

some more substantial biographical memoirs of that distinguished

bibliomaniac, HERMAN, bishop of Salisbury; a Norman by birth; and who

learnt the art of book-binding and book-illumination, before he had

been brought over into this country by William the Conqueror.[251] (A

character, by the bye, who, however completely hollow were his claims

to the crown of England, can never be reproached with a backwardness

in promoting learned men to the several great offices of church and

state.)

[Footnote 250: "This yere deyd thomas archbisohop of york

and gyralde was archebishop after him; a lecherous man, a

wytch and euyl doer, as the fame tellyth, for under his pyle

whan he deyde in an erber was founde a book of curyous

craftes, the book hight Julius frumeus. In that booke he

radde pryuely in the under tydes, therefor unnethe the

clerkes of his chirche would suffre him be buryed under

heuene without hooly chirche," _Polychronicon: Caxton's

edit._, sign. 43., 4 rect. (fol. cccxlij.) Godwyn says that

"he was laide at the entrance of the church porch." "Bayle

chargeth him (continues he) with sorcery and coniuration,

because, forsooth, that, after his death, there was found in

his chamber a volume of Firmicus: who writ of astrology

indeed, but of coniuration nothing that ever I heard."

_Catalogue of the Bishops of England_, p. 453--edit. 1601.

Concerning Girard's favourite author, consult Fabricius's

_Bibl. Lat.: cura Ernesti_, vol. iii., p. 114, &c., edit.

1773.]

[Footnote 251: Leland tells us that Herman erected "a noble

library at Sailsbury, having got together some of the best

and most ancient works of illustrious authors:" _de

Scriptor. Britan._, vol. i., 174: and Dugdale, according to

Warton (_Monasticon Anglican._; vol. iii., p. 375), says

that "he was so fond of letters that he did not disdain to

bind and illuminate books."]

LOREN. If you proceed thus systematically, my good Lysander, the

morning cock will crow 'ere we arrive at the book-annals even of the

Reformation.

LYSAND. It is true; I am proceeding rather too methodically. And yet I

suppose I should not obtain Lisardo's forgiveness if, in arriving at

the period of HENRY THE SECOND,[252] I did not notice that

extraordinary student and politician, BECKET!

[Footnote 252: I make no apology to the reader for

presenting him with the following original character of our

once highly and justly celebrated monarch, Henry II.--by the

able pen of Trevisa. "This HENRY II. was somewhat reddish,

with large face and breast; and yellow eyen and a dim voice;

and fleshy of body; and took but scarcely of meat and drink:

and for to _alledge_ the fatness, he travailed his body with

business; with hunting, with standing, with wandering: he

was of mean stature, renable of speech, and well y lettered;

noble and _orped_ in knighthood; and wise in counsel and in

battle; and dread and doubtfull destiny; more manly and

courteous to a Knight when he was dead than when he was

alive!" _Polychronicon_, Caxton's edit., fol. cccliij.,

rev.]

LIS. At your peril omit him! I think (although my black-letter reading

be very limited) that Bale, in his _English Votaries_, has a curious

description of this renowned archbishop; whose attachment to books, in

his boyish years, must on all sides be admitted.

LYSAND. You are right. Bale has some extraordinary strokes of

description in his account of this canonized character: but if I can

trust to my memory (which the juice of Lorenzo's nectar, here before

us, may have somewhat impaired), Tyndale[253] has also an equally

animated account of the same--who deserves, notwithstanding his pomp

and haughtiness, to be numbered among the most notorious bibliomaniacs

of his age.

[Footnote 253: We will first amuse ourselves with Bale's

curious account of

"_The fresh and lusty beginnings of_ THOMAS BECKET."