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CELEBRATED TRAVELS AND TRAVELLERS.
THE GREAT EXPLORERS OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
LONDON: GILBERT AND RIVINGTON, PRINTERS, ST. JOHN'S SQUARE.
[Frontispiece: Map of the work which had to be done in the 19th
Century. _Grave par E. Morieu 23, r. de Brea Paris._]
CELEBRATED TRAVELS AND TRAVELLERS.
THE GREAT EXPLORERS OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
BY JULES VERNE.
TRANSLATED BY N. D'ANVERS,
AUTHOR OF "HEROES OF NORTH AFRICAN DISCOVERY," "HEROES OF SOUTH AFRICAN
DISCOVERY," ETC.
WITH 51 ORIGINAL DRAWINGS BY LEON BENETT, AND 57 FAC-SIMILES FROM EARLY
MSS. AND MAPS BY MATTHIS AND MORIEU.
[Illustration: Ship sailing near icebergs.]
London:
SAMPSON LOW, MARSTON, SEARLE, & RIVINGTON,
CROWN BUILDINGS, 188, FLEET STREET.
1881.
[_All rights reserved_.]
TO
DR. G. G. GARDINER,
_I Dedicate this Translation_
WITH SINCERE AND GRATEFUL ESTEEM.
N. D'ANVERS.
HENDON, _Christmas, 1880_.
TRANSLATOR'S NOTE.
In offering the present volume to the English public, the Translator
wishes to thank the Rev. Andrew Carter for the very great assistance
given by him in tracing all quotations from English, German, and other
authors to the original sources, and for his untiring aid in the
verification of disputed spellings, &c.
THE GREAT EXPLORERS OF THE 19TH CENTURY.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS
REPRODUCED IN FAC-SIMILE FROM THE ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS, GIVING THE
SOURCES WHENCE THEY ARE DERIVED.
PART THE FIRST.
PAGE
Map of the work which had to be done in the 19th Century _Frontispiece_
Jerusalem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Map of Egypt, Nubia, and part of Arabia _To face woodcut of Jerusalem_
Portrait of Burckhardt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
"Here is thy grave" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
Merchant of Jeddah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
Shores and boats of the Red Sea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
Map of English India and part of Persia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
Bridge of rope . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
"They were seated according to age" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
Beluchistan warriors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
"A troop of bayaderes came in" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46
Afghan costumes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48
Persian costumes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
"Two soldiers held me" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
"Fifteen Ossetes accompanied me" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
"He beheld the Missouri" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64
Warrior of Java . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65
A kafila of slaves . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
Member of the body-guard of the Sheikh of Bornou . . . . . . . . . 73
Reception of the Mission . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74
Lancer of the army of the Sultan of Begharmi . . . . . . . . . . . 75
Map of Denham and Clapperton's journey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78
Portrait of Clapperton . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
"The caravan met a messenger" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86
"Travelling at a slow pace" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93
View on the banks of the Congo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
Ashantee warrior . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
Rene Caillie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104
"He decamped with all his followers" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105
Caillie crossing the Tankisso . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108
View of part of Timbuctoo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113
Map of Rene Caillie's journey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114
"Laing saw Mount Loma" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122
Lower Course of the Niger (after Lander) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126
Mount Kesa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131
"They were all but upset" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133
Square stool belonging to the King of Bornou . . . . . . . . . . . 133
Map of the Lower Course of the Djoliba, Kouara, Quoora, or Niger
(after Lander) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140
"It was hollowed out of a single tree-trunk" . . . . . . . . . . . 141
View of a Merawe temple . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146
The Second Cataract of the Nile . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147
Temple of Jupiter Ammon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147
"Villages picturesquely perched" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156
Map of the Missouri . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 160
Circassians . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 160
"Excelling in lassoing the wild mustangs" . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164
Map of the Sources of the Mississippi, 1834 . . . . . . . . . . . . 166
View of the Pyramid of Xochicalco . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168
PART THE SECOND.
New Zealanders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178
Coast of Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181
Typical Ainos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183
"In the twinkling of an eye the canoes were empty" . . . . . . . . 188
Interior of a house at Radak . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193
View of Otaheite . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195
One of the guard of the King of the Sandwich Islands . . . . . . . 198
"The village consisted of clean, well-built huts" . . . . . . . . . 204
A Morai at Kayakakoua . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 206
Native of Ualan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213
Sedentary Tchouktchis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217
Warriors of Ombay and Guebeh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 226
Rawak hut on piles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229
The luxuriant vegetation of the Papuan Islands . . . . . . . . . . 230
Map of Australia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 232
A performer of the dances of Montezuma . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233
Ruins of ancient pillars at Tinian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 236
An Australian farm near the Blue Mountains . . . . . . . . . . . . 244
Native Australians . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 246
Berkeley Sound, in the Falkland Islands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 249
The _Mercury_ at anchor in Berkeley Sound . . . . . . . . . . . . . 251
The waterfall of Port Praslin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 255
The wreck of the _Uranie_ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 258
Natives of New Guinea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 266
Meeting with the Chief of Ualan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 270
Natives of Pondicherry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 276
Ancient idols near Pondicherry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 277
Near the Bay of Manilla . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 280
Women of Touron Bay . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 283
Entrance to Sydney Bay . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 290
"Apsley's Waterfall" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 292
Eucalyptus forest of Jervis Bay . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 298
New Guinea hut on piles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 298
New Zealanders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 301
Attack from the natives of Tonga Tabou . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 306
Lofty mountains clothed with dense and gloomy forests . . . . . . . 309
Natives of Vanikoro . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 310
"I merely had the armoury opened" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 316
Reefs off Vanikoro . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 317
Hunting sea-elephants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 322
Map of the Antarctic Regions, showing the routes taken by the
navigators of the 19th Century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 324
"Here congregate flocks of penguins" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 325
Dumont d'Urville . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 330
"Only by getting wet up to their waists" . . . . . . . . . . . . . 333
Anchorage off Port Famine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 337
"The rudder had to be protected" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 345
View of Adelie Land . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 349
Reduced Map of D'Urville's discoveries in the Antarctic Regions . . 349
"Their straight walls rose far above our masts" . . . . . . . . . . 350
Captain John Ross . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 352
Map of Victoria, discovered by James Ross . . . . . . . . . . . . . 355
"Two small sledges were selected" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 359
Esquimaux family . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 361
Map of the Arctic Regions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 364
Rain as a novel phenomenon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 365
Discovery of Victoria Land . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 376
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
FIRST PART.
CHAPTER I.
THE DAWN OF A CENTURY OF DISCOVERY.
PAGE
Slackness of discovery during the struggles of the Republic and
Empire--Seetzen's voyages in Syria and Palestine--Hauran and the
circumnavigation of the Dead Sea--Decapolis--Journey in Arabia--
Burckhardt in Syria--Expeditions in Nubia upon the two branches of
the Nile--Pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina--The English in India--Webb
at the Source of the Ganges--Narrative of a journey in the Punjab--
Christie and Pottinger in Scinde--The same explorers cross
Beluchistan into Persia--Elphinstone in Afghanistan--Persia
according to Gardane, A. Dupre, Morier, Macdonald-Kinneir, Price,
and Ouseley--Guldenstaedt and Klaproth in the Caucasus--Lewis and
Clarke in the Rocky Mountains--Raffles in Sumatra and Java . . . . 3
CHAPTER II.
THE EXPLORATION AND COLONIZATION OF AFRICA.
I.
Peddie and Campbell in the Soudan--Ritchie and Lyon in Fezzan--
Denham, Oudney, and Clapperton in Fezzan, and in the Tibboo
country--Lake Tchad and its tributaries--Kouka and the chief
villages of Bornou--Mandara--A razzia, or raid, in the Fellatah
country--Defeat of the Arabs and death of Boo-Khaloum--Loggan--
Death of Toole--En route for Kano--Death of Oudney--Kano--
Sackatoo--Sultan Bello--Return to Europe . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
II.
Clapperton's second journey--Arrival at Badagry--Yariba and its
capital Katunga--Boussa--Attempts to get at the truth about Mungo
Park's fate--"Nyffe," Yaourie, and Zegzeg--Arrival at Kano--
Disappointments--Death of Clapperton--Return of Lander to the
coast--Tuckey on the Congo--Bowditch in Ashantee--Mollien at the
sources of the Senegal and Gambia--Major Grey--Caillie at
Timbuctoo--Laing at the sources of the Niger--Richard and John
Lander at the mouth of the Niger--Cailliaud and Letorzec in Egypt,
Nubia, and the oasis of Siwah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
CHAPTER III.
THE ORIENTAL SCIENTIFIC MOVEMENT AND AMERICAN DISCOVERIES.
The decipherment of cuneiform inscriptions, and the study of
Assyrian remains up to 1840--Ancient Iran and the Avesta--The
survey of India and the study of Hindustani--The exploration and
measurement of the Himalaya mountains--The Arabian Peninsula--
Syria and Palestine--Central Asia and Alexander von Humboldt--Pike
at the sources of the Mississippi, Arkansas, and Red River--Major
Long's two expeditions--General Cass--Schoolcraft at the sources
of the Mississippi--The exploration of New Mexico--Archaeological
expeditions in Central America--Scientific expeditions in Brazil--
Spix and Martin--Prince Maximilian of Wied-Neuwied--D'Orbigny and
American Man . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149
SECOND PART.
CHAPTER I.
VOYAGES ROUND THE WORLD, AND POLAR EXPEDITIONS.
The Russian fur trade--Kruzenstern appointed to the command of an
expedition--Noukha-Hiva--Nangasaki--Reconnaisance of the coast of
Japan--Yezo--The Ainos--Saghalien--Return to Europe--Otto von
Kotzebue--Stay at Easter Island--Penrhyn--The Radak Archipelago--
Return to Russia--Changes at Otaheite and the Sandwich Islands--
Beechey's Voyage--Easter Island--Pitcairn and the mutineers of the
_Bounty_--The Paumoto Islands--Otaheite and the Sandwich Islands--
The Bonin Islands--Lutke--The Quebradas of Valparaiso--Holy week
in Chili--New Archangel--The Kaloches--Ounalashka--The Caroline
Archipelago--The canoes of the Caroline Islanders--Guam, a desert
island--Beauty and happy situation of the Bonin Islands--The
Tchouktchees: their manners and their conjurors--Return to Russia . 173
CHAPTER II.
FRENCH CIRCUMNAVIGATORS.
The journey of Freycinet--Rio de Janeiro and its gipsy
inhabitants--The Cape and its wines--The Bay of Sharks--Stay at
Timor--Ombay Island and its cannibal inhabitants--The Papuan
Islands--The pile dwellings of the Alfoers--A dinner with the
Governor of Guam--Description of the Marianne Islands and their
inhabitants--Particulars concerning the Sandwich Islands--Port
Jackson and New South Wales--Shipwreck in Berkeley Sound--The
Falkland Islands--Return to France--The voyage of the _Coquille_
under the command of Duperrey--Martin-Vaz and Trinidad--The Island
of St. Catherine--The independence of Brazil--Berkeley Sound and
the remains of the _Uranie_--Stay at Conception--The civil war in
Chili--The Araucanians--Discoveries in the Dangerous Archipelago--
Stay at Otaheite and New Ireland--The Papuans--Stay at Ualan--The
Caroline Islands and their inhabitants--Scientific results of the
expeditions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 220
II.
Expedition of Baron de Bougainville--Stay at Pondicherry--The
"White Town" and the "Black Town"--"Right-hand" and "Left-hand"--
Malacca--Singapore and its prosperity--Stay at Manilla--Touron
Bay--The monkeys and the people--The marble rocks of Faifoh--
Cochin-Chinese diplomacy--The Anambas--The Sultan of Madura--The
straits of Madura and Allas--Cloates and the Triad Islands--
Tasmania--Botany Bay and New South Wales--Santiago and
Valparaiso--Return _via_ Cape Horn--Expedition of Dumont d'Urville
in the _Astrolabe_--The Peak of Teneriffe--Australia--Stay at New
Zealand--Tonga-Tabu--Skirmishes--New Britain and New Guinea--First
news of the fate of La Perouse--Vanikoro and its inhabitants--Stay
at Guam--Amboyna and Menado--Results of the expedition . . . . . . 274
CHAPTER III.
POLAR EXPEDITIONS.
Bellinghausen, yet another Russian Explorer--Discovery of the
islands of Traversay, Peter I., and Alexander I.--The Whaler,
Weddell--The Southern Orkneys--New Shetland--The people of Tierra
del Fuego--John Biscoe and the districts of Enderby and Graham--
Charles Wilkes and the Antarctic Continent--Captain Balleny--
Dumont d'Urville's expedition in the _Astrolabe_ and the _Zelee_--
Coupvent Desbois and the Peak of Teneriffe--The Straits of
Magellan--A new post-office shut in by ice--Louis Philippe's
Land--Across Oceania--Adelie and Clarie Lands--New Guinea and
Torres Strait--Return to France--James Clark Rosset--Victoria . . . 321
II.
THE NORTH POLE.
Anjou and Wrangell--The "polynia"--John Ross's first expedition--
Baffin's Bay closed--Edward Parry's discoveries on his first
voyage--The survey of Hudson's Bay, and the discovery of Fury and
Hecla Straits--Parry's third voyage--Fourth voyage--On the ice in
sledges in the open sea--Franklin's first trip--Incredible
sufferings of the explorers--Second expedition--John Ross--Four
winters amongst the ice--Dease and Simpson's expedition . . . . . . 358
THE GREAT EXPLORERS OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
[Illustration: PART I.]
CHAPTER I.
THE DAWN OF A CENTURY OF DISCOVERY.
Slackness of discovery during the struggles of the Republic and
Empire--Seetzen's voyages in Syria and Palestine--Hauran and the
circumnavigation of the Dead Sea--Decapolis--Journey in Arabia--
Burckhardt in Syria--Expeditions in Nubia upon the two branches of the
Nile--Pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina--The English in India--Webb at the
Source of the Ganges--Narrative of a journey in the Punjab--Christie
and Pottinger in Scinde--The same explorers cross Beluchistan into
Persia--Elphinstone in Afghanistan--Persia according to Gardane, A.
Dupre, Morier, Macdonald-Kinneir, Price, and Ouseley--Guldenstaedt and
Klaproth in the Caucasus--Lewis and Clarke in the Rocky Mountains--
Raffles in Sumatra and Java.
A sensible diminution in geographical discovery marks the close of the
eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth centuries.
We have already noticed the organization of the Expedition sent in
search of La Perouse by the French Republic, and also Captain Baudin's
important cruise along the Australian coasts. These are the only
instances in which the unrestrained passions and fratricidal struggles
of the French nation allowed the government to exhibit interest in
geography, a science which is especially favoured by the French.
At a later period, Bonaparte consulted several savants and
distinguished artists, and the materials for that grand undertaking
which first gave an idea (incomplete though it was) of the ancient
civilization of the land of the Pharaohs, were collected together. But
when Bonaparte had completely given place to Napoleon, the egotistical
monarch, sacrificing all else to his ruling passion for war, would no
longer listen to explorations, voyages, or possible discoveries. They
represented money and men stolen from him; and his expenditure of those
materials was far too great to allow of such futile waste. This was
clearly shown, when he ceded the last remnants of French colonial rule
in America to the United States for a few millions.
Happily other nations were not oppressed by the same iron hand.
Absorbed although they might be in their struggle with France, they
could still find volunteers to extend the range of geographical
science, to establish archaeology upon scientific bases, and to
prosecute linguistic and ethnographical enterprise.
The learned geographer Malte-Brun, in an article published by him in
the "Nouvelles Annales des Voyages" in 1817, gives a minute account of
the condition of French geographical knowledge at the beginning of the
nineteenth century, and of the many desiderata of that science. He
reviews the progress already made in navigation, astronomy, and
languages. The India Company, far from concealing its discoveries, as
jealousy had induced the Hudson Bay Company to do, founded academies,
published memoirs, and encouraged travellers.
War itself was utilized, for the French army gathered a store of
precious material in Egypt. We shall shortly see how emulation spread
among the various nations.
From the commencement of the century, one country has taken the lead in
great discoveries. German explorers have worked so earnestly, and have
proved themselves possessed of will so strong and instinct so sure,
that they have left little for their successors to do beyond verifying
and completing their discoveries.
The first in order of time was Ulric Jasper Seetzen, born in 1767 in
East Friesland; he completed his education at Gottingen, and published
some essays upon statistics and the natural sciences, for which he had
a natural inclination. These publications attracted the attention of
the government, and he was appointed Aulic Councillor in the province
of Tever.
Seetzen's ambition, like that of Burckhardt subsequently, was an
expedition to Central Africa, but he wished previously to make an
exploration of Palestine and Syria, to which countries attention was
shortly to be directed by the "Palestine Association," founded in
London in 1805.
Seetzen did not wait for this period, but in 1802 set out for
Constantinople, furnished with suitable introductions.
Although many pilgrims and travellers had successively visited the Holy
Land and Syria, the vaguest notions about these countries prevailed.
Their physical geography was not determined, details were wanting, and
certain regions, as for example, the Lebanon and the Dead Sea had never
been explored.
Comparative geography did not exist. It has taken the unwearied efforts
of the English Association and the science of travellers in connexion
with it to erect that study into a science. Seetzen, whose studies had
been various, found himself admirably prepared to explore a country
which, often visited, was still in reality new.
Having travelled through Anatolia, Seetzen reached Aleppo in May, 1802.
He remained there a year, devoting himself to the practical study of
the Arabic tongue, making extracts from Eastern historians and
geographers, verifying the astronomical position of Aleppo, prosecuting
his investigations into natural history, collecting manuscripts, and
translating many of those popular songs and legends which are such
valuable aids to the knowledge of a nation.
Seetzen left Aleppo in 1805 for Damascus. His first expedition led him
across the provinces of Hauran and Jaulan, situated to the S.E. of that
town. No traveller had as yet visited these two provinces, which in the
days of Roman dominion had played an important part in the history of
the Jews, under the names of Auranitis and Gaulonitis. Seetzen was the
first to give an idea of their geography.
The enterprising traveller explored the Lebanon and Baalbek. He
prosecuted his discoveries south of Damascus, and entered Judea,
exploring the eastern portion of Hermon, the Jordan, and the Dead Sea.
This was the dwelling-place of those races well known to us in Jewish
history; the Ammonites, Moabites, and Gileadites. At the time of the
Roman conquest, the western portion of this country was known as Perea,
and was the centre of the celebrated Decapolis or confederacy of ten
cities. No modern traveller had visited these regions, a fact
sufficient to induce Seetzen to begin his exploration with them.
His friends at Damascus had tried to dissuade him from the journey, by
picturing the difficulties and danger of a route frequented by
Bedouins; but nothing could stay him. Before visiting the Decapolis
region and investigating the condition of its ruins, Seetzen traversed
a small district, named Ladscha, which bore a bad reputation at
Damascus on account of the Bedouins who occupied it, but which was said
to contain remarkable antiquities.
Leaving Damascus on the 12th of December, 1805, with an Armenian guide
who misled him from the first, Seetzen, having prudently provided
himself with a passport from the Pasha, proceeded from village to
village escorted by an armed attendant.
In a narrative published in the earlier "Annales des Voyages," says the
traveller,--
"That portion of Ladscha which I have seen is, like Hauran, entirely
formed of basalt, often very porous, and in many districts forming vast
stony deserts. The villages, which are mostly in ruins, are built on
the sides of the rocks. The black colour of the basalt, the ruined
houses, the churches and towers fallen into decay, with the total
dearth of trees and verdure, combine to give a sombre aspect to this
country, which strikes one almost with dread. In almost every village
are either Grecian inscriptions, columns, or other remnants of
antiquity; amongst others I copied an inscription of the Emperor Marcus
Aurelius. Here, as in Hauran, the doors were of basalt."
Seetzen had scarcely arrived at the village of Gerasa and enjoyed a
brief rest, before he was surrounded by half a score of mounted men,
who said they had come by order of the vice-governor of Hauran to
arrest him. Their master, Omar Aga, having learned that the traveller
had been seen in the country the preceding year, and imagining his
passports to be forgeries, had sent them to bring him before him.
Resistance was useless. Without allowing himself to be disconcerted by
an incident which he regarded as a simple contretemps, Seetzen
proceeded in the direction of Hauran, where after a day and a half's
journey he met Omar Aga, travelling with the Mecca caravan. The
travellers having received a hearty welcome, departed on the morrow,
but meeting upon his way with many troops of Arabs, upon whom his
demeanour imposed respect, he came to the conclusion that it had been
Omar Aga's intention to have him robbed.
Returning to Damascus, Seetzen had great trouble in finding a guide who
would accompany him in his expedition along the eastern shore of the
Jordan, and around the Dead Sea. At last, a certain Yusuf-al-Milky, a
member of the Greek church, who, for some thirty years, had carried on
traffic with the Arab tribes, and travelled in the provinces which
Seetzen desired to visit, agreed to bear him company.
The two travellers left Damascus on the 19th of January, 1806.
Seetzen's entire baggage consisted of a few clothes, some indispensable
books, paper for drying plants, and an assortment of drugs, necessary
to sustain his assumed character as a physician. He wore the dress of a
sheik of secondary rank.
The districts of Rasheiya and Hasbeiya, at the foot of Mount
Hermon--whose summit at the time was hidden by snow--were the first
explored by Seetzen, for the reason that they were the least known in
Syria.
He then visited Achha, a village inhabited by the Druses, upon the
opposite side of the mountain; Rasheiya, the residence of the Emir; and
Hasbeiya, where he paid a visit to the Greek Bishop of Szur or Szeida,
to whom he carried letters of recommendation. The object which chiefly
attracted his attention in this mountainous district, was an
asphalt-mine, whose produce is there used to protect the vines from
insects.
Leaving Hasbeiya, Seetzen proceeded to Banias, the ancient Casaraea
Philippi, which is now a mere collection of huts. Even if traces of its
fortifications were discoverable, not the smallest remains could be
found of the splendid temple erected by Herod in honour of Augustus.
Ancient authorities hold that the river of Banias is the source of the
Jordan, but in reality that title belongs to the river Hasbany, which
forms the larger branch of the Jordan. Seetzen recognized it, as he
also did the Lake of Merom, or the ancient Samachonitis.
Here he was deserted by his muleteers, whom nothing could induce to
accompany him so far as the bridge of Jisr-Benat-Yakub, and also by his
guide Yusuf, whom he was forced to send by the open road to await his
arrival at Tiberias, while he himself proceeded on foot towards the
celebrated bridge, accompanied by a single Arab attendant.
He, however, found no one at Jisr-Benat-Yakub who was willing to
accompany him along the eastern shore of the Jordan, until a native,
believing him to be a doctor, begged him to go and see his sheik, who
was suffering from ophthalmia, and who lived upon the eastern bank of
the Lake of Tiberias.
Seetzen gladly availed himself of this opportunity; and it was well he
did so, for he was thus enabled to study the Lake of Tiberias and also
the Wady Zemmak at his leisure, not, however, without risk of being
robbed and murdered by his guide. Finally he reached Tiberias, called
by the Arabs Tabaria, where he found Yusuf, who had been waiting for
him for several days.
"The town of Tiberias," says Seetzen, "is situated upon the lake of the
same name. Upon the land side it is surrounded by a good wall of cut
basalt rock, but nevertheless, it scarcely deserves to be called a
town. No trace of its earlier splendour remains, but the ruins of the
more ancient city, which extended to the Thermae, a league to the
eastward, are recognizable.
"The famous Djezar-Pasha caused a bath to be erected above the
principal spring. If these baths were in Europe, they would rival all
those now existing. The valley in which the lake is situated, is so
sheltered, and so warm, that dates, lemon-trees, oranges, and indigo,
flourish there, whilst on the high ground surrounding it, the products
of more temperate climates might be grown."
South-west of the lake are the remains of the ancient city of
Tarichaea. There, between two mountain chains, lies the beautiful plain
of El Ghor, poorly cultivated, and overrun by Arab hordes. No incident
of moment marked Seetzen's journey to Decapolis, during which he was
obliged to dress as a mendicant, to escape the rapacity of the native
tribes.
"Over my shirt" he relates, "I wore an old kambas, or dressing-gown,
and above that a woman's ragged chemise; my head was covered with rags,
and my feet with old sandals. I was protected from cold and wet by an
old ragged 'abbaje,' which I wore across my shoulders, and a stick cut
from a tree served me as a staff; my guide, who was a Greek Christian,
was dressed much in the same style; and together we scoured the country
for some ten days, often hindered in our journey by chilling rains,
which wetted us to the skin. For my part, I travelled an entire day in
the mud with bare feet, because I could not wear my sandals upon sodden
ground."
Draa which he reached a little farther on, presented but a mass of
desert ruins; and no trace of the monuments which rendered it famous in
earlier days, were visible. El-Botthin, the next district, contains
hundreds of caverns, hewn in the rocks, which were occupied by the
ancient inhabitants. It was much the same at Seetzen's visit. That Mkes
was formerly a rich and important city, is proved by its many ruined
tombs and monuments. Seetzen identified it with Gadara, one of the
minor towns of the Decapolis. Some leagues beyond are the ruins of Abil
or Abila. Seetzen's guide, Aoser, refused to go there, being afraid of
the Arabs. The traveller was, therefore, obliged to go alone.
"This town," he says, "is entirely in ruins and abandoned. Not a single
building remains; but its ancient splendour is sufficiently proved by
ruins. Traces of the old fortifications remain, and also many pillars
and arches of marble, basalt, and granite. Beyond the walls, I found a
great number of pillars; two of them were of an extraordinary size.
Hence I concluded that a large temple had formerly existed there."
On leaving El-Botthin, Seetzen entered the district of Edschlun, and
speedily discovered the important ruins of Dscherrasch, which may be
compared with those of Palmyra and Baalbek.
"It is difficult to conjecture," says Seetzen, "how this town, which
was formerly so celebrated, has hitherto escaped the attention of
antiquarians. It is situated in an open plain, which is fertile, and
watered by a river. Several tombs, with fine bas-reliefs arrested my
attention before I entered it; upon one of them, I remarked a Greek
inscription. The walls, which were of cut marble, are entirely crumbled
away, but their length over three quarters of a league, is still
discernible. No private house has been preserved, but I remarked
several public buildings of fine architectural design. I found two
magnificent amphitheatres constructed of solid marble, the columns,
niches, &c., in good condition, a few palaces, and three temples; one
of the latter having a peristyle of twelve large Corinthian pillars, of
which eleven were still erect. In one of these temples I found a fallen
column of the finest polished Egyptian granite. Beside these, I found
one of the city gates, formed of three arches, and ornamented with
pilasters, in good preservation. The finest of the remains is a street
adorned throughout its length with Corinthian columns on either side,
and terminating in a semicircle, which was surrounded by sixty Ionic
columns, all of the choicest marble. This street was crossed by
another, and at the junction of the two, large pedestals of wrought
stone occupied each angle, probably in former times these bore statues.
Much of the pavement was constructed of hewn stone. Altogether I
counted nearly two hundred columns, still in a fair state of
preservation; but the number of these is far exceeded by those which
have fallen into decay, for I saw only half the extent of the town, and
in all probability the other half beyond this was also rich in
remarkable relics."
From Seetzen's description, Dscherrasch would appear to be identical
with the ancient Gerasa, a town which up to that time had been
erroneously placed on the maps.
The traveller crossed Gerka--the Jabok of Jewish history--which forms
the northern boundary of the country of the Ammonites, and penetrated
into the district of El-Belka, formerly a flourishing country, but
which he found uncultivated and barren, with but one small town, Szalt,
formerly known as Amathus. Afterwards Seetzen visited Amman, a town
which, under the name of Philadelphia, is renowned among the
decapolitan cities, and where many antiquities are to be found, Eleal,
an ancient city of the Amorites, Madaba, called Madba in the time of
Moses, Mount Nebo, Diban, Karrak, the country of the Moabites, and the
ruins of Robba, (Rabbath) anciently the royal residence. After much
fatigue, he reached the region situated at the southern extremity of
the Dead Sea, named Gor-es-Sophia.
The heat was extreme, and great salt-plains, where no watercourses
exist, had to be crossed. Upon the 6th of April, Seetzen arrived in
Bethlehem, and soon afterwards at Jerusalem, having suffered greatly
from thirst, but having passed through most interesting countries,
hitherto unvisited by any modern traveller.
[Illustration: Jerusalem.]
[Illustration: Map of Egypt, Nubia, and part of Arabia.]
He had also collected much valuable information respecting the nature
of the waters of the Dead Sea, refuted many false notions, corrected
mistakes upon the most carefully constructed maps, identified several
sites of the ancient Peraea, and established the existence of
numberless ruins, which bore witness to the prosperity of all this
region under the sway of the Roman Empire. Upon the 25th of June, 1806,
Seetzen left Jerusalem, and returned to St. Jean d'Acre by sea.
In an article in the _Revue Germanique_ for 1858, M. Vinen speaks of
his expedition as a veritable journey of discovery. Seetzen, however,
was unwilling to leave his discoveries incomplete. Ten months later, he
again visited the Dead Sea, and added largely to his observations. From
thence he proceeded to Cairo, where he remained for two years, and
bought a large portion of the oriental manuscripts which now enrich the
library of Gotha. He collected many facts about the interior of the
country, choosing instinctively those only which could be amply
substantiated.
Seetzen, with his insatiable thirst for discovery, could not remain
long in repose, far removed from idleness though it was. In April,
1809, he finally left the capital of Egypt, and directed his course
towards Suez and the peninsula of Sinai, which he resolved to explore
before proceeding to Arabia. At this time Arabia was a little-known
country, frequented only by merchants trading in Mocha coffee-beans.
Before Niebuhr's time no scientific expedition for the study of the
geography of the country or the manners and customs of the inhabitants
had been organized.
This expedition owed its formation to Professor Michalis, who was
anxious to obtain information which would throw light on certain
passages in the Bible, and its expenses were defrayed by the generosity
of King Frederick V. of Denmark. It comprised Von Hannen, the
mathematician, Forskaal, the naturalist, a physician named Cramer,
Braurenfeind, the painter, and Niebuhr, the engineer, a company of
learned and scientific men, who thoroughly fulfilled all expectations
founded upon their reputations.
In the course of two years, from 1762 to 1764, they visited Egypt,
Mount Sinai, Jeddah, landed at Loheia, and advancing into Arabia Felix,
explored the country in accordance with the speciality of each man. But
the enterprising travellers succumbed to illness and fatigue, and
Niebuhr alone survived to utilize the observations made by himself and
his companions. His work on the subject is an inexhaustible treasury,
which may be drawn upon in our own day with advantage.
Seetzen, therefore, had much to achieve to eclipse the fame of his
predecessor. He omitted no means of doing so. After publicly professing
the faith of Islam, he embarked at Suez for Mecca, and hoped to enter
that city disguised as a pilgrim. Tor and Jeddah were the places
visited by him before he travelled to the holy city of Mecca. He was
much impressed by the wealth of the faithful and the peculiar
characteristics of that city, which lives for and by the Mahometan
cultus. "I was seized," says the traveller, "with an emotion which I
have never experienced elsewhere."
It is alike unnecessary to dwell upon this portion of the voyage and
upon that relating to the excursion to Medina. Burckhardt's narrative
gives a precise and trustworthy account of those holy places, and
besides, there remain of Seetzen's works only the extracts published in
"Les Annales des Voyages," and in the Correspondence of the Baron de
Zach. The Journal of Seetzen's travels was published in German, and in
a very incomplete manner, only in 1858.
The traveller returned from Medina to Mecca, and devoted himself to a
secret study of the town, with its religious ceremonies, and to taking
astronomical observations, which determined the position of the capital
of Islam.
Seetzen returned to Jeddah on the 23rd March, 1810. He then
re-embarked, with the Arab who had been his guide to Mecca, for
Hodeidah, which is one of the principal ports of Yemen. Passing the
mountainous district of Beith-el-Fakih, where coffee is cultivated,
after a month's delay at Doran on account of illness, Seetzen entered
Sana, the capital of Yemen, which he calls the most beautiful city of
the East, on the 2nd of June. Upon the 22nd of July he reached Aden,
and in November he was at Mecca, whence the last letters received from
him are dated. Upon re-entering Yemen, he, like Niebuhr, was robbed of
his collections and baggage, upon the pretext that he collected
animals, in order to compose a philtre, with the intention of poisoning
the springs.
Seetzen, however, would not quietly submit to be robbed. He started at
once for Sana, intending to lay a complaint before the Iman. This was
in December, 1811. A few days later news of his sudden death arrived at
Taes, and the tidings soon reached the ears of the Europeans who
frequented the Arabian ports.
It is little to the purpose now to inquire upon whom the responsibility
of this death rests--whether upon the Iman or upon those who had
plundered the traveller--but we may well regret that so thorough an
explorer, already familiar with the habits and customs of the Arabs,
was unable to continue his explorations, and that the greater portion
of his diaries and observations have been entirely lost.
"Seetzen," says M. Vivien de Saint Martin, "was the first traveller
since Ludovico Barthema (1503) who visited Mecca, and before his time
no European had even seen the holy city of Medina, consecrated by the
tomb of the Prophet."
From these remarks we gather how invaluable the trustworthy narrative
of this disinterested and well-informed traveller would have been.
Just as an untimely death ended Seetzen's self-imposed mission,
Burckhardt set out upon a similar enterprise, and like him commenced
his long and minute exploration of Arabia by preliminary travel through
Syria.
"It is seldom in the history of science," says M. Vivien de Saint
Martin, "that we see two men of such merit succeed each other in the
same career or rather continue it; for in reality Burckhardt followed
up the traces Seetzen had opened out, and, seconded for a considerable
time by favourable circumstances which enabled him to prosecute his
explorations, he was enabled to add very considerably to the known
discoveries of his predecessor."
Although John Lewis Burckhardt was not English, for he was a native of
Lausanne, he must none the less be classed among the travellers of
Great Britain. It was owing to his relations with Sir Joseph Banks, the
naturalist who had accompanied Cook, and Hamilton, the secretary of the
African Association, who gave him ready and valuable support, that
Burckhardt was enabled to accomplish what he did.
Burckhardt was a deeply learned man. He had passed through the
universities of Leipzic, and Gottingen, where he attended Blumenbach's
lectures, and afterwards through Cambridge, where he studied Arabic. He
started for the East in 1809. To inure himself to the hardships of a
traveller's life, he imposed long fasts upon himself, accustomed
himself to endure thirst, and chose the pavements of London or dusty
roads for a resting-place. But how trifling were these experiences in
comparison with those involved in an apostolate of science!
Leaving London for Syria, where he hoped to perfect his knowledge of
Arabic, Burckhardt intended to proceed to Cairo and to reach Fezzan by
the route formerly opened up by Hornemann. Once arrived in that
country, circumstances must determine his future course.
Burckhardt, having taken the name of Ibrahim-Ibn-Abdallah, intended to
pass as an Indian Mussulman. In order to carry out this disguise, he
had recourse to many expedients. In an obituary notice of him in the
"Annales des Voyages," it is related that when unexpectedly called upon
to speak the Indian language, he immediately had recourse to German. An
Italian dragoman, suspecting him of being a giaour, pulled him by his
beard, thereby offering him the greatest insult possible in his
character of Mussulman. But Burckhardt had so thoroughly entered into
the spirit of his role, that he responded by a vigorous blow, which
sending the unfortunate dragoman spinning to a distance, turned the
laugh against him, and thoroughly convinced the bystanders of the
sincerity of the traveller.
[Illustration: Portrait of Burckhardt. (Fac-simile of early
engraving.)]
Burckhardt remained at Aleppo from September, 1809, to February, 1812,
pursuing his studies of Syrian manners and customs, and of the language
of the country, with but one interruption, a six months' excursion to
Damascus, Palmyra, and the Hauran, a country which had hitherto been
visited by Seetzen only.
It is related that, during an excursion into Gor, a district north of
Aleppo, upon the shores of the Euphrates, the traveller was robbed of
his baggage and stripped of his clothes by a band of robbers. When
nothing remained to him but his trousers, the wife of a chief, who had
not received her share of the spoil, wished to relieve him even of
those indispensable garments!
The _Revue Germanique_ says:--"We owe a great deal of information to
these excursions, respecting a country of which we had only crude
notions, gained from Seetzen's incomplete communications. Burckhardt's
power of close observation detected a number of interesting facts, even
in well-known districts, which had escaped the notice of other
travellers. These materials were published by Colonel Martin William
Leake, himself a geographer, a man of learning, and a distinguished
traveller."
Burckhardt had seen Palmyra and Baalbek, the slopes of Lebanon and the
valley of the Orontes, Lake Huleh, and the sources of the Jordan; he
had discovered many ancient sites; and his observations had led
especially to the discovery of the site of the far-famed Apamoea,
although both he and his publisher were mistaken in their application
of the data obtained. His excursions in the Auranitis were equally
rich, even though coming after Seetzen's, in those geographical and
archaeological details which represent the actual condition of a
country, and throw a light upon the comparative geography of every age.
Leaving Damascus in 1813, Burckhardt visited the Dead Sea, the valley
of Akaba, and the ancient port of Azcongater, districts which in our
own day are traversed by parties of English, with their _Murray_,
_Cook_, or _Baedeker_ in their hands; but which then were only to be
visited at the risk of life. In a lateral valley, the traveller came
upon the ruins of Petra, the ancient capital of Arabia Petraea.
At the end of the year Burckhardt was at Cairo. Judging it best not to
join the caravan which was just starting for Fezzan, he felt a great
inclination to visit Nubia, a country rich in attractions for the
historian, geographer, and archaeologist. Nubia, the cradle of Egyptian
civilization, had only been visited, since the days of the Portuguese
Alvares, by Poncet and Lenoir Duroule, both Frenchmen, at the close of
the seventeenth century, at the opening of the eighteenth by Bruce,
whose narrative had so often been doubted, and by Norden, who had not
penetrated beyond Derr.
In 1813 Burckhardt explored Nubia proper, including Mahass and
Kemijour. This expedition cost him only forty-two francs, a very paltry
sum in comparison with the price involved in the smallest attempt at an
African journey in our own day; but we must not forget that Burckhardt
was content to live upon millet-seed, and that his entire _cortege_
consisted of two dromedaries.
Two Englishmen, Mr. Legh and Mr. Smelt, were travelling in the country
at the same time, scattering gold and presents as they passed, and thus
rendering the visits of their successors costly.
Burckhardt crossed the cataracts of the Nile. "A little farther on,"
says the narrative, "near a place called Djebel-Lamoule, the Arab
guides practise a curious extortion." This is their plan of proceeding.
They halt, descend from their camels, and arrange a little heap of sand
and pebbles, in imitation of a Nubian tomb. This they, call "_preparing
the grave for the traveller_" and follow up the demonstration by an
imperious demand for money. Burckhardt having watched his guide
commence this operation, began quietly to imitate him, and then said,
"Here is thy grave; as we are brothers, it is but fair that we should
be buried together." The Arab could not help laughing, both graves were
simultaneously destroyed, and remounting the camels, the cavalcade
proceeded, better friends than before. The Arab quoted a saying from
the Koran: "No human being knows in what spot of the earth he will find
his grave."
[Illustration: "Here is thy grave."]
Burckhardt had hoped to get as far as Dingola, but was obliged to rest
satisfied with collecting information about the country and the
Mamelukes, who had taken refuge there after the massacre of their army
by order of the viceroy of Egypt.
The attention of the traveller was frequently directed to the ruins of
temples and ancient cities, than which none are more curious than those
of Isambul.
"The temple on the banks of the Nile is approached by an avenue flanked
by six colossal figures, which measure six feet and a half from the
ground to the knees. They are representations of Isis and Osiris, in
various attitudes. The sides and capitals of the pillars are covered
with paintings or hieroglyphic carvings, in which Burckhardt thought a
very ancient style was to be traced. All these are hewn out of the
rock, and the faces appear to have been painted yellow, with black
hair. Two hundred yards from this temple are the ruins of a still
larger monument, consisting of four enormous figures, so deeply buried
in the sand that it is impossible to say whether they are in a standing
or sitting posture."
These descriptions of antiquities, which in our own day are accurately
known by drawings and photographs, have, however, little value for us;
and are merely interesting as indicating the state of the ruins when
Burckhardt visited them, and enabling us to judge how far the
depredations of the Arabs have since changed them.
Burckhardt's first excursion was limited to the borders of the Nile, a
narrow space made up of little valleys, which debouched into the river.
The traveller estimated the population of the country at 100,000,
distributed over a surface of fertile land 450 miles in length, by a
quarter of a mile in width.
"The men," says the narrative, "are, as a rule, muscular, rather
shorter than the Egyptians, having little beard or moustache, usually
merely a pointed beard under the chin. They have a pleasant expression,
are superior to the Egyptians in courage and intelligence, and
naturally inquisitive. They are not thieves. They occasionally pick up
a fortune by dint of hard work, but they have little enterprise. Women
share the same physical advantages, are pretty as a rule, and well
made; their appearance is gentle and pleasing, and they are modest in
behaviour. M. Denon has underrated the Nubians, but it must not be
forgotten that their physique varies in different districts. Where
there is much land to cultivate, they are well developed; but in
districts where arable land is a mere strip, the people diminish in
vigour, and are sometimes walking skeletons."
The whole country groaned under the yoke of the Kashefs, who were
descendants of the commander of the Bosniacs, and paid only a small
annual tribute to Egypt, which, however, was sufficient to serve as a
pretext for oppressing the unfortunate fellaheen. Burckhardt cites a
curious example of the insolence with which the Kashefs behaved.
"Hassan Kashef," he says, was in need of barley for his horses.
Accompanied by his slaves, he walked into the fields, and there met the
owner of a fine plot of barley. "How badly you cultivate your land,"
said he. "Here you plant barley in a field where you might have reaped
an excellent crop of water-melons of double the value. See, here are
some melon-seeds (offering a handful to the peasant proprietor); sow
your field with these; and you, slaves, tear up this bad barley and
bring it to me."
In March, 1814, after a short rest, Burckhardt undertook a fresh
exploration, not this time of the banks of the Nile, but of the Nubian
desert. Justly conceiving poverty to be his surest safe guard, he
dismissed his servant, sold his camel, and contenting himself with one
ass, joined a caravan of poor traders. The caravan started from Daraou,
a village inhabited partly by fellahs and partly by Ababdeh Arabs. The
traveller had good reason to complain of the former, not because they
recognized him as a European, but because they imagined him to be a
Syrian Turk, come to share the commerce in slaves of which they had the
monopoly.
It would be useless to enumerate the names of the bridges, hills, and
valleys in this desert. We will rather summarize the traveller's report
of the physical aspect of the country.
Bruce, who had explored it, paints it in too gloomy colours, and
exaggerates the difficulties of the route. If Burckhardt is to be
credited, the country is less barren than that between Aleppo and
Bagdad, or Damascus and Medina. The Nubian desert is not merely a plain
of sand, where nothing interrupts the dreary monotony. It is
interspersed with rocks, some not less than 300 feet in height, and
shaded by thickets of acacias or date-trees. The shelter of these trees
is, however, unavailing against the vertical rays of the sun, which
explains an Arabic proverb, "Rely upon the favour of the great and the
shade of an acacia."
At Ankheyre, or Wady-Berber, the caravan reached the Nile, after
passing Shigre, one of the best mountain springs. One danger only is to
be feared in crossing the desert; that of finding the wells at Nedjeym
dry; and, unless the traveller should lose his way, which, however,
with trustworthy guides, is little likely to happen, no serious
obstacle arises.
It would appear, therefore, that the sufferings experienced by Bruce
must have been greatly exaggerated, although the narrative of the
Scotch traveller is generally trustworthy. The natives of the province
of Berber appear to be identical with the Barbarins of Bruce, the
Barabas mentioned by D'Anville, and the Barauras spoken of by Poncet.
They are a well-made race, and different in feature from the negroes.
They maintain their purity of descent by marrying only with the women
of their own or of kindred tribes. Curious as is the picture Burckhardt
draws of the character and manners of this tribe, it is not at all
edifying. It would be difficult to convey an idea of the corruption and
degradation of the Berbers. The little town of Wady-Berber, a
commercial centre, the rendezvous for caravans, and a depot for slaves,
is a regular resort of banditti.
Burckhardt, who had trusted to the protection of the merchants of
Daraou, found that he had made a great mistake in so doing. They sought
every means of plundering him, chased him out of their company, and
forced him to seek refuge with the guides and donkey-drivers, who
cordially welcomed him.
Upon the 10th of April a fine was levied upon the caravan by the Mek of
Damer, which lies a little south of the tributary Mogren (called Mareb
by Bruce). This is a well-kept and cleanly Fakir village, which
contrasts agreeably with the ruins and filth of Berber. The Fakirs give
themselves up to the practices of sorcery, magic, and charlatanism. One
of them, it is said, could even make a lamb bleat in the stomach of the
man who had stolen and eaten it! These ignorant people have entire
faith in such fables, and it must be reluctantly admitted that the fact
contributes not a little to the peace of the town and the prosperity of
the country.
From Damer, Burckhardt proceeded to Shendy, where he passed a month,
during which time no one suspected him to be an infidel. Shendy had
grown in importance since Bruce's visit, and now consisted of about a
thousand houses. Considerable trade was carried on--grass, slaves, and
cattle taking the place of specie. The principal marketable commodities
were gum, ivory, gold, and ostrich feathers.
According to Burckhardt, the number of slaves sold yearly at Shendy
amounts to 5000; 2500 of these are for Arabia, 400 for Egypt, 1000 for
Dongola and the districts of the Red Sea.
The traveller employed his time during his stay at Sennaar in
collecting information about that kingdom. Amongst other curious
things, he was told that the king having one day invited the ambassador
of Mehemet Ali to a cavalry review, which he considered rather
formidable, the envoy in his turn begged the king to witness part of
the Turkish artillery exercises. But at the outset of the
performance--at the discharge of two small mounted guns--cavalry,
infantry, spectators, courtiers, and the king himself, fled in terror.
Burckhardt sold his wares, and then, worn out by the persecutions of
the Egyptian merchants who were his companions, he joined the caravan
at Suakin, intending to traverse the unknown district between that town
and Shendy. From Suakin he meant to set out for Mecca, hoping to find
the Hadji useful to him in the realization of his projects.
"The Hadji," he says, "form one powerful body, and every member is
protected, because if one is attacked the whole number take up arms."
The caravan which Burckhardt now joined consisted of 150 merchants and
300 slaves. Two hundred camels were employed to convey heavy bales of
"danmour," a stuff manufactured in Sennaar, and cargoes of tobacco.
The first object of interest to the travellers was the Atbara, a
tributary of the Nile, whose banks, with their verdant trees, were
grateful to the eye after the sandy desert. The course of the river was
followed as far as the fertile district of Taka. During the journey the
white skin of the pretended sheik Ibrahim (it will be remembered that
this was the name assumed by Burckhardt) attracted much attention from
the female population, who were little accustomed to the sight of
Arabs.
"One day," relates the traveller, "a girl of the country, of whom I had
been buying onions, offered to give me an extra quantity if I would
remove my turban, and show her my head. I demanded eight more onions,
which she immediately produced. As I removed my turban, and exposed my
white and close-shaven head to view, she sprang back in horror and
dismay. I asked her jokingly if she would not like a husband with a
similar head, to which she replied with much energy, and many
expressions of disgust, that she would prefer the ugliest slave ever
brought from Darfur."
Just before Goz Radjeh was reached, Burckhardt's attention was
attracted to a building, which he was told was either a church or
temple, the same word having the two meanings. He at once proceeded in
that direction, hoping to examine it, but his companions stopped him,
saying, "It is surrounded by bands of robbers; you cannot go a hundred
steps without danger of attack."
Burckhardt was unable to decide whether it was an Egyptian temple, or a
monument of the empire of Axum.
At last the caravan entered the fertile district of Tak or El Gasch, a
wide watered plain, whose soil is wonderfully fertile, but which for
two months in the year is uninhabited. Grain is plentiful and is sold
in Jeddah for twenty per cent. more than the best Egyptian millet.
The inhabitants, who are called Hadendoa, are treacherous, dishonest,
and bloodthirsty; and their women are almost as degraded as those of
Shendy and Berber.
Upon leaving Taka, the road to Suakin and the shores of the Red Sea lay
over a chain of chalk hills. At Schenterab granite is found. The hills
presented few difficulties, and the caravan reached Suakin in safety
upon the 26th May. But Burckhardt's troubles were not yet at an end.
The Emir and Aga combined to plunder him, and treated him as the lowest
of slaves, until he produced the firman which he had received from
Mehemet Ali and Ibrahim Pasha. This changed the face of affairs.
Instead of being thrown into prison the traveller was invited to the
Aga's, who offered him a present of a young slave. M. Vivien de Saint
Martin writes of this expedition, "This journey of from twenty to
twenty-five days, between the Nile and the Red Sea, was the first ever
undertaken by a European. The observations collected, as to the settled
or nomad tribes of these districts are invaluable for Europe.
Burckhardt's narrative is of increasing interest, and few can compare
with it for instruction and interest."
Upon the 7th of July Burckhardt succeeded in embarking in a boat, and
eleven days later he reached Jeddah, which serves as a harbour to
Mecca. Jeddah is built upon the sea-shore, and is surrounded by a wall,
which, insufficient as it would be against artillery, protects it
perfectly from the attacks of the Wahabees, who have been nicknamed the
"Puritans of Islamism." These people are a distinct sect, who claim to
restore Mahomedanism to its primitive simplicity.
"The entrance to the town, upon the side nearest the sea," says
Burckhardt, "is protected by a battery which overlooks the entire fort,
and is surmounted by one enormous piece of artillery capable of
discharging a five-hundred pound shot, which is so renowned throughout
the Arabian Gulf, that its reputation alone is enough to protect
Jeddah."
The greatest drawback to this city is its want of fresh water, which is
brought from small wells two miles distant. Without gardens,
vegetables, or date-trees, Jeddah, in spite of its population of twelve
or fifteen thousand (a number which is doubled in the pilgrimage
season) presents a strange appearance. The population is the reverse of
autochthonous; it is composed of natives of Hadramaut and Yemen,
Indians from Surat and Bombay, and Malays who come as pilgrims and
settle in the town. Burckhardt introduces many anecdotes of interest
into his account of the manners, mode of living, price of commodities,
and number of traders in the place.
[Illustration: Merchant of Jeddah. (Fac-simile of early engraving.)]
Speaking of the singular customs of the natives of Jeddah, he
says:--"It is the almost universal custom for everybody to swallow a
cup full of ghee or melted butter in the morning. After this they take
coffee, which they regard as a strong tonic; and they are so accustomed
to this habit from their earliest years, that they feel greatly
inconvenienced if they discontinue it. The higher classes are satisfied
with drinking the cup of butter, but the lower classes add another half
cup, which they draw up through the nostrils, imagining that they thus
prevent bad air entering the body by those apertures."
The traveller left Jeddah for Tayf on the 24th of August. The road
winds over mountains and across valleys of romantic beauty and
luxuriant verdure. Burckhardt was taken for an English spy at Tayf,
and, although he was well received by the Pasha, he had no liberty, and
could not carry on his observations.
Tayf, it appears, is famous for the beauty of its gardens; roses and
grapes are sent from it into all the districts of Hedjaz. This town had
a considerable trade, and was very prosperous before it was plundered
by the Wahabees.
[Illustration: Shores and boats of the Red Sea.]
The surveillance to which he was subjected hastened Burckhardt's
departure, and upon the 7th of September he started for Mecca. Well
versed in the study of the Koran, and acquainted with all the practices
of Islamism, he was prepared to act the part of a pilgrim. His first
care was to dress himself in accordance with the law prescribed for the
faithful who enter Mecca--in the "ihram," or pieces of cloth without
seam, one covering the loins, the other thrown over the neck and
shoulders. The pilgrim's first duty is to proceed to the temple,
without waiting even to procure a lodging. This Burckhardt did not fail
to do, observing at the same time the rites and ceremonies prescribed
in such cases, of which he gives many interesting particulars; we
cannot, however, dwell upon them here.
"Mecca," says Burckhardt, "may be called a pretty town. As a rule, the
streets are wider than in most Eastern cities. The houses are lofty and
built of stone; and its numerous windows, opening upon the street, give
it a more cheerful and European aspect than the cities of Egypt or
Syria, whose dwellings generally have few windows on the outside. Every
house has a terrace built of stone, and sloping in such a way as to
allow water to run down the gutters into the street. Low walls with
parapets conceal these terraces; for, as everywhere else in the East,
it is not thought right for a man to appear there; he would be accused
of spying upon the women, who spend much of their time upon the terrace
of the house, engaged in domestic work, drying corn, hanging out linen,
&c."
The only public place in the city is the large court of the Grand
Mosque. Trees are rare; not a garden enlivens the view, and the scene
depends for animation upon the well-stocked shops which abound during
the pilgrimage. With the exception of four or five large houses
belonging to the administration, two colleges, which have since been
converted into warehouses for corn, and the mosque with the few
buildings and colleges connected with it, Mecca can boast of no public
buildings, and cannot compete in this respect with other cities in the
East of the same size.
The streets are unpaved; and as drains are unknown, water collects in
puddles, and the accumulation of mud is inconceivable. For a water
supply the natives trust to heaven, catching the rain in cisterns, for
that obtained from the wells is so foul that it is impossible to drink
it.
In the centre of the town, where the valley widens a little, the mosque
known as Beithou'llah, or El Haram, is situated. This edifice owes its
fame to the Kaaba which is enclosed in it, for other Eastern towns can
boast of mosques equally large and more beautiful. El Haram is situated
in an oblong space, surrounded on the eastern side by a quadruple
colonnade, and by a triple one on the other. The columns are connected
by pointed arches, upon each four stand little domes constructed of
mortar and whitened outside. Some of these columns are of white marble,
granite, or porphyry, but the greater part are of the common stone
found among the mountains of Mecca.
The Kaaba has been so often ruined and restored that no trace of a
remote antiquity remains. It was in existence before this mosque was
built.
The traveller says, "The Kaaba is placed upon an inclined base some two
feet high, and its roof being flat, it presents the appearance at a
little distance of a perfect cube. The only door by which it can be
entered, and which is opened two or three times a year, is on the north
side, about seven feet above the ground, for which reason one cannot
enter except by means of a wooden staircase. The famous 'black stone'
is enshrined at the north-eastern corner of the Kaaba, near the door,
and forms one of the angles of the building four or five feet above the
floor of the court. It is difficult to ascertain the exact nature of
this stone, as its surface has been completely worn and reduced to its
present condition by the kisses and worshipping touches bestowed upon
it by countless millions of pilgrims. The Kaaba is entirely covered
with black silk, which envelopes its sides, leaving the roof exposed.
This veil or curtain is called 'the Kesoua,' and is renewed yearly
during the pilgrimage. It is brought from Cairo, where it is
manufactured at the expense of the Viceroy."
Up to the time of Burckhardt no such detailed account of Mecca and her
sanctuary had been given to the world. For this reason we shall insert
extracts from the original narrative; extracts which might indeed be
multiplied, for they include circumstantial accounts of the sacred
well, called Zemzem, water from which is considered as an infallible
remedy for every complaint. The traveller speaks also of the "Gate of
Salvation," of the Makam Ibrahim, a monument containing the stone upon
which Abraham sat when he was engaged in building the Kaaba, and where
the marks of his knees may still be seen, and of all the buildings
enclosed within the temple precincts.
Judging from Burckhardt's minute and complete description, these spots
still retain their former physiognomy. The same number of pilgrims
chant the same songs; the men only are no longer the same. His accounts
of the feast of the pilgrimage and the holy enthusiasm of the faithful,
are followed by a picture which brings before us, in the most sombre
colours, the effects of this great gathering of men, attracted from
every part of the world.
"The termination of the pilgrimage," he says, "lends a very different
aspect to the mosque. Illness and death, consequent upon the great
fatigues undergone during the voyage, are accelerated by the scanty
covering afforded by the Ihram, the unhealthy dwellings of Mecca, the
bad food, and frequent absolute dearth of provisions. The temple is
filled with corpses brought thither to receive the prayers of the Iman,
or with sick persons who insist upon being carried, as their last hours
approach, to the colonnade, hoping to be saved by the sight of the
Kaaba, or in any case to have the consolation of expiring within the
sacred precincts. One sees poor pilgrims, sinking under illness and
hunger, dragging their weary bodies along the colonnade; and when they
no longer have the strength to stretch out a hand to the passer-by,
they place a little jar beside the mat upon which they are laid, to
receive what charity may bestow upon them. As they feel the last moment
approach, they cover themselves with their ragged clothes, and very
often a day passes before it is ascertained that they are dead."
We will conclude our extracts from Burckhardt's account of Mecca with
his opinion of the inhabitants.
"Although the natives of Mecca possess grand qualities, although they
are pleasant, hospitable, cheerful and proud, they openly transgress
the Koran by drinking, gambling, and smoking. Deceit and perjury are no
longer looked upon as crimes by them; they do not ignore the scandal
such vices bring upon them; but while each individually exclaims
against the corruption of manners, none reform themselves."
Upon the 15th of January, 1815, Burckhardt left Mecca with a caravan of
pilgrims on their way to visit the tomb of the prophet. The journey to
Medina, like that between Mecca and Jeddah, was accomplished at night,
and afforded little opportunity for observation. In the winter
night-travelling is less comfortable than travelling by day. A valley
called Wady-Fatme, but generally known as El-Wadi, was crossed; it
abounded in shrubs and date-trees, and was well cultivated in the
eastern portion. A little beyond it lies the valley of Es-Ssafra, the
market of the neighbouring tribes and celebrated for its plantations of
dates.
The traveller relates that "The groves of date-trees extend for nearly
four miles, and belong to the natives of Ssafra as well as to the
Bedouins of the neighbourhood, who employ labourers to water the
ground, and come themselves to reap the harvest. The date-trees pass
from one person to another in the course of trade; they are sold
separately. A father often receives three date-trees as the price of
the daughter he gives in marriage. They are all planted in deep sand
brought from the middle of the valley, and piled up over their roots;
they ought to be renewed every year, and they are generally swept away
by the torrents. Each little plot is surrounded by a wall of mud or
stone, and the cultivators live in hamlets or isolated cabins among the
trees. The principal stream flows through a grove near the market;
beside it rises a little mosque, shaded by large chestnuts. I had seen
none before in the Hedjaz."
Burckhardt was thirteen days in reaching Medina. But this rather long
journey was not lost time to him; he collected much information about
the Arabs and the Wahabees. At Medina, as at Mecca, the pilgrim's first
duty is to visit the tomb and mosque of Mahomet; but the ceremonies
attending the visit are much easier and shorter, and the traveller
performed them in a quarter of an hour.
Burckhardt's stay at Mecca had already been prejudicial to him. At
Medina he was attacked by intermittent fever, which increased in
violence, and was accompanied by violent sickness. This soon so reduced
him, that he could no longer rise from his carpet without the
assistance of his slave, "a poor fellow who by nature and habit was
more fit to tend camels than to take care of his worn-out and enfeebled
master."
Burckhardt being detained at Medina for more than three months by a
fever, due to bad climate, the detestable quality of the water, and the
prevalence of infectious illnesses, was forced to relinquish his
project of crossing the desert to Akabah, in order to reach Yanibo as
quickly as possible, and from thence embark for Egypt.
"Next to Aleppo," he says, "Medina is the best-built town I have seen
in the East. It is entirely of stone, the houses being generally three
stories high, with flat tops. As they are not whitewashed, and the
stone is brown in colour, the streets, which are very narrow, have
usually a sombre appearance. They are often only two or three paces
wide. At the present time Medina looks desolate enough; the houses are
falling into ruins. Their owners, who formerly derived a considerable
profit from the inroad of pilgrims, find their revenues diminishing, as
the Wahabees forbid visitors to the tomb of the prophet, alleging that
he was but a mere mortal. The possession which places Medina on a par
with Mecca is the Grand Mosque, containing the tomb of Mahomet. This is
smaller than that at Mecca, but is built upon the same plan, in a large
square courtyard, surrounded on all sides by covered galleries, and
having a small building in the centre. The famous tomb, surrounded by
an iron railing painted green, is near the eastern corner. It is of
good workmanship, in imitation of filagree, and interlaced with
inscriptions in copper. Four doors, of which three lead into this
enclosure, are kept constantly shut. Permission to enter is freely
accorded to persons of rank, and others can purchase permission of the
principal eunuchs for about fifteen piasters. In the interior are
hangings which surround the tomb, and are only a few feet from it."
According to the historian of Medina, these hangings cover a square
edifice, built of black stones, and supported upon two columns, in the
interior of which are the sepulchres of Mahomet and his two eldest
disciples, Abou-Bekr and Omar. He also states that these sepulchres are
deep holes, and that the coffin which contains the ashes of Mahomet is
covered with silver, and surmounted by a marble slab with the
inscription, "In the name of God, give him thy pity." The fables which
were spread throughout Europe as to the tomb of the prophet being
suspended in mid air, are unknown in the Hedjaz. The mosque was robbed
of a great part of its treasures by the Wahabees, but there is some
ground for believing that they had been forestalled by the successive
guardians of the tomb.
Many other interesting details of Medina, and its inhabitants,
surroundings, and the haunts of pilgrims, are to be found in
Burckhardt's narrative. But we have given sufficient extracts to induce
the reader who desires further information respecting the manners and
customs of the Arabs, which have not changed, to refer to the book
itself.
Upon the 21st of April, 1815, Burckhardt joined a caravan which
conducted him to Yembo, where the plague was raging. The traveller at
once fell ill and became so weak that it was impossible for him to
resort to a country place. To embark was equally impossible; all the
vessels which were ready to start were crowded with soldiers. He was
compelled to remain eighteen days in the unhealthy little town, before
he could obtain a passage in a small vessel which took him to Cosseir,
and thence to Egypt.
Upon his return to Cairo Burckhardt heard of his father's death. The
traveller's constitution had been sorely tried by illness, and he was
unable to attempt the ascent of Mount Sinai until 1816. The study of
natural history, the publication of his diary, and his correspondence,
occupied him until 1817, at which time he expected to go with a caravan
to Fezzan. Unfortunately he succumbed to a sudden attack of fever, his
last words being, "Write and tell my mother that my last thought was of
her."
Burckhardt was an accomplished traveller; well-informed, exact to
minuteness, patient, courageous, and endowed with an upright and
energetic character. His writings are of great value; the narrative of
his voyage in Arabia--of which he unfortunately could not explore the
interior--is so complete and precise, that owing to it that country was
then better known than many in Europe.
In writing to his father from Cairo on the 13th of March, 1817, he
says, "I have never said a word about what I have seen and met with
that my conscience did not entirely justify; I did not expose myself to
so much danger in order to write a romance!"
The explorers who have succeeded him in the same countries unanimously
testify to his exactness, and agree in praising his fidelity,
knowledge, and sagacity.
"Few travellers," says the _Revue Germanique_, "have enjoyed in a like
degree the faculty of observation. That is a rare gift of nature, like
all eminent qualities. He possessed a sort of intuition which discerned
the truth, apart from his own observations, and thus information given
by him from hearsay has a value that seldom attaches to statements of
that nature. His mind, early ripened by reflection and study (he was
but in his thirty-third year at the time of his death), invariably went
straight to the point. His narrative, always sober, is filled--one may
say--rather with things than words; yet his narratives possess infinite
charm; one admires the man in them as much as the savant and observer."
While the Biblical countries occupied the attention of Seetzen and
Burckhardt, India, the birthplace of most of the European languages,
was about to command the attention of students of language, literature,
and religion, as well as of geography. For the present our concern is
with those problems of physical geography, which the conquests and
studies of the India Company were about to solve by degrees.
In a preceding volume we have related how the Portuguese rule was
established in India. The union of Portugal with Spain, in 1599, led to
the fall of the Portuguese colonies, which came into the possession of
the English and Dutch. England soon afterwards granted a monopoly of
the commerce of India to a Company which was destined to play an
important part in history.
At this time Akbar, the great Mogul emperor, the seventh descendant of
Timour Leng, had established a vast empire in Hindustan and Bengal,
upon the ruins of the Rajpoot kingdoms. Owing to the personal qualities
of Akbar, which had gained for him the surname of the Benefactor of
Man, that empire was at the height of its glory. The same brilliant
course was pursued by Shah Jehan; but Akbar's grandson, Aurung Zeb,
inspired by an insatiable ambition, assassinated his brothers,
imprisoned his father, and seized the reins of government. While the
Mogul Empire was in the enjoyment of profound peace, a clever
adventurer laid the foundations of the Mahratta Empire. The religious
intolerance of Aurung Zeb, and his crafty policy, led to the
insurrection of the Rajpoots, and a struggle, which by draining the
resources of the empire, shook his power. The death of the great
usurper was followed by the decadence of the empire.
Up to this period the India Company had been unable to add to the
narrow strip of territory which they possessed at the ports, but it was
now to benefit by the conflict between the nabobs and rajahs of
Hindustan. It was not, however, until after the taking of Madras, in
1746, by La Bourdonnais, and the struggle against Dupleix, that the
influence and dominion of the English Company was materially increased.
The crafty policy of Clive and Hastings, the English Governors, who
successively employed force, stratagem, and bribery, to attain their
ends, laid the foundation of British greatness in India, and, at the
close of the last century, the Company were possessors of an immense
extent of country, with no less than sixty millions of inhabitants.
Their territory included Bengal, Behar, the provinces of Benares,
Madras, and the Sircars. Tippoo Saib alone, the Sultan of Mysore,
struggled against the English encroachments, but he was unable to hold
out against the coalition formed against him by the skill of Colonel
Wellesley. When rid of their formidable enemies, the Company overcame
such opposition as remained by pensions; and, under the pretext of
protection, imposed upon the rajahs an English garrison which was
maintained at their expense.
One would imagine from all this that the English rule was detested; but
that is not the case. The Company, recognizing the rights of
individuals, did not attempt to change the religion, laws, or customs
of their subjects. Neither is it surprising that travellers, even when
they ventured into districts which, properly speaking, did not belong
to Great Britain, incurred but little danger. In fact, so soon as the
East India Company was free from political embarrassments, it
encouraged explorers throughout its vast domains. At the same time
travellers were despatched to the neighbouring territories to collect
observations, and we propose rapidly to review those expeditions.
[Illustration: Map of English India and part of Persia. Grave par E.
Morieu.]
One of the first and most curious was that of Webb to the sources of
the Ganges, a river concerning which uncertain and contradictory
opinions prevailed. The Government of Bengal, recognizing the great
importance of the Ganges in the interests of commerce, organized an
expedition, of which Messrs. Webb, Roper, and Hearsay, formed part.
They were to be accompanied by Sepoys, native servants, and
interpreters.
The expedition reached Herdouar, a small village on the left of the
river, upon the 1st of April, 1808. The situation of this village, at
the entrance of the fertile plains of Hindustan, had caused it to be
much frequented by pilgrims, and it was at this spot that purifications
in the waters of the holy river took place during the hot season.
As every pilgrimage implies the sale of relics, Herdouar was the centre
of an important market, where horses, camels, antimony, asafoetida,
dried fruits, shawls, arrows, muslins, cotton and woollen goods from
the Punjab, Cabulistan, and Cashmere, were to be had. Slaves, too, were
to be bought there from three to thirty years of age, at prices varying
from 10 to 150 rupees. This fair, where such different races,
languages, and costumes were to be met with, presented a curious
spectacle.
Upon the 12th of April the English expedition set out for Gangautri,
following a road planted with white mulberries and figs, as far as
Gourondar. A little farther on water-mills of simple construction were
at work, upon the banks of streams shaded with willows and
raspberry-trees. The soil was fertile, but the tyranny of the
Government prevented the natives from making the best of it.
The route soon became mountainous, but peach, apricot, nut, and other
European trees abounded, and at length the expedition found themselves
in the midst of a chain of mountains, which appeared to belong to the
Himalaya range.
The Baghirati, which is known further on as the Ganges, was met with at
the end of a pass. To the left, the river is bounded by high, almost
barren mountains; to the right stretches a fertile valley. At the
village of Tchiavli, the poppy is largely cultivated for the
preparation of opium; here, owing probably, to the bad quality of the
water, all the peasants suffer from wens.
At Djosvara the travellers had to cross a bridge of rope, called a
"djorila." This was a strange and perilous structure.
"On either side of the river," says Webb, "two strong poles are driven
in, at a distance of two feet from each other, and across them is
placed another piece of wood. To this is attached a dozen or more thick
ropes, which are held down upon the ground by large heaps of wood. They
are divided into two packets, about a foot apart; Blow hangs a ladder
of rope knotted to one of these, which answers instead of a parapet.
The flooring of the bridge is composed of small branches of trees,
placed at intervals of two and a half, or three feet from each other.
As these are generally slender, they seem as if they were on the point
of breaking every moment, which naturally induces the traveller to
depend upon the support of the ropes which form the parapet, and to
keep them constantly under their arms. The first step taken upon so
shaky a structure is sufficient to cause giddiness, for the action of
walking makes it swing to either side, and the noise of the torrent
over which it is suspended is not reassuring. Moreover the bridge is so
narrow, that if two persons meet upon it, one must draw completely to
the side to make room for the other."
[Illustration: Bridge of rope.]
The expedition afterwards passed through the town of Baharat, where but
few of the houses have been rebuilt since the earthquake of 1803. This
locality has always enjoyed a certain importance from the fact that a
market is held there, and also on account of the difficulty of
obtaining provisions in the towns higher up, as well as from its
central position. The routes to Jemauhi, Kedar, Nath, and Sirinagur all
meet there.
Beyond Batheri the road became so bad that the travellers were obliged
to abandon their baggage. There was a mere path-track by the edge of
precipices, amid debris of stones and rocks; and the attempt to proceed
was soon relinquished.
Devaprayaga is situated at the junction of the Baghirati, and the
Aluknanda. The first, coming from the north, hurries along with noise
and impetuosity; the second, broader, deeper, and more tranquil, rises
no less than forty-six feet above its ordinary level in the rainy
season. The junction of these two rivers forms the Ganges, and is a
sacred spot from which the Brahmins draw considerable profit, as they
have arranged pools there, where for a certain price pilgrims can
perform their ablutions without danger of being carried away by the
current.
The Aluknanda was crossed by means of a running bridge, or "Dindla,"
which is thus described:--
"This bridge consists of three or four large ropes fixed upon either
bank, and upon these a small seat some eighteen inches square is slung
by means of hoops at either end. Upon this seat the traveller takes his
place, and is drawn from one side of the river to the other by a rope
pulled by the man upon the opposite bank."
The expedition reached Sirinagur upon the 13th of May. The curiosity of
the inhabitants had been so much excited that the magistrates sent a
message to the English begging them to march through the town.
Sirinagur, which had been visited by Colonel Hardwick in 1796, had been
almost completely destroyed by the earthquake of 1803, and had in the
same year been conquered by the Gorkhalis. Here Webb was joined by the
emissaries whom he had sent to Gangautri by the route which he himself
had been unable to follow, and who had visited the source of the
Ganges.
"A large rock," he says, "on either side of which water flows, and
which is very shallow, roughly resembles the body and mouth of a cow. A
cavity at one end of its surface gave rise to its name of Gaoumokhi,
the mouth of the cow, who, by its fancied resemblance, is popularly
supposed to vomit the water of the sacred river. A little farther on,
advance is impossible, a mountain as steep as a wall rises in front;
the Ganges appeared to issue from the snow, which lay at its feet; the
valley terminated here. No one has ever gone any farther."
The expedition returned by a different route. It met with the
tributaries of the Ganges, and of the Keli Ganga, or Mandacni, rivers
rising in the Mountains of Kerdar. Immense flocks of goats and sheep
laden with grain were met with, numbers of defiles crossed, and after
passing the towns of Badrinath and Manah the expedition finally reached
the cascade of Barson, in the midst of heavy snow and intense cold.
"This," says Webb's narrative, "is the goal of the devotions of the
pilgrims. Some of them come here to be sprinkled by the sacred spray of
the cascade. At this spot the course of the Aluknanda may be traced as
far as the south-western extremity of the valley, but its source is
hidden under heaps of snow, which have probably been accumulating for
centuries."
Webb furnishes some details respecting the women of Manah. They wore
necklaces, earrings, and gold and silver ornaments, which were scarcely
in keeping with their coarse attire. Some of the children wore
necklaces and bracelets of silver to the value of six hundred rupees.
In winter, this town, which does a great trade with Thibet, is
completely buried in snow, and the natives take refuge in neighbouring
towns.
The expedition visited the temple at Badrinath, which is far-famed for
its sanctity. Neither its internal nor external structure or appearance
give any idea of the immense sums which are expended upon it. It is one
of the oldest and most venerated sanctuaries of India. Ablutions are
performed there in reservoirs fed with very warm sulphureous water.
"There are," says the narrative, "a great number of hot springs, each
having their special name and virtue, and from all of them doubtless
the Brahmins derive profit. For this reason, the poor pilgrim, as he
gets through the requisite ablutions, finds his purse diminish with the
number of his sins, and the many tolls exacted from him upon the road
to paradise might induce him to consider the narrow way by no means the
least expensive one. This temple possesses seven hundred villages,
which have either been ceded to it by government, given as security for
loans, or bought by private individuals and given as offerings."
The expedition reached Djosimah on the 1st of June. There the Brahmin
who acted as guide received orders from the government of Nepaul, to
conduct the travellers back immediately to the territories of the
Company. The government had discovered, a little late it must be
admitted, that the English explorations had a political as well as a
geographical significance. A month afterwards, Webb and his companions
entered Delhi, having definitely settled the course of the Ganges, and
ascertained the sources of the Baghirati and Aluknanda; in fact, having
attained the object which the Company had had in view.
In 1808, the English government decided upon sending a new mission to
the Punjab, then under the dominion of Runjeet Sing. The anonymous
narrative of this expedition published in the "Annales des Voyages"
offers some particulars of interest, from which we will extract a few.
Upon the 6th of April, 1808, an English officer, in charge of the
expedition, reached Herdonai, which he represents as the rendezvous of
a million individuals at the time of the yearly fair. At Boria, which
is situated between the Jumna and the Sutlej, the traveller was an
object of much curiosity to the women, who begged permission to come
and see him.
"Their looks and gestures," says the narrative, "sufficiently expressed
their surprise. They approached me laughing heartily, the colour of my
face amused them extremely. They addressed many questions to me, asking
me whether I never wore a hat, whether I exposed my face to the sun,
whether I remained continually shut up, or only walked out under
shelter, and whether I slept upon the table placed in my tent, although
my bed occupied one side of it; the curtains were, however, closed.
They then examined it in detail, together with the lining of my tent
and everything belonging to it. These women were all good-looking, with
mild and regular features, their complexion was olive, and contrasted
agreeably with their white and even teeth, which are a distinguishing
feature of all the inhabitants of the Punjab."
Mustafabad, Mulana, and Umballa were visited in succession by the
British officer. The country through which he passed was inhabited by
Sikhs, a race remarkable for benevolence, hospitality, and
truthfulness. The author of the narrative is of opinion that they are
the finest race of men in India. Puttiala, Makeonara, Fegonara,
Oudamitta, which Lord Lake entered in 1805 in his pursuit of a Mahratta
chief, and finally Amritsur were stages easily passed.
Amritsur is better built than the generality of towns in Hindustan. It
is the largest depot of shawls and saffron as well as other articles of
Deccan merchandise. The traveller says:--
"Upon the 14th, having put white shoes on my feet, I paid a visit to
the Amritsur or reservoir of the elixir of immortality from whence the
city derives its name. It is a reservoir of about 135 feet square,
built of brick, and in the centre is a pretty temple dedicated to
Gourogovind Sing. A footpath leads to it; it is decorated both within
and without, and the rajah often adds to its stores by gifts of
ornaments. In this sacred receptacle, the book of the laws, written by
Gouron in the 'gourou moukhtis' character, is placed. This temple is
called Hermendel, or the Dwelling of God. Some 600 priests are attached
to its service, and comfortable dwellings are provided for them out of
the voluntary contributions of the devotees who visit the temple.
Although the priests are regarded with infinite respect, they are not
absolutely free from vice. When they have money, they spend it as
freely as they have gained it. The number of pretty women who daily
repair to the temple is very great. They far excel the women of the
inferior classes in Hindustan in the elegance of their manners, their
fine proportions, and handsome features."
Lahore was next visited by the officer. It is interesting to know what
remained of that fine city at the commencement of the present century.
The narrative says:--
"Its very high walls are ornamented externally with all the profusion
of Eastern taste, but they are falling into ruins, as are also the
mosques and houses inside the town. Time has laid its destructive hand
upon this city, as upon Delhi and Agra. The ruins of Lahore are already
as extensive as those of that ancient capital."
Three days after his arrival the traveller was received with great
politeness by Runjeet Sing, who conversed with him, principally upon
military topics. The rajah was then twenty-seven years of age. His
countenance would have been pleasant, had not the small-pox deprived
him of one eye; his manners were simple, affable, and yet kingly. After
paying visits to the tomb of Shah Jehan, to the Schalamar, and other
monuments at Lahore, the officer returned to Delhi and the possessions
of the Company. To his visit was due that better knowledge of the
country which could not fail to tempt the ambition of the English
Government.
The following year (1809), an embassy, consisting of Messrs. Nicholas
Hankey Smith, Henry Ellis, Robert Taylor, and Henry Pottinger, was sent
to the Emirs of Scinde. The escort was commanded by Captain Charles
Christie.
The mission was transported to Keratchy by boat. The governor of that
fort refused to allow the embassy to disembark, without instructions
from the emirs. An interchange of correspondence ensued, as a result of
which the envoy, Smith, drew attention to certain improprieties
relating to the title and respective rank of the Governor-General and
the emirs. The governor excused himself upon the ground of his
ignorance of the Persian language, and said, that not wishing a cause
of misunderstanding to exist, he was quite ready to kill or put out the
eyes (as the envoy pleased) of the person who had written the letter.
This declaration appeared sufficient to the English, who deprecated the
execution of the guilty person.
In their letters the emirs affected a tone of contemptuous superiority;
at the same time they brought a body of 8000 men within reach, and put
every possible difficulty in the way of the English efforts to procure
information. After tedious negotiations, in the course of which British
pride was humbled more than once, the embassy received permission to
start for Hyderabad.
Above Keratchy, which is the principal export harbour of Scinde, a vast
plain without trees or vegetation extends along the coast. Five days
are necessary to cross this, and reach Tatah, the ancient capital of
Scinde, then ruined and deserted. Formerly it was brought into
communication by means of canals, with the Sind, an immense river,
which is, at its mouth, in reality an arm of the sea. Pottinger
collected the most precise, complete, and useful details respecting the
Sind, which were then known.
It had been arranged beforehand that the embassy should find a
plausible excuse for separating and reaching Hyderabad by two different
routes, in order to obtain geographical information on the country. The
city was soon reached, and the same difficult negotiations about the
reception of the embassy, who refused to submit to the humiliating
exactions of the emirs, had to be gone through. Pottinger thus
describes the arrival at Hyderabad. "The precipice upon which the
eastern facade of the fortress of Hyderabad is situated, the roofs of
the houses, and even the fortifications, were thronged by a multitude
of both sexes, who testified friendly feeling towards us by acclamation
and applause. Upon reaching the palace, where they were to dismount,
the English were met by Ouli Mahommed Khan and other eminent officers,
who walked before us towards a covered platform, at the extremity of
which the emirs were seated. This platform being covered with the
richest Persian carpet, we took off our shoes. From the moment the
envoy took the first step towards the princes, they all three rose, and
remained standing until he reached the place pointed out to him--an
embroidered cloth, which distinguished him from the rest of the
embassy. The princes addressed to each of us polite questions
respecting our health. As it was a purely ceremonial reception,
everything went off well, with compliments and polite expressions.
"The emirs wore a great number of precious stones, in addition to those
which ornamented the hilts and scabbards of their swords and daggers,
and emeralds and rubies of extraordinary size shone at their girdles.
They were seated according to age, the eldest in the centre, the second
to his right, the youngest on the left. A carpet of light felt covered
the entire circle, and over this was a mattress of silk about an inch
thick, exactly large enough to accommodate the three princes."
[Illustration: "They were seated according to age."]
The narrative concludes with a description of Hyderabad, a fortress
which would have scarcely been able to offer any resistance to a
European enemy, and with various reflections upon the nature of the
embassy, which had amongst other aims the closing of the entrance of
Scinde against the French. The treaty concluded, the English returned
to Bombay.
By this expedition the East India Company gained a better knowledge of
one of the neighbouring kingdoms, and collected precious documents
relating to the resources and productions of a country traversed by an
immense river, the Indus of the ancients, which rises in the Himalayas,
and might readily serve to transport the products of an immense
territory. The end gained was perhaps rather political than
geographical; but science profited, once more, by political needs.
Hitherto the little knowledge that had been gained of the regions lying
between Cabulistan, India, and Persia, had been as incomplete as it was
defective.
The Company, thoroughly satisfied with the manner in which Captain
Christie and Lieutenant Pottinger had accomplished their embassy,
resolved to confide to them a delicate and difficult mission. They were
to rejoin General Malcolm, ambassador to Persia, by crossing
Beluchistan, and in so doing to collect more accurate and precise
details of that vast extent of country than had hitherto been acquired.
It was useless to think of crossing Beluchistan, with its fanatic
population, in European dress. Christie and Pottinger, therefore, had
recourse to a Hindu merchant, who provided horses on behalf of the
Governments of Madras and Bombay, and accredited them as his agents to
Kelat, the capital of Beluchistan.
Upon the 2nd of January, 1810, the two officers embarked at Bombay for
Someany, the sole sea-port of the province of Lhossa, which they
reached after a stay at Poorbunder, on the coast of Guzerat.
The entire country traversed by the travellers before they arrived at
Bela was a morass, interspersed with jungle. The "Djam," or governor of
that town, was an intelligent man. He put numerous questions to the
English, by which he showed a desire to learn, and then confided the
task of conducting the travellers to Kelat, to the chief of the tribe
of Bezendjos, who are Belutchis.
[Illustration: Beluchistan warriors. (Fac-simile of early engraving.)]
The climate had changed since they left Bombay, and in the mountains,
Pottinger and Christie experienced cold sufficiently keen to freeze the
water in the leather bottles.
"Kelat," says Pottinger, "the capital of the whole of Beluchistan,
whence it derives its name, Kelat, or _the city_, is situated upon a
height to the west of a well-cultivated plain or valley, eight miles
long and three wide. The greater portion of this is laid out in
gardens. The town forms a square. It is surrounded on three sides by a
mud wall about twenty feet high, flanked, at distances of 250 feet, by
bastions, which, like the walls, are pierced with a large number of
barbicans for musketry. I had no opportunity of visiting the interior
of the palace, but it consists merely of a confused mass of mud
buildings with flat roofs like terraces; the whole is defended by low
walls, furnished with parapets and pierced with barbicans. There are
about 2500 houses in the town, and nearly half as many in the suburbs.
They are built of half-baked bricks and wood, the whole smeared over
with mud. The streets, as a rule, are larger than those in towns
inhabited by Asiatics. They usually have a raised footway on either
side for pedestrians, in the centre an open stream, which is rendered
very unpleasant by the filth and rubbish thrown into it, and by the
stagnant rainwater which collects, for there is no regulation insisting
upon it being cleaned. Another obstacle to the cleanliness and comfort
of the town exists in the projection of the upper stories of the
houses, which makes the under buildings damp and dark. The bazaar of
Kelat is very large, and well stocked with every kind of merchandize.
Every day it is supplied with provisions, vegetables, and all kinds of
food, which are cheap."
According to Pottinger's account, the population is divided into two
distinct classes--the Belutchis and the Brahouis, and each of these is
subdivided into a number of tribes. The first is related to the modern
Persian, both in appearance and speech; the Brahoui, on the contrary,
retains a great number of Hindu words. Intermarriage between the two
has given rise to a third.
The Belutchis, coming from the mountains of Mekram, are "Tunnites,"
that is to say, they consider the first four Imans as the legitimate
successors of Mahomet.
They are a pastoral people, and have the faults and virtues of their
class. If they are hospitable, they are also indolent, and pass their
time in gambling and smoking. As a rule, they content themselves with
one or two wives, and are less jealous of their being seen by strangers
than are other Mussulmen. They have a large number of slaves of both
sexes, whom they treat humanely. They are excellent marksmen, and
passionately fond of hunting. Brave under all circumstances, they take
pleasure in "razzias," which they call "tchepaos." As a rule, these
expeditions are undertaken by the Nherouis, the wildest and most
thievish of the Belutchis.
The Brahouis carry their wandering habits still farther. Few men are
more active and strong; they endure the glacial cold of the mountains
equally with the burning heat of the plains. They are of small stature,
but as brave, as skilful in shooting, as faithful to their promises, as
the Belutchis, and have not so pronounced a taste for plunder.
Pottinger says, "I have seen no Asiatic people whom they resemble, for
a large number have brown hair and beards."
After a short stay at Kelat, the two travellers, who still passed as
horse-dealers, resolved to continue their journey, but instead of
following the high road to Kandahar, they crossed a dreary and barren
country, ill-populated, watered by the Caisser, a river which dries up
during the summer; and they reached a little town, called Noschky or
Nouchky, on the frontier of Afghanistan.
At this place, the Belutchis, who appeared friendly, represented to
them the great difficulty of reaching Khorassan and its capital, Herat,
by way of Sedjistan. They advised the travellers to try to reach Kerman
by way of Kedje and Benpor, or by Serhed, a village on the western
frontier of Beluchistan, and from thence to enter Nermanchir. At the
same moment the idea of following two distinct routes presented itself
to both Christie and Pottinger. This course was contrary to their
instructions; "but," said Pottinger, "we found a ready excuse in the
unquestionable advantage which would result from our procuring more
extensive geographical and statistical knowledge of the country we were
sent to explore than we could hope to do by travelling together."
Christie set out first, by way of Douchak. We shall follow his fortunes
hereafter.
A few days later, while still at Noutch, Pottinger received letters
from his correspondent at Kelat, telling him that the emirs of Scinde
were searching for them, as they had been recognized, and that his best
plan for safety was to set out immediately.
Upon the 25th of March Pottinger started for Serawan, a very small town
near the Afghan frontier. Upon his way thither Pottinger met with some
singular altars, or tombs, the construction of which was attributed to
the Ghebers, or fire-worshippers, who are known in our day as Parsees.
Serawan is six miles from the Serawani mountains, in a sterile and bare
district. This town owes its existence to the constant supply of water
it derives from the Beli, an inestimable advantage in a country
constantly exposed to drought, scarcity, and famine.
Pottinger afterwards visited the Kharan, celebrated for the strength
and activity of its camels, and crossed the desert which forms the
southern extremity of Afghanistan. The sand of this desert is so fine
that its particles are almost impalpable, and the action of the wind
causes it to accumulate into heaps ten or twenty feet high, divided by
deep valleys. Even in calm weather a great number of particles float in
the air, giving rise to a mirage of a peculiar kind, and getting into
the traveller's eyes, mouth, and nostrils, cause an excessive
irritation, with an insatiable thirst.
In all this territory, Pottinger personated a "pyrzadeh," or holy man,
for the natives are of a very thievish disposition, and in the
character of a merchant he might have been involved in unpleasant
adventures. After leaving the village of Goul, in the district of
Daizouk, the traveller passed through the ruined towns of Asmanabad,
Hefter, and Pourah, where Pottinger was forced to admit that he was a
"Feringhi," to the great scandal of the guide, who during the two
months they had been together had never doubted him, and to whom he had
given many proofs of sanctity.
At last, worn out by fatigue, and at the end of his resources,
Pottinger reached Benpor, a locality which had been visited in 1808 by
Mr. Grant, a captain in the Bengal Sepoy Infantry. Encouraged by the
excellent account given by that officer, Pottinger presented himself to
the Serdar. But instead of affording him the necessary help for the
prosecution of his journey, that functionary, discontented with the
small present Pottinger offered him, found means to extort from him a
pair of pistols, which would have been of great use to him.
Basman is the last inhabited town of Beluchistan. At this spot there is
a hot sulphureous spring, which the Belutchis consider a certain cure
for cutaneous diseases.
The frontiers of Persia are far from "scientific," hence a large tract
of country remains not neutral, but a subject of dispute, and is the
scene of sanguinary contests.
The little town of Regan, in Nermanchir, is very pretty. It is a fort,
or rather a fortified village, surrounded by high walls, in good
repair, and furnished with bastions.
Further on, in Persia proper, lies Benn, a town which was formerly of
importance, as the ruins which surround it sufficiently prove. Here
Pottinger was cordially received by the governor.
"On approaching," says Pottinger, "he turned to one of his suite and
asked where the 'Feringhi' was. I was pointed out to him. Making me a
sign to follow him, his fixed look at me, which took me in from head to
foot, proclaimed his astonishment at my costume, which in truth was
strange enough to serve as an excuse for the impoliteness of his
staring. I was wearing the long shirt of a Belutchi, and a pair of
trousers which had once been white, but which in the six weeks I had
worn them had become brown, and were all but in rags; in addition to
this I had on a blue turban, a piece of rope served me as a girdle, and
I carried in my hand a thick stick, which had assisted me greatly in my
walking, and protected me from dogs."
In spite of the dilapidated appearance of the tatterdemalion who thus
presented himself before him, the governor received Pottinger with as
much cordiality as was to be expected from a Mussulman, and provided
him with a guide to Kerman. The traveller reached that town upon the
3rd of May, feeling that he had accomplished the most difficult portion
of his journey, and was almost in safety.
Kerman is the capital of ancient Karamania. Under the Afghan rule it
was a flourishing town, and manufactured shawls which rivalled those of
Cashmere.
Here Pottinger witnessed one of those spectacles which, common enough
to countries where human life is of little value, always fill Europeans
with horror and disgust. The governor of this town was both son-in-law
and nephew of the shah, and also the son of the Shah's wife. "Upon the
15th of May," says Pottinger, "the prince himself judged certain
persons who were accused of killing one of their servants. It is
difficult to estimate the state of restlessness and alarm which
prevailed in the village during the entire day. The gates of the town
were shut, that no one might pass out. The government officials did not
transact any business. People were cited as witnesses, without previous
notice. I saw two or three taken to the palace in a state of agitation
which could scarcely have been greater had they been going to the
scaffold. About three in the afternoon the prince passed sentence upon
those who had been convicted. Some had their eyes put out, some the
tongue split. Some had the ears, nose, and lips cut off; others were
deprived of their hands, fingers, or toes. I learned that whilst these
horrible punishments were inflicted, the prince remained seated at the
window where I had seen him, and gave his orders without the least sign
of compassion or of horror at the scene which took place before him."
Leaving Kerman, Pottinger reached Chere Bebig, which is equally distant
from Yezd, Shiraz, and Kerman, and thence proceeded to Ispahan, where
he had the pleasure of finding his companion Christie. At Meragha he
met General Malcolm. It was now seven months since they had left
Bombay. Christie had traversed 2250 miles, and Pottinger 2412.
Meanwhile Christie had accomplished his perilous journey much better
than he had anticipated.
Leaving Noutch upon the 22nd of March, he crossed the Vachouty
mountains and some uncultivated country, to the banks of the Helmend, a
river which flows into Lake Hamoun.
Christie in his report to the Company says:--
"The Helmend, after passing near Kandahar, flows south-west and west,
and enters Sedjestan some four days march from Douchak; making a detour
around the mountains, it finally forms a lake. At Peldalek, which we
visited, it is about 1200 feet in width, and very deep; the water is
very good. The country is cultivated by irrigation for half a mile on
either side; then the desert begins, and rises in perpendicular cliffs.
The banks of the river abound in tamarind-trees and provide pasturage
for cattle."
Sedjestan, which is watered by this river, comprises only 500 square
miles. The portions of this district which are inhabited are those upon
the river Helmend, whose bed deepens every year.
At Elemdar Christie sent for a Hindu, to whom he had an introduction.
This man advised him to dismiss his Belutchi attendants and to
personate a pilgrim. A few days later he penetrated to Douchak, now
known as Jellalabad. He says:--
"The ruins of the ancient city cover quite as large a space of ground
as Ispahan. It was built, like all the towns of Sedjistan, of
half-burned bricks, the houses being two stories high, with vaulted
roofs. The modern town of Jellalabad is clean, pretty, and growing; it
contains nearly 2000 houses and a fair bazaar." The road from Douchak
to Herat was easy. Christie's sole difficulty was in carrying out his
personation of a pilgrim. Herat lies in a valley, surrounded by high
mountains and watered by a river, to which it is due that gardens and
orchards abound. The town covers an area of about four square miles; it
is surrounded by a wall flanked with towers, and a moat full of water.
Large bazaars, containing numerous shops, and the Mechede Djouna, or
Mosque of Friday, are its chief ornaments.
No town has less waste land or a denser population. Christie estimates
it at 100,000. Herat is the most commercial of all Asiatic towns under
the dominion of native princes. It is the depot for all the traffic
between Cabul, Candahar, Hindustan, Cashmere, and Persia, and itself
produces choice merchandize, silks, saffron, horses, and asafoetida.
"This plant," says Christie, "grows to a height of two or three feet,
the stalk is two inches thick; it finishes off in an umbel which at
maturity is yellow, and not unlike a cauliflower. It is much relished
by Hindus and Belutchis. They prepare it for eating by cooking the
stalks in ashes, and boiling the head like other vegetables; but it
always retains its pungent smell and taste." Herat, like so many other
Eastern towns, possesses beautiful public gardens, but they are only
cultivated for the sake of the produce, which is sold in the bazaar.
After a stay of a month at Herat, disguised as a horse-dealer,
Christie, announcing that he would return after a pilgrimage to Meshid,
which he contemplated, left the town. He directed his course to Yezd,
across a country ravaged by the Osbeks, who had destroyed the tanks
intended to receive the rain-water.
Yezd is a large and populous town on the skirts of a desert of sand. It
is called "Dar-oul-Ehabet" or "The Seat of Adoration." It is celebrated
for the security to be enjoyed there, which contributes largely to the
development of its trade with Hindustan, Khorassan, Persia, and Bagdad.
Christie describes the bazaar as large and well stocked. The town
contains 20,000 houses, apart from those belonging to the Ghebers, who
are estimated at 4000. They are an active and laborious people,
although cruelly oppressed. From Yezd to Ispahan, where he alighted at
the palace of the Emir Oud-Daoule, Christie had travelled a distance of
170 miles upon a good road.
At Yezd, as we have seen, he met his companion, Pottinger. The two
friends could but exchange mutual congratulations at the accomplishment
of their mission, and their escape from the dangers of a fanatical
country.
Pottinger's narrative, as may perhaps be gathered from the sketch we
have given, was very curious. More exact than most of his predecessors,
he had collected and offered to the public a mass of most interesting
historical facts, anecdotes, and geographical descriptions.
Cabulistan had been, from the middle of the eighteenth century, the
scene of a succession of ruinous civil wars. Competitors, with more or
less right to the throne, had carried fire and sword everywhere, and
converted that rich and fertile province into a desert, where the
remains of ruined cities alone bore witness to former prosperity.
About the year 1808 the throne of Cabul was occupied by
Soojah-Oul-Moulk. England, uneasy at the projects formed by Napoleon
with a view of attacking her possessions in India, and at the offers of
alliance made by him through General Gardane to the Shah of Persia,
resolved to send an embassy to the court of Cabul, hoping to gain the
king over to the interests of the East India Company.
Mountstuart Elphinstone was selected as envoy, and has left an
interesting account of his mission. He collected much novel information
concerning this region and the tribes by which it is peopled. His book
acquires a new interest in our own day, and we turn with pleasure to
pages devoted to the Khyberis and other mountain tribes, amid the
events which are now taking place.
Leaving Delhi in October, 1808, Elphinstone reached Kanun, where the
desert commences, and then the Shekhawuttee, a district inhabited by
Rajpoots. At the end of October the embassy arrived at Singuana, a
pretty town, the rajah of which was an inveterate opium-smoker. He is
described as a small man, with large eyes, much inflamed by the use of
opium. His beard, which was curled up to his ears on each side, gave
him a ferocious appearance.
Djounjounka, whose gardens give freshness in the midst of these desert
regions, is not now a dependency of the Rajah of Bekaneer, whose
revenues do not exceed 1,250,000 francs. How is it possible for that
prince to collect such revenues from a desert and uncultivated
territory, overrun by myriads of rats, flocks of gazelles, and herds of
wild asses?
The path across the sand-hills was so narrow that two camels abreast
could scarcely pass it. At the least deviation from the path those
animals would sink in the sand as if it had been snow, so that the
smallest difficulty with the head of the column delayed the entire
caravan. Those in front could not advance if those in the rear were
delayed; and lest they should lose sight of the guides, trumpets and
drums were employed as signals to prevent separation.
One could almost fancy it the march of an army. The warlike sounds, the
brilliant uniforms and arms, were scarcely calculated to convey the
idea of a peaceful embassy. The envoy speaks of the want of water, and
the bad quality of that which was procurable was unbearable to the
soldiers and servants. Although they quenched their thirst with the
abundant water-melons, they could not do so without ill results to
their health. Most of the natives of India who accompanied the embassy
suffered from low fever and dysentery. Forty persons died during the
first week's stay at Bekaneer. La Fontaine's description of the
floating sticks might be aptly applied to Bekaneer. "From afar off it
is something, near at hand it is nought." The external appearance of
the town is pleasant, but it is a mere disorderly collection of cabins
enclosed by mud walls.
At that time the country was invaded by five armies, and the
belligerents sent a succession of envoys to the English ambassador,
hoping to obtain, if not substantial assistance, at least moral
support. Elphinstone was received by the Rajah of Bekaneer. "This
court," he says, "was different from all I had seen elsewhere in India.
The men were whiter than the Hindus, resembled Jews in feature, and
wore magnificent turbans. The rajah and his relatives wore caps of
various colours, adorned with precious stones.
"The rajah leant upon a steel buckler, the centre of which was raised,
and the border encrusted with diamonds and rubies. Shortly after our
entrance the rajah proposed that we should retire from the heat and
importunity of the crowd. We took our seats on the ground, according to
Indian custom, and the rajah delivered a discourse, in which he said he
was the vassal of the sovereign of Delhi, and that as Delhi was in the
possession of the British, he honoured the sovereignty of my government
in my person.
"He caused the keys of the fort to be brought to him and handed them to
me, but having received no instructions regarding such an event, I
refused them. After much persuasion the rajah consented to keep his
keys. Shortly afterwards a troop of bayaderes came in, and dancing and
singing continued until we took our leave."
[Illustration: "A troop of bayaderes came in."]
Upon leaving Bekaneer the travellers entered a desert, in the middle of
which stand the cities of Monyghur and Bahawulpore, where a compact
crowd awaited the embassy. The Hyphases, upon which Alexander's fleet
sailed, scarcely answered to the idea such a reminiscence inspires.
Upon the morrow Bahaweel-Khan, governor of one of the eastern provinces
of Cabul, arrived, bringing magnificent presents for the English
ambassador, whom he conducted by the river Hyphases as far as Moultan,
a town famous for its silk manufactures. The governor of the town had
been terror-struck at hearing of the approach of the English, and there
had been a discussion as to the attitude it was to assume, and whether
the latter intended to take the town by stratagem, or to demand its
surrender. When these fears were allayed, a cordial welcome followed.
Elphinstone's description, if somewhat exaggerated, is not the less
curious. After describing how the governor saluted Mr. Strachey, the
secretary to the embassy, after the Persian custom, he adds,--"They
took their way together towards the tent, and the disorder increased.
Some were wrestling, others on horseback mixed with the pedestrians.
Mr. Strachey's horse was nearly thrown to the ground, and the secretary
regained his equilibrium with difficulty. The khan and his suite
mistook the road in approaching the tent, and threw themselves upon the
cavalry with such impetuosity that the latter had scarcely time to face
about and let them pass. The disordered troops fell back upon the tent,
the servants of the khan fled, the barriers were torn up and trampled
under foot; even the ropes of the tent broke, and the cloth covering
very nearly fell on our heads. The tents were crowded immediately, and
all was in darkness. The governor and six of his suite seated
themselves, the others stood at arms. The visit was of short duration;
the governor took refuge in repeating his rosary with great fervour,
and in saying to me, in agitated tones, 'You are welcome! you are
welcome!' Then on the pretext that the crowd inconvenienced me, he
retired."
The account is amusing, but are all its details accurate? That,
however, is of little moment. On the 31st December the embassy passed
the Indus, and entered a country cultivated with a care and method
unlike anything to be seen in Hindustan. The natives of this country
had never heard of the English, and took them for Moguls, Afghans, or
Hindus. The strangest reports were current among these lovers of the
marvellous.
It was necessary to remain a month at Dera, to await the arrival of a
"Mehnandar," a functionary whose duty it was to introduce ambassadors.
Two persons attached to the embassy availed themselves of that
opportunity to ascend the peak of Tukhte Soleiman, or the Crown of
Solomon, upon which, according to the legend, the ark of Noah rested
after the deluge.
The departure from Dera took place upon the 7th of February, and after
travelling through delightful countries, the embassy arrived at
Peshawur. The king had come to meet them, for Peshawur was not the
usual residence of the court. The narrative says,--"Upon the day of our
arrival our dinner was furnished from the royal kitchen. The dishes
were excellent. Afterwards we had the meat prepared in our own way; but
the king continued to provide us with breakfast, dinner, and supper,
more than sufficient for 2000 persons, 200 horses, and a large number
of elephants. Our suite was large, and much of this was needed; still I
had great trouble at the end of a month in persuading his majesty to
allow some retrenchment of this useless profusion."
As might have been expected, the negotiations preceding presentation at
court were long and difficult. Finally, however, all was arranged, and
the reception was as cordial as diplomatic customs permitted. The king
was loaded with diamonds and precious stones; he wore a magnificent
crown, and the Koh-i-noor sparkled upon one of his bracelets. This is
the largest diamond in existence; a drawing of it may be seen in
Tavernier's Travels.[1]
[Footnote 1: The Koh-i-noor is now in the possession of the Queen of
England.]
Elphinstone, after describing the ceremonies, says,--"I must admit that
if certain things, especially the extraordinary richness of the royal
costume, excited my astonishment, there was also much that fell below
my expectations. Taking it as a whole, one saw less indication of the
prosperity of a powerful state than symptoms of the decay of a monarchy
which had formerly been flourishing."
The ambassador goes on to speak of the rapacity with which the king's
suite quarrelled about the presents offered by the English, and gives
other details which struck him unpleasantly.
Elphinstone was more agreeably impressed with the king at his second
interview. He says,--"It is difficult to believe that an Eastern
monarch can possess such a good manner, and so perfectly preserve his
dignity while trying to please."
The plain of Peshawur, which is surrounded on all but the eastern side
by high mountains, is watered by three branches of the Cabul river,
which meet here, and by many smaller rivers. Hence it is singularly
fertile. Plums, peaches, pears, quinces, pomegranates, dates, grow in
profusion. The population, so sparsely sprinkled throughout the arid
countries which the ambassador had come through, were collected here,
and Lieut. Macartney counted no less than thirty-two villages.
At Peshawur there are 100,000 inhabitants, living in brick houses three
stories high. Various mosques, not in any way remarkable for
architecture, a fine caravanserai, and the fortified castle in which
the king received the embassy, are the only buildings of importance.
The varieties of races, with different costumes, present a constantly
changing picture, a human kaleidoscope, which appears made especially
for the astonishment of a stranger. Persians, Afghans, Kyberis,
Hazaurehs, Douranis, &c., with horses, dromedaries, and Bactrian
camels, afford the naturalist much both to observe and to describe
respecting bipeds and quadrupeds. But the charm of this town, as of
every other throughout India, is to be found in its gardens, with their
abundant and fragrant flowers, especially roses.
[Illustration: Afghan costumes. (Fac-simile of early engraving.)]
The king's situation at this time was far from pleasant. His brother,
whom he had dethroned after a popular insurrection, had now taken arms
and just seized Cabul. A longer stay was impossible for the embassy.
They had to return to India by way of Attock and the valley of Hussoun
Abdoul, which is celebrated for its beauty. There Elphinstone was to
await the result of the struggle between the brothers, which would
decide the fate of the throne of Cabul, but he had received letters of
recall. Moreover, fate was against Soojah, who, after being completely
worsted, had been forced to seek safety in flight.
The embassy proceeded on its way, and crossed the country of the
Sikhs--a rude mountain race, half-naked and semi-barbarous.
"The Sikhs, who a few years later were to make themselves terribly
famous," says Elphinstone, "are tall, thin men, and very strong. Their
garments consist of trousers which reach only half way down the thigh.
They wear cloaks of skins which hang negligently from the shoulder.
Their turbans are not large, but are very high and flattened in front.
No scissors ever touch either hair or beard. Their arms are bows and
arrows or muskets. Men of rank have very handsome bows, and never pay a
visit without being armed with them. Almost the whole Punjab belongs to
Runjeet Sing, who in 1805 was only one among many chiefs in the
country. At the time of our expedition, he had acquired the sovereignty
of the whole country occupied by the Sikhs, and had taken the title of
king."
No incident of any moment marked the return of the embassy to Delhi. In
addition to the narrative of events which had taken place before their
eyes, its members brought back invaluable documents concerning the
geography of Afghanistan and Cabulistan, the climate, animals, and
vegetable and mineral productions of that vast country.
Elphinstone devotes several chapters of his narrative to the origin,
history, government, legislation, condition of the women, language, and
commerce of these countries; facts that were largely appropriated by
the best informed newspapers when the recent English expedition to
Afghanistan was undertaken.
His work ends with an exhaustive treatise upon the tribes who form the
population of Afghanistan, and a summary of invaluable information
respecting the neighbouring countries.
Elphinstone's narrative is curious, interesting, and valuable for many
reasons, and may be consulted in our own day with advantage.
[Illustration: Persian costumes. (Fac-simile of early engraving.)]
The zeal of the East India Company was indefatigable. One expedition
had no sooner returned than another was started, with different
instructions. It was highly important to be thoroughly _au fait_ of the
ever-changing Asiatic policy, and to prevent coalition between the
various native tribes against the conquerors of the soil. In 1812, a
new idea, and a more peaceful one, gave rise to the journey of
Moorcroft and Captain Hearsay to Lake Manasarowar, in the province of
the Un-des, which is a portion of Little Thibet.
This time the object was to bring back a flock of Cashmere goats, whose
long silk hair is used in the manufacture of the world-famed shawls. In
addition, it was proposed to disprove the assertion of the Hindus that
the source of the Ganges is beyond the Himalayas, in Lake Manasarowar.
A difficult and perilous task! It was first of all necessary to
penetrate into Nepaul, whilst the government of that country made such
an attempt very difficult, and thence to enter a region from which the
natives of Nepaul are excluded, and with still greater reason the
English.
The explorers disguised themselves as Hindu pilgrims. Their suite
consisted of twenty-five persons, one of whom pledged himself to walk
in strides of four feet! This was certainly a rough method of
ascertaining the distance traversed!
Messrs. Moorcroft and Hearsay passed through Bareilly, and followed
Webb's route as far as Djosimath, which place they left on the 26th of
May, 1812. They soon had to cross the last chain of the Himalayas, with
increasing difficulties, owing to the rarity of the villages, which
caused a scarcity of provisions and service, and the bad roads, at so
great a height above the level of the sea.
Nevertheless they saw Daba, where there is an important lamasery,
Gortope, Maisar; and, a quarter of a mile from Tirthapuri, curious hot
springs.
The original narrative, which appeared in the "Annales des Voyages,"
speaks of this water as flowing from two openings six inches in
diameter in a calcareous plain some three miles in extent, and which is
raised in almost every direction from ten to twelve feet above the
surrounding country. It is formed of the earthy deposits left by the
water in cooling. The water rises four inches above the level of the
plain. It is clear, and so warm that one cannot keep a hand in it
longer than a few minutes. It is surrounded by a thick cloud of smoke.
The water, flowing over a horizontal surface, hollows out basins of
various shapes, which as they receive the earthy deposits contract
again. When they are filled up, the flow of the water again hollows out
a new reservoir, which in its turn becomes full. Flowing thus from one
to the other, it finally reaches the plain below. The deposit left by
the water is as white as the purest stucco close to the opening, a
little further it becomes pale yellow, and further still
saffron-coloured. At the other spring it is first rose-coloured, and
then dark red. These different colours are to be found in the
calcareous plain, and are no doubt the work of centuries.
Tirthapuri, the residence of a lama, is of great antiquity, and is a
favourite rendezvous for the faithful, as a wall more than 400 feet
long and four wide, formed of stones upon which prayers are inscribed,
sufficiently testifies.
Upon the 1st of August the travellers left this place, hoping to reach
Lake Manasarowar, and leaving on the right Lake Rawan-rhad, which is
supposed to be the source of the largest branch of the Sutlej.
Lake Manasarowar lies at the foot of immense sloping prairies, to the
south of the gigantic mountains. This is the most venerated of all the
sacred places of the Hindus, which is no doubt owing to its distance
from Hindustan, the dangers and fatigues of the journey, and the
necessity of pilgrims providing themselves with money and provisions.
Hindu geographers regard this lake as the source of the Ganges, the
Sutlej, and the Kali rivers. Moorcroft had no doubt as to the error of
this assertion as regards the Ganges. Desiring to ascertain the truth
as to the other rivers, he explored the steep banks of the lake, and
found a number of streams which flowed into it, but none flowing out of
it. It is possible that before the earthquake which destroyed Srinagar,
the lake had an outlet, but Moorcroft found no trace of it. The lake is
situated between the Himalayas and the Cailas chain, and is of
irregular oblong shape, five leagues long by four wide.
The end of the expedition was attained. Moorcroft and Hearsay returned
towards India, passed by Kangri, and saw Rawan-rhad; but Moorcroft was
too weak, and could not continue the tour; he regained Tirthapuri and
Daba, and suffered a great deal in crossing the ghat which separates
Hindustan from Thibet.
The narrative describes the wind which comes from the snow-covered
mountains of Bhutan as cold and piercing, and the ascent of the
mountain as long and painful, its descent slippery and steep, making
precautions necessary. "We suffered greatly," says the writer; "our
goats escaped by the negligence of their drivers, and climbed up to the
edge of a precipice some hundred feet in height. A mountaineer
disturbing them from their perilous position, they began the descent,
running down a very steep incline. The hinder ones kicked up the
stones, which, falling with violence, threatened to strike the
foremost. It was curious to note how cleverly they managed to run, and
avoid the falling stones."
Very soon the Gorkhalis, who had hitherto been content to place
obstacles in the way of the travellers, approached them with intent to
stop them. For some time the firmness displayed by the English kept
them at bay; but at last, gaining courage from their numbers, they
began an attack.
"Twenty men," says Moorcroft, "threw themselves upon me. One seized me
by my neck, and, pressing his knees against me, tried to strangle me by
tightening my cravat; another passed a cord round my legs and pulled me
from behind. I was on the point of fainting. My gun, upon which I was
leaning, escaped my hold; I fell; they dragged me up by my feet until I
was nearly garotted. When at last I rose, nothing could exceed the
expression of fierce delight on the faces of my conquerors. Fearing
that I should attempt to escape, two soldiers held me by a rope and
gave me a blow from time to time, no doubt to remind me of my position.
Mr. Hearsay had not supposed that he should be attacked so soon; he was
rinsing out his mouth when the hubbub began, and did not hear my cries
for help. Our men could not find the few arms we possessed; some
escaped, I know not how; the others were seized, amongst them Mr.
Hearsay. He was not bound as I was; they contented themselves with
holding his arms."
[Illustration: "Two soldiers held me."]
The chief of this band of savages informed the two Englishmen that they
had been recognized, and were arrested for having travelled in the
country in the disguise of Hindu pilgrims. A fakir, whom Moorcroft had
engaged as a goat-herd, succeeded in escaping, and took two letters to
the English authorities. Aid was sent, and on the 1st of November the
prisoners were released. Not only were excuses offered for their
treatment, but what had been taken from them was returned, and the
Rajah of Nepaul gave them permission to leave his dominions. All's well
that ends well!
To complete our sketch, we must give an account of Mr. Fraser's
expedition to the Himalayas, and Hodgson's exploration to the source of
the Ganges, in 1817.
Captain Webb, as we have seen, had traced the course of that river past
the valley of Dhoun, to Cadjani, near Reital. Leaving this spot upon
the 28th of May, 1817, Captain Hodgson reached the source of the Ganges
in three days, and proceeded to Gangautri. He found that the river
issues from a low arch in the midst of an enormous mass of frozen snow,
more than 300 feet high. The stream was already of considerable size,
being no less than twenty-seven feet wide and eighteen inches deep. In
all probability the Ganges first emerged into the light at this spot.
Captain Hodgson wished to solve various questions; for example:--What
was the length of the river under the frozen snow? Is it the product of
the melting of these snows? or did it spring from the ground? But,
wishing to explore further upwards than his guides advised, the
traveller sank into the snow up to his neck, and had to retrace his
steps with great difficulty. The spot from which the Ganges issues is
situated 12,914 feet above the level of the sea, in the Himalayas.
Hodgson also explored the source of the Jumna. At Djemautri the mass of
snow from which the river makes its escape is no less than 180 feet
wide and more than forty feet deep, between two perpendicular walls of
granite. This source is situated on the south-east slope of the
Himalayas.
The extension of the British power in India was necessarily attended by
considerable danger. The various native States, many of which could
boast of a glorious past, had only yielded in obedience to the
well-known political principle "divide and govern," ascribed to
Machiavelli. But the day might come when they would merge their
rivalries and enmities, to make common cause against the invader.
This was anything but a cheering prospect for the Company, whose policy
it was to maintain the system that had hitherto worked so well. Certain
neighbouring States, still powerful enough to regard the growth of the
British power with jealousy, might serve as harbours of refuge to the
discontented, and become the centres of dangerous intrigues. Of all
these neighbouring States that which demanded the strictest
surveillance was Persia, not only on account of its contiguity to
Russia, but because Napoleon was known to have designs in connexion
with it which nothing but his European wars prevented him from putting
into execution.
In February, 1807, General Gardane, who had gained his promotion in the
wars of the Republic, and had distinguished himself at Austerlitz,
Jena, and Eylau, was appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to Persia, with
instructions to ally himself with Shah Feth-Ali against England and
Russia. The selection was fortunate, for the grandfather of General
Gardane had held a similar post at the court of the shah. Gardane
crossed Hungary, and reached Constantinople and Asia Minor; but when he
entered Persia, Abbas Mirza had succeeded his father Feth-Ali.
The new shah received the French ambassador with respect, loaded him
with presents, and granted certain privileges to Catholics and French
merchants. These were, however, the only results of the mission, which
was thwarted by the English General Malcolm, whose influence was then
paramount; and Gardane, disheartened by finding all his efforts
frustrated, and recognizing that success was hopeless, returned to
France the following year.
His brother Ange de Gardane, who had acted as his secretary, published
a brief narrative of the journey, containing several curious details
respecting the antiquities of Persia, which have been, however, largely
supplemented by works brought out by Englishmen.
The French Consul, Adrien Dupre, attached to Gardane's mission, also
published a work, under the title of "Voyage en Perse, fait dans les
annees 1807 a 1809, en traversant l'Anatolie, la Mesopotamie, depuis
Constantinople jusqu'a l'extremite du golfe Persique et de la a Irwan,
suivi de details sur les moeurs, les usages et le commerce des Persans,
sur la cour de Teheran et d'une notice des tribus de la Perse." The
book bears out the assertions of its title, and is a valuable
contribution to the geography and ethnography of Persia.
The English, who made a much longer stay in the country than the
French, were better able to collect the abundant materials at hand, and
to make a judicious selection from them.
Two works were long held to be the chief authorities on the subject.
One of these was by James Morier, who availed himself of the leisure he
enjoyed as secretary to the embassy to acquaint himself with every
detail of Persian manners, and on his return to England published
several Oriental romances, which obtained a signal success, owing to
the variety and novelty of the scenes described, and the fidelity to
nature of every feature, however minute.
The second of the two volumes alluded to above was the large quarto
work by John Macdonald Kinneir, on the geography of Persia. This book,
which made its mark, and left far behind it everything previously
published on the subject, not only gives, as its title implies, very
valuable information on the boundaries of the country, its mountains,
rivers, and climate, but also contains interesting and trustworthy
details respecting its government, constitution, army, commerce,
animal, vegetable, and mineral productions, population, and revenue.
After giving an exhaustive and brilliant picture of the material and
moral resources of the Persian Empire, Kinneir goes on to describe its
different provinces, quoting from the mass of valuable documents
accumulated by himself, thus making his work the most complete and
impartial yet issued.
Kinneir passed the years 1808 to 1814 in travelling about Asia Minor,
Armenia, and Kurdistan; and the different posts held by him during that
period were such as to give him exceptional opportunities for making
observations and comparing their results. In his several capacities as
captain in the service of the Company, political agent to the Nawab of
the Carnatic, or private traveller, his critical acumen was never at
fault; and his wide knowledge of Oriental character and Oriental
manners, enabled him to recognize the true significance of many an
event and many a revolution which would have escaped the notice of less
experienced observers.
At the same time, William Price, also a captain in the East India
Company's service, who had been attached as interpreter and secretary
to Sir William Gore Ouseley's embassy to Persia in 1810, devoted
himself to the study of the cuneiform character. Many had previously
attempted to decipher it, with results as various as they were
ridiculous; and, like those of his predecessors and contemporaries,
Price's opinions were mere guess-work; but he succeeded in interesting
a certain class of students in this obscure branch of research, and may
be said to have perpetuated the theories of Niebuhr and other
Orientalists.
To Price we owe an account of the journey of the English embassy to the
Persian court, after which he published two essays on the antiquities
of Persepolis and Babylon.
Mr. Ouseley, who had accompanied his brother Sir William as secretary,
availed himself of his sojourn at the Court of Teheran to study
Persian. His works do not, however, bear upon geography or political
economy, but treat only of inscriptions, coins, manuscripts, and
literature--in a word, of everything connected with the intellectual
and material history of the country. To him we owe an edition of
Firdusi, and many other volumes, which came out at just the right time
to supplement the knowledge already acquired of the country of the
Shah.
Another semi-Asiatic semi-European country was also now becoming known.
This was the mountainous district of the Caucasus. As early as the
second half of the eighteenth century, John Anthony Guldenstaedt, a
Russian doctor, had visited Astrakhan, and Kisliar on the Terek, at the
most remote boundary of the Russian possessions, entered Georgia, where
the Czar Heraclius received him with great respect, and penetrated to
Tiflis and the country of the Truchmenes, finally arriving at Imeritia.
The next year, 1773, he visited the great Kabardia, the Oriental
Kumania, examined the ruins of Madjary, visited Tscherkask and Asov,
discovered the mouth of the Don, and was about to extend his researches
to the Crimea when he was recalled to St. Petersburg.
Guldenstaedt's travels have not been translated into French. Their
author's career was cut short by death before he had completed their
revision for the press, and they were edited at St. Petersburg by Henry
Julius von Klaproth, a young Prussian, who afterwards explored the same
countries.
Klaproth, who was born at Berlin on the 11th October, 1783, gave proof
at a very early age of a special aptitude for the study of Oriental
languages. At fifteen years old he taught himself Chinese; and he had
scarcely finished his studies at the Universities of Halle and Dresden,
when he began the publication of his "Asiatic Magazine." Invited to
Russia by Count Potoki, he was at once named Professor of Oriental
Languages at the Academy of St. Petersburg.
Klaproth did not belong to the worthy race of book-worms who shut
themselves up in their own studies. He took a wider view of the nature
of true knowledge, feeling that the surest way to attain a thorough
acquaintance with the languages of Asia and of Oriental manners and
customs was to study them on the spot. He therefore asked permission to
accompany the ambassador Golowkin, who was going to China overland; and
the necessary credentials obtained, he started alone for Siberia,
making acquaintance with the Samoyedes, the Tongouses, Bashkirs,
Yakontes, Kirghizes, and other of the Finnic and Tartar hordes which
frequent these vast steppes, finally arriving at Yakutsk, where he was
soon joined by Golowkin. After a halt at Kiakta, the embassy crossed
the Chinese frontier on the 1st January, 1806.
The Viceroy of Mongolia, however, insisted upon the observance by the
ambassador of certain ceremonies which were considered by the latter
degrading to his dignity; and neither being disposed to yield, Golowkin
set out with his suite to return to St. Petersburg. Klaproth, not
caring to retrace his steps, preferred to visit hordes still unknown to
him, and he therefore crossed the southern districts of Siberia, and
collected during a journey extending over twenty months, a large number
of Chinese, Mandchoorian, Thibetan, and Mongolian books, which were of
service to him in his great work "Asia Polyglotta."
On his return to St. Petersburg he was invested with all the honours of
the Academy; and a little later, at the suggestion of Count Potoki, he
was appointed to the command of an historical, archaeological, and
geographical expedition to the Caucasus. Klaproth now passed a whole
year in journeys, often full of peril, amongst thievish tribes, through
rugged districts, and penetrated to the country traversed by
Guldenstaedt at the end of the previous century.
Klaproth's description of Tiflis is curious as compared with that of
contemporary authors. "Tiflis," he says, "so called on account of its
mineral springs, is divided into three parts: Tiflis properly so
called, or the ancient town; Kala, or the citadel; and the suburb of
Issni. This town is built on the Kur, and the greater part of its outer
walls is now in ruins. Its streets are so narrow, that 'arbas,' as the
lofty carriages so characteristic of Oriental places are called, could
only pass with difficulty down the widest, whilst in the others a
horseman would barely find room to ride. The houses, badly built of
flints and bricks cemented with mud, never last longer than about
fifteen years." In Klaproth's time Tiflis boasted of two markets, but
everything was extremely dear, shawls and silk scarves manufactured in
the neighbouring Asiatic countries bringing higher prices than in St.
Petersburg.
Tiflis must not be dismissed without a few words concerning its hot
springs. Klaproth tells us that the famous hot baths were formerly
magnificent, but they are falling into ruins, although some few remain;
the floors of which are cased in marble. The waters contain very little
sulphur and are most salutary in their effects. The natives, especially
the women, use them to excess, the latter remaining in them several
days, and even taking their meals in the bath.
The chief food of the people of Tiflis, at least in the mountainous
districts, is the bhouri, a kind of hard bread with a very disagreeable
taste, prepared in a way repugnant to our sybarite notions.
When the dough is sufficiently kneaded a bright clear fire of dry wood
is made, in earthen vessels four feet high by two wide, which are sunk
in the ground. When the fire is burning fiercely, the Georgians shake
into it the vermin by which their shirts and red-silk breeches are
infested. Not until this ceremony has been performed do they throw the
dough, which is divided into pieces of the size of two clenched fists,
into the pots. The dough once in, the vessels are covered with lids,
over which rags are placed, to make sure of all the heat being kept in
and the bread being thoroughly baked. It is, however, always badly
done, and very difficult of digestion.
Having thus assisted at the preparation of the food of the poor
mountaineer, let us join Klaproth at the table of a prince. A long
striped cloth, about a yard and a half wide and very dirty, was spread
for his party; on this was placed for each guest an oval-shaped wheaten
cake, three spans long by two wide, and scarcely as thick as a finger.
A number of little brass bowls, filled with mutton and boiled rice,
roast fowls, and cheese cut in slices, were then brought in. As it was
a fast day, smoked salmon with uncooked green vegetables was served to
the prince and his subjects. Spoons, forks, and knives are unknown in
Georgia; soup is eaten from the bowl, meat is taken in the hands, and
torn with the fingers into pieces the size of a mouthful. To throw a
tid-bit to another guest is a mark of great friendship. The repast
over, grapes and dried fruits are eaten. During the meal a good red
native wine, called traktir by the Tartars, and ghwino by the
Georgians, is very freely circulated. It is drunk from flat silver
bowls greatly resembling saucers.
Klaproth's account of the different incidents of his journey is no less
interesting and vivid than this description of the manners of the
people. Take, for instance, what he says of his trip to the sources of
the Terek, the site of which had been pretty accurately indicated by
Guldenstaedt, although he had not visited them.
"I left the village of Utzfars-Kan on the 17th March, on a bright but
cold morning. Fifteen Ossetes accompanied me. After half an hour's
march, we began to climb the steep and rugged ascent leading to the
junction of the Utzfars-Don with the Terek. This was succeeded by a
still worse road, running for a league alongside of the river, which is
scarcely ten paces wide here, although it was then swollen by the
melting of the snow. This part of the river banks is inhabited. We
continued to ascend, and reached the foot of the Khoki, also called
Istir-Khoki, finally arriving at a spot where an accumulation of large
stones in the bed of the river rendered it possible to cross over to
the village of Tsiwratte-Kan, where we breakfasted. Here the small
streams forming the Terek meet. I was so glad to have reached the end
of my journey, that I poured a glass of Hungarian wine into the river,
and made a second libation to the genius of the mountain in which the
Terek rises. The Ossetes, who thought I was performing a religious
ceremony, observed me gravely. On the smooth sides of an enormous block
of schist I engraved in red the date of my journey, together with my
name and those of my companions, after which I climbed up to the
village of Ressi."
[Illustration: "Fifteen Ossetes accompanied me."]
After this account of his journey, from which we might multiply
extracts, Klaproth sums up all the information he has collected on the
tribes of the Caucasus, dwelling specially on the marked resemblances
which exist between the different Georgian dialects and those of the
Finns and Lapps. This was a new and useful suggestion.
Speaking of the Lesghians, who occupy the eastern Caucasus, known as
Daghestan, or Lezghistan, Klaproth says their name is a misnomer, just
as Scythian or Tartar was used to indicate the natives of Northern
Asia; adding, that they do not form one nation, as is proved by the
number of dialects in use, which, however, would seem to have been
derived from a common source, though time has greatly modified them.
This is a contradiction in terms, implying either that the Lesghians,
speaking one language, form one nation, or that forming one nation the
Lesghians speak various dialects derived from the same source.
According to Klaproth, Lesghian words have a considerable affinity with
the other languages of the Caucasus, and with those of Western Asia,
especially the dialects of the Samoyedes and Siberian Finns.
West and north-west of the Lesghians dwell the Metzdjeghis, or
Tchetchentses, who are probably the most ancient inhabitants of the
Caucasus. This is not, however, the opinion of Pallas, who looks upon
them as a separate tribe of the Alain family. The Tchetchentse language
greatly resembles the Samoyede and other Siberian dialects, as well as
those of the Slavs.
The Tcherkesses, or Circassians, are the Sykhes of the Greeks. They
formerly inhabited the eastern Caucasus and the Crimea. Their language
differs much from other Caucasian idioms, although the Tcherkesses
proceed, with the Wogouls and the Ostiakes--we have just seen that the
Lesghian and Tchetchentse dialects resemble the Siberian--from one
common stock, which at some remote date separated into several
branches, of which the Huns probably formed one. The Tcherkesse dialect
is one of the most difficult to pronounce, some of the consonants being
produced in a manner so loud and guttural that no European has yet been
able to acquire it.
In the Caucasus also dwell the Abazes--who have never left the shores
of the Black Sea, where they have been settled from time
immemorial--and the Ossetes, or As, who belong to the Indo-Germanic
stock. They call their country Ironistan, and themselves the Irons.
Klaproth takes them to be Sarmatic Medes, not only on account of their
name, which resembles Iran, but because of the structure of their
language, which proves more satisfactorily than historical documents,
and in a most conclusive manner, that they spring from the same stock
as the Medes and Persians. This opinion, however, appears to us mere
conjecture, as in the time of Klaproth the interpretation of cuneiform
inscriptions had not been accomplished, and too little was known of the
language of the Medes for any one to judge of its resemblance to the
Ossete idiom.
"However," continues Klaproth, "after meeting again the Sarmatic Medes
of the ancients in this people, it is still more surprising also to
recognize the Alains, who occupied the districts north of the
Caucasus."
He adds: "It follows from all we have said, that the Ossetes, who call
themselves Irons, are the Medes, who assumed the name of Irans, and
whom Herodotus styles the Arioi. They are, moreover, the Sarmatic Medes
of the ancients, and belong to the Median colony founded in the
Caucasus by the Scythians. They are the As or Alains of the middle
ages. And lastly, they are the Iasses of Russian chronicles, from whom
some of the Caucasus range took their name of the Iassic Mountains."
This is not the place to discuss identifications belonging to the realm
of criticism. We will content ourselves with adding to these remarks of
Klaproth on the Ossete language, that its pronunciation resembles that
of the Low-German and Slavonic dialects.
The Georgians differ essentially from the neighbouring nations, alike
in their language and in their physical and moral qualities. They are
divided into four principal tribes--the Karthalinians, Mingrelians, and
Shvans (or Swanians), inhabiting the southern range of the Caucasus,
and the Lazes, a wild robber tribe.
As we have seen, the facts collected by Klaproth are very curious, and
throw an unexpected light on the migration of ancient races. The
penetration and sagacity of the traveller were marvellous, and his
memory was extraordinary. The scholar of Berlin rendered signal
services to the science of philology. It is to be regretted that his
qualities as a man, his principles, and his temper, were not on a level
with his knowledge and acumen as a professor.
We must now leave the Old World for the New, and give an account of the
explorations of the young republic of the United States. So soon as the
Federal Government was free from the anxieties of war, and its position
was alike established and recognized, public attention was directed to
the "fur country," which had in turn attracted the English, the
Spanish, and the French. Nootka Sound and the neighbouring coasts,
discovered by the great Cook and the talented Quadra, Vancouver, and
Marchand, were American. Moreover, the Monroe doctrine, destined later
to excite so much discussion, already existed in embryo in the minds of
the statesmen of the day.
In accordance with an Act of Congress, Captain Merryweather Lewis and
Lieutenant William Clarke, were commissioned to trace the Missouri,
from its junction with the Mississippi to its source, and to cross the
Rocky Mountains by the easiest and shortest route, thus opening up
communication between the Gulf of Mexico and the Pacific Ocean. The
officers were also to trade with any Indian tribes they might meet.
The expedition was composed of regular troops and volunteers, numbering
altogether, including the leaders, forty-three men; one boat and two
canoes completed the equipment.
On the 14th May, 1804, the Americans left Wood River, which flows into
the Mississippi, and embarked on the Missouri. From what Cass had said
in his journal, the explorers expected to have to contend with natural
dangers of a very formidable description, and also to fight their way
amongst natives of gigantic stature, whose hostility to the white man
was invincible.
During the first days of this long canoe voyage, only to be compared to
those of Orellana and Condamine on the Amazon, the Americans were
fortunate enough to meet with some Sioux Indians, an old Frenchman, a
Canadian _coureur des bois_, or trapper, who spoke the languages of
most of the Missouri tribes, and consented to accompany the expedition
as interpreter.
They passed the mouths of the Osage, Kansas, Platte or Nebraska, and
White River, all tributaries of the Missouri, successively, and met
various parties of Osage and Sioux, or Maha Indians, who all appeared
to be in a state of utter degradation. One tribe of Sioux had suffered
so much from smallpox, that the male survivors, in a fit of rage and
misery, had killed the women and children spared by the terrible
malady, and fled from the infected neighbourhood.
A little farther north dwelt the Ricaris, or Recs, at first supposed to
be the cleanest, most polite, and most industrious of the tribes the
expedition met with; but a few thefts soon modified that favourable
judgment. It is curious that these people do not depend entirely on
hunting, but cultivate corn, peas, and tobacco.
This is not, however, the case with the Mandans, who are a more robust
race. A custom obtains among them, also characteristic of
Polynesia--they do not bury their dead, but expose them on a scaffold.
Clarke's narrative gives us a few details relating to this strange
tribe. The Mandans look upon the Supreme Being only as an embodiment of
the power of healing. As a result they worship two gods, whom they call
the Great Medicine or the Physician, and the Great Spirit. It would
seem that life is so precious to them that they are impelled to worship
all that can prolong it!
Their origin is strange. They originally lived in a large subterranean
village hollowed out under the ground on the borders of a lake. A vine,
however, struck its roots so deeply in the earth as to reach their
habitations, and some of them ascended to the surface by the aid of
this impromptu ladder. The descriptions given by them on their return
of the vast hunting-grounds, rich in game and fruit, which they had
seen, led the rest of the tribe to resolve to reach so favoured a land.
Half of them had gained the surface, when the vine, bending beneath the
weight of a fat woman, gave way, and rendered the ascent of the rest
impossible. After death the Mandans expect to return to their
subterranean home, but only those who die with a clear conscience can
reach it; the guilty will be flung into a lake.
The explorers took up their quarters for the winter amongst the
Mandans, on the 1st of November. They built huts, as comfortable as
possible with the materials at their command; and in spite of the
extreme cold, gave themselves up to the pleasures of hunting, which
soon became a positive necessity of their existence.
When the ice should break up on the Missouri, the explorers hoped to
continue their voyage; but on their sending the boat down to St. Louis,
laden with the skins and furs already obtained, only thirty men were
found willing to carry the expedition through to the end.
The travellers soon passed the mouth of the Yellowstone River, with a
current nearly as strong as that of the Missouri, flowing through
districts abounding in game.
Cruel was their perplexity when they arrived at a fork where the
Missouri divided into two rivers of nearly equal volume, for which was
the main stream? Captain Lewis with a party of scouts ascended the
southern branch, and soon came in sight of the Rocky Mountains,
completely covered with snow. Guided to the spot by a terrific uproar,
he beheld the Missouri fling itself in one broad sheet of water over a
rocky precipice, beyond which it formed a broken series of rapids,
extending for several miles.
[Illustration: "He beheld the Missouri."]
The detachment now followed this branch, which led them into the heart
of the mountains, and for three or four miles dashed along between two
perpendicular walls of rock, finally dividing itself into three parts,
to which were given the names of Jefferson, Madison, and Galatin, after
celebrated American statesmen.
The last heights were soon crossed, and then the expedition descended
the slopes overlooking the Pacific. The Americans had brought with them
a Soshone woman, who had been protected as a girl by the Indians of the
east, and not only did she serve the explorers faithfully as an
interpreter, but also, through her recognition of a brother in the
chief of a tribe disposed to be hostile, she from that moment secured
cordial treatment for the white men. Unfortunately the country was
poor, the people living entirely on wild berries, bark, and the little
game they were able to obtain.
The Americans, little accustomed to this frugal fare, had to eke it out
by eating their horses, which had grown very thin, and buying all the
dogs the natives would consent to sell. Hence they obtained the
nickname of Dog-eaters.
As the temperature became milder, so did the character of the natives,
whilst food grew more abundant; and as they came down the Oregon, also
known as the Columbia, the salmon formed a seasonable addition to the
bill of fare. When the Columbia, which is dangerous for navigation,
approaches the sea, it forms a vast estuary, where the waves from the
offing meet the current of the river. The Americans more than once
incurred considerable risk of being swallowed up, with their frail
canoe, before they reached the shores of the ocean.
Glad to have accomplished the aim of their expedition, the explorers
wintered at the mouth of the river, and when the fine weather set in
they made their way back to St. Louis, arriving there in May, 1806,
after an absence of two years, four months, and ten days. They had in
that time, according to their own estimate, traversed less than 1378
leagues.
The impulse was now given, and reconnoitring expeditions in the
interior of the new continent rapidly succeeded each other, assuming, a
little later, a scientific character which gives them a position of
their own in the history of discovery.
A few years later, one of the greatest colonizers of whom England can
boast, Sir Stamford Raffles, organizer of the expedition which took
possession of the Dutch colonies, was appointed Military Governor of
Java. During an administration extending over five years, Raffles
brought about numerous reforms, and abolished slavery. Absorbing as was
this work, however, it did not prevent him from publishing two huge
quarto volumes, which are as interesting as they are curious. They
contain, in addition to the history of Java, a vast number of details
about the natives of the interior, until then little known, together
with much circumstantial information respecting the geology and natural
history of the country. It is no wonder, therefore, that in honour of
the man who did so much to make Java known, the name of Rafflesia
should have been given to an immense flower native to it, and of which
some specimens measure over three feet in diameter, and weigh some ten
pounds.
[Illustration: Warrior of Java. (Fac-simile of early engraving.)]
Raffles was also the first to penetrate to the interior of Sumatra, of
which the coast only was previously known. He visited the districts
occupied by the Passoumahs, sturdy tillers of the soil, the northern
provinces, with Memang-Kabou, the celebrated Malayan capital, and
crossed the southern half of the island, from Bencoulen to Palimbang.
Sir Stamford Raffles' fame, however rests principally upon his having
drawn the attention of the Indian Government to the exceptionally
favourable position of Singapore, which was converted by him into an
open port, and grew rapidly into a prosperous settlement.
CHAPTER II.
THE EXPLORATION AND COLONIZATION OF AFRICA.
I.
Peddie and Campbell in the Soudan--Ritchie and Lyon in Fezzan--Denham,
Oudney, and Clapperton in Fezzan, and in the Tibboo country--Lake Tchad
and its tributaries--Kouka and the chief villages of Bornou--Mandara--A
razzia, or raid, in the Fellatah country--Defeat of the Arabs and death
of Boo-Khaloum--Loggan--Death of Toole--En route for Kano--Death of
Oudney--Kano--Sackatoo--Sultan Bello--Return to Europe.
The power of Napoleon, and with it the supremacy of France, was
scarcely overthrown--the Titanic contests, to gratify the ambition of
one man at the expense of the intellectual progress of humanity, were
scarcely at an end, before an honourable rivalry awoke once more, and
new scientific and commercial expeditions were set on foot. A new era
had commenced.
Foremost in the ranks of the governments which organized and encouraged
exploring expeditions we find as usual that of England. It was in
Central Africa, the vast riches of which had been hinted at in the
accounts given of their travels by Hornemann and Burckhardt, that the
attention of the English was now concentrated.
As early as 1816 Major Peddie, starting from Senegal, reached Kakondy,
on the River Nunez, succumbing, however, to the fatigue of the journey
and unhealthiness of the climate soon after his arrival in that town.
Major Campbell succeeded him in the command of the expedition, and
crossed the lofty mountains of Foota-Djalion, losing in a few days
several men and part of the baggage animals.
Arrived at the headquarters of the Almamy, as most of the kings of this
part of Africa are called, the expedition was detained for a long time,
and only obtained permission to depart on payment of a large sum.
Most disastrous was the return journey, for the explorers had not only
to recross the streams they had before forded with such difficulty, but
they were subjected to so many insults, annoyances, and exactions, that
to put an end to them Campbell was obliged to burn his merchandize,
break his guns, and sink his powder.
Against so much fatigue and mortification, added to the complete
failure of his expedition, Major Campbell failed to bear up, and he
died, with several of his officers, in the very place where Major
Peddie had closed his career. The few survivors of the party reached
Sierra Leone after an arduous march.
A little later, Ritchie and Captain George Francis Lyon, availing
themselves of the prestige which the siege of Algiers had brought to
the British flag, and of the cordial relations which the English consul
at Tripoli had succeeded in establishing with the principal Moorish
authorities, determined to follow Hornemann's route, and penetrate to
the very heart of Africa.
On the 25th March, 1819, the travellers left Tripoli with Mahommed el
Moukni, Bey of Fezzan, who is called sultan by his subjects. Protected
by this escort, Ritchie and Lyon reached Murzuk without molestation,
but there the former died on the 2nd November, worn out by the fatigue
and privations of the journey across the desert. Lyon, who was ill for
some time from the same causes, recovered soon enough to foil the
designs of the sultan, who counting on his death, had already begun to
take possession of his property, and also of Ritchie's. The captain
could not penetrate beyond the southern boundaries of Fezzan, but he
had time to collect a good deal of valuable information about the chief
towns of that province and the language of its inhabitants. To him we
likewise owe the first authentic details of the religion, customs,
language, and extraordinary costumes of the Tuarick Arabs, a wild tribe
inhabiting the Great Sahara desert.
Captain Lyon's narrative also contains a good deal of interesting
information collected by himself on Bornou, Wadai, and the Soudan,
although he was unable to visit those places in person.
The results obtained did not by any means satisfy the English
Government, which was most eager to open up the riches of the interior
to its merchants. Consequently the authorities received favourably the
proposals made by Dr. Walter Oudney, a Scotchman, whose enthusiasm had
been aroused by the travels of Mungo Park. This Dr. Oudney was a friend
of Hugh Clapperton, a lieutenant in the Navy, three years his senior,
who had distinguished himself in Canada and elsewhere, but had been
thrown out of employment and reduced to half-pay by the peace of 1815.
Hearing of Oudney's scheme, Clapperton at once determined to join him
in it, and Oudney begged the minister to allow him the aid of that
enterprising officer, whose special knowledge would be of great
assistance. Lord Bathurst made no objection, and the two friends, after
receiving minute instructions, embarked for Tripoli, where they
ascertained that Major Denham was to take the command of their
expedition.
Denham was born in London on the 31st December, 1783, and began life as
an articled pupil to a country lawyer. As an attorney's clerk he found
his duties so irksome and so little suited to his daring spirit that
his longing for adventure soon led him to enlist in a regiment bound
for Spain. Until 1815 he remained with the army, but after the peace he
employed his leisure in visiting France and Italy.
Denham, eager to obtain distinction, had chosen the career which would
best enable him to achieve it, even at the risk of his life, and he now
resolved to become an explorer. With him to think was to act. He had
asked the minister to commission him to go to Timbuctoo by the route
Laing afterwards took when he heard of the expedition under Clapperton
and Oudney; and he now begged to be allowed to join them.
Without any delay Denham obtained the necessary equipment, and
accompanied by a carpenter named William Hillman, he embarked for
Malta, joining his future travelling companions at Tripoli on the 21st
November, 1821. The English at this time enjoyed very great prestige,
not only in the States of Barbary, on account of the bombardment of
Algiers, but also because the British consul at Tripoli had by his
clever diplomacy established friendly relations with the government to
which he was accredited.
This prestige extended beyond the narrow range of the northern states.
The nationality of certain travellers, the protection accorded by
England to the Porte, the British victories in India had all been
vaguely rumoured even in the heart of Africa, and the name of
Englishman, was familiar without any particular meaning being attached
to it. According to the English consul, the route from Tripoli to
Bornou was as safe as that from London to Edinburgh. This was,
therefore, the moment to seize opportunities which might not occur
again.
The three travellers, after a cordial reception from the bey, who
placed all his resources at their disposal, lost no time in leaving
Tripoli, and with an escort provided by the Moorish governor, they
reached Murzuk, the capital of Fezzan, on the 8th April, 1822, without
difficulty, having indeed been received with great enthusiasm in some
of the places through which they passed.
At Sockna, Denham tells us, the governor came out to meet them,
accompanied by the principal inhabitants and hundreds of the country
people, who crowded round their horses, kissing their hands with every
appearance of cordiality and delight, and shouting _Inglesi_,
_Inglesi_, as the visitors entered the town. This welcome was the more
gratifying from the fact that the travellers were the first Europeans
to penetrate into Africa without wearing a disguise. Denham adds that
he feels sure their reception would have been far less cordial had they
stooped to play the part of impostors by attempting to pass for
Mahommedans.
At Murzuk they were harassed by annoyances similar to those which had
paralyzed Hornemann; in their case, however, circumstances and
character were alike different, and without allowing themselves to be
blinded by the compliments paid them by the sultan, the English, who
were thoroughly in earnest, demanded the necessary escort for the
journey to Bornou.
It was impossible, they were told, to start before the following
spring, on account of the difficulty of collecting a kafila or caravan,
and the troops necessary for its escort across the desert.
A rich merchant, however, Boo-Bucker-Boo-Khaloum by name, a great
friend of the pacha, gave the explorers a hint that if he received
certain presents he would smooth away all difficulties. He even offered
to escort them himself to Bornou, for which province he was bound if he
could obtain the necessary permission from the Pacha of Tripoli.
Denham, believing Boo-Khaloum to be acting honestly, went off to
Tripoli to obtain the governor's sanction, but on his arrival there he
obtained only evasive answers, and finally threatened to embark for
England, where he said he would report the obstacles thrown in his way
by the pacha, in the carrying out of the objects of the exploring
expedition.
These menaces produced no effect, and Denham actually set sail, and was
about to land at Marseilles when he received a satisfactory message
from the bey, begging him to return, and authorizing Boo-Khaloum to
accompany him and his companions.
On the 30th October Denham rejoined Oudney and Clapperton at Murzuk,
finding them considerably weakened by fever and the effects of the
climate.
Denham, convinced that change of air would restore them to health,
persuaded them to start and begin the journey by easy stages. He
himself set out on the 20th of November with a caravan of merchants
from Mesurata, Tripoli, Sockna, and Murzuk, escorted by 210 Arab
warriors chosen from the most intelligent and docile of the tribes, and
commanded by Boo-Khaloum.
The expedition took the route followed by Lyon and soon reached
Tegerry, which is the most southerly town of Fezzan, and the last
before the traveller enters the desert of Bilma.
Denham made a sketch of the castle of Tegerry from the southern bank of
a salt lake near the town. Tegerry is entered by a low narrow vaulted
passage leading to a gate in a second rampart. The wall is pierced with
apertures which render the entrance by the narrow passage very
difficult. Above the second gate there is also an aperture through
which darts, and fire-brands may be hurled upon the besiegers, a mode
of warfare once largely indulged in by the Arabs. Inside the town there
are wells of fairly good water. Denham is of opinion that Tegerry
restored, well-garrisoned and provisioned, could sustain a long siege.
Its situation is delightful. It is surrounded by date-trees, and the
water in the neighbourhood is excellent. A chain of low hills stretches
away to the east. Snipes, ducks, and wild geese frequent the salt lakes
near the town.
Leaving Tegerry, the travellers entered a sandy desert, across which it
would not have been easy to find the way, had it not been marked out by
the skeletons of men and animals strewn along it, especially about the
wells.
"One of the skeletons we saw to-day," says Denham, "still looked quite
fresh. The beard was on the chin, the features could be recognized. 'It
is my slave,' exclaimed one of the merchants of the kafila. 'I left him
near here four months ago.' 'Make haste and take him to the market!'
cried a facetious slave merchant, 'lest some one else should claim
him.'"
[Illustration: A kafila of slaves. (Fac-simile of early engraving.)]
Here and there in the desert are oases containing towns of greater or
less importance, at which the caravans halt. Kishi is one of the most
frequented of these places, and there the money for the right of
crossing the desert is paid. The Sultan of Kishi, the ruler of a good
many of these petty principalities, and who takes the title of
Commander of the Faithful, was remarkable for a complete disregard of
cleanliness, a peculiarity in which, according to Denham, his court
fully equalled him.
This sultan paid Boo-Khaloum a visit in his tent, accompanied by half a
dozen Tibboos, some of whom were positively hideous. Their teeth were
of a dark yellow colour, the result of chewing tobacco, of which they
are so fond that they use it as snuff as well as to chew. Their noses
looked like little round bits of flesh stuck on to their faces with
nostrils so wide that they could push their fingers right up them.
Denham's watch, compass, and musical snuffbox astonished them not a
little. He defines these people as brutes with human faces.
A little further on the travellers reached the town of Kirby, situated
in a wady near a low range of hills of which the highest are not more
than 400 feet above the sea level, and between two salt lakes, produced
by the excavations made for building. From the centre of these lakes
rise islets consisting of masses of muriate and carbonate of soda. The
salt produced by these wadys, or depressions of the soil, form an
important article of commerce with Bornou and the whole of the Soudan.
It would be impossible to imagine a more wretched place than Kirby. Its
houses are empty, containing not so much as a mat. How could it be
otherwise with a place liable to incessant raids from the Tuaricks?
The caravan now crossed the Tibboo country, inhabited by a peaceful,
hospitable people to whom, as keepers of the wells and reservoirs of
the desert, the leaders of caravans pay passage-money. The Tibboos are
a strong, active race, and when mounted on their nimble steeds they
display marvellous skill in throwing the lance, which the most vigorous
of their warriors can hurl to a distance of 145 yards. Bilma is their
chief city, and the residence of their sultan.
On the arrival of the travellers at Bilma, the sultan, escorted by a
number of men and women, came out to meet the strangers. The women were
much better-looking than those in the smaller towns; some of them had
indeed very pleasant faces, their white, regular teeth contrasting
admirably with their shining black skins, and the three "triangular
flaps of hair, streaming with oil." Coral ornaments in their noses, and
large amber necklaces round their throats, gave them what Denham calls
a "seductive appearance." Some of them carried fans made of grass or
hair, with which to keep off the flies; others were provided with
branches of trees; all, in fact, carried something in their hands,
which they waved above their heads. Their costume consisted of a loose
piece of Soudan cloth, fastened on the left shoulder, and leaving the
right uncovered, with a smaller piece wound about the head, and falling
on the shoulders or flung back. In spite of this paucity of clothing,
there was not the least immodesty in their bearing.
A mile from Bilma, and beyond a limpid spring, which appears to have
been placed there by nature to afford a supply of water to travellers,
lies a desert, which it takes no less than ten days to cross. This was
probably once a huge salt lake.
On the 4th February, 1823, the caravan reached Lari, a town on the
northern boundary of Bornou, in lat. 14 degrees 40 minutes N. The
inhabitants, astonished at the size of the "kafila," fled in terror at
its approach.
"Beyond, however," says Denham, "was an object full of interest to us,
and the sight of it produced a sensation so gratifying and inspiring,
that it would be difficult for language to convey an idea of its force
or pleasure. The great Lake Tchad, glowing with the golden rays of the
sun in its strength, appeared to be within a mile of the spot on which
we stood."
On leaving Lari, the appearance of the country changed completely. The
sandy desert was succeeded by a clay soil, clothed with grass and
dotted with acacias and other trees of various species, amongst which
grazed herds of antelopes, whilst Guinea fowls and the turtle-doves of
Barbary flew hither and thither above them. Towns took the place of
villages, with huts of the shape of bells, thatched with durra straw.
The travellers continued their journey southwards, rounding Lake Tchad,
which they had first touched at its most northerly point.
The districts bordering on this sheet of water were of a black, firm,
but muddy soil. The waters rise to a considerable height in winter, and
sink in proportion in the summer. The lake is of fresh water, rich in
fish, and frequented by hippopotami and aquatic birds. Near its centre,
on the south-east, are the islands inhabited by the Biddomahs, a race
who live by pillaging the people of the mainland.
The explorers had sent a messenger to Sheikh El Khanemy, to ask
permission to enter his capital, and an envoy speedily arrived to
invite Boo-Khaloum and his companions to Kouka.
On their way thither, the travellers passed through Burwha, a fortified
town which had thus far resisted the inroads of the Tuaricks, and
crossed the Yeou, a large river, in some parts more than 500 feet in
width, which, rising in the Soudan, flows into Lake Tchad.
On the southern shores of this river rises a little town of the same
name, about half the size of Burwha.
The caravan soon reached the gates of Kouka, where, after a journey
extending over two months and a half, they were received by a body of
cavalry 4000 strong, under perfect discipline. Amongst these troops was
a corps of blacks forming the body-guard of the sheikh, whose
equipments resembled those of ancient chivalry.
[Illustration: Member of the body-guard of the Sheikh of Bornou.
(Fac-simile of early engraving.)]
They wore, Denham tells us, suits of chain armour covering the neck and
shoulders. These were fastened above the head, and fell in two
portions, one in front and one behind, so as to protect the flanks of
the horse and the thighs of the rider. A sort of casque or iron coif,
kept in its place by red, white or yellow turbans, tied under the chin,
completed the costume. The horses' heads were also guarded by iron
plates. Their saddles were small and light, and their steel stirrups
held only the point of the feet, which were clad in leather shoes,
ornamented with crocodile skin. The horsemen managed their steeds
admirably, as, advancing at full gallop, brandishing their spears, they
wheeled right and left of their guests, shouting "Barca! Barca!"
(Blessing! Blessing!).
Surrounded by this brilliant and fantastic escort, the English and
Arabs entered the town, where a similar military display had been
prepared in their honour.
They were presently admitted to the presence of Sheikh El-Khanemy, who
appeared to be about forty-five years old, and whose face was
prepossessing, with a happy, intelligent, and benevolent expression.
The English presented the letters of the pacha, and when the sheikh had
read them, he asked Denham what had brought him and his companions to
Bornou.
"We came merely to see the country," replied Denham, "to study the
character of its people, its scenery, and its productions."
"You are welcome," was the reply; "it will be a pleasure to me to show
you everything. I have ordered huts to be built for you in the town;
you may go and see them, accompanied by one of my people, and when you
are recovered from the fatigue of your long journey, I shall be happy
to see you."
[Illustration: Reception of the Mission. (Fac-simile of early
engraving.)]
The travellers soon afterwards obtained permission to make collections
of such animals and plants as appeared to them curious, and to make
notes of all their observations. They were thus enabled to collect a
good deal of information about the towns near Kouka.
Kouka, then the capital of Bornou, boasted of a market for the sale of
slaves, sheep, oxen, cheese, rice, earth-nuts, beans, indigo, and other
productions of the country. There 100,000 people might sometimes be
seen haggling about the price of fish, poultry, meat--the last sold
both raw and cooked--or that of brass, copper, amber and coral. Linen
was so cheap in these parts, that some of the men wore shirts and
trousers made of it.
Beggars have a peculiar mode of exciting compassion; they station
themselves at the entrance to the market, and, holding up the rags of
an old pair of trousers, they whine out to the passers-by, "See! I have
no pantaloons!" The novelty of this mode of proceeding, and the request
for a garment, which seemed to them even more necessary than food, made
our travellers laugh heartily until they became accustomed to it.
Hitherto the English had had nothing to do with any one but the sheikh,
who, content with wielding all real power, left the nominal sovereignty
to the sultan, an eccentric monarch, who never showed himself except
through the bars of a wicker cage near the gate of his garden, as if he
were some rare wild beast. Curious indeed were some of the customs of
this court, not the least so the fancy for obesity: no one was
considered elegant unless he had attained to a bulk generally looked
upon as very inconvenient.
Some exquisites had stomachs so distended and prominent that they
seemed literally to hang over the pommel of the saddle; and in addition
to this, fashion prescribed a turban of such length and weight that its
wearer had to carry his head on one side.
These uncouth peculiarities rivalled those of the Turks of a masked
ball, and the travellers had often hard work to preserve their gravity.
To compensate, however, for the grotesque solemnity of the various
receptions, a new field for observation was open, and much valuable
information might now be acquired.
Denham wished to proceed to the south at once, but the sheikh was
unwilling to risk the lives of the travellers entrusted to him by the
Bey of Tripoli. On their entry into Bornou, the responsibility of
Boo-Khaloum for their safety was transferred to him.
So earnest, however, were the entreaties of Denham, that El-Khanemy at
last sanctioned his accompanying Boo-Khaloum in a "ghrazzie," or
plundering expedition against the Kaffirs or infidels.
The sheikh's army and the Arab troops passed in succession Yeddie, a
large walled city twenty miles from Angoumou, Badagry, and several
other towns built on an alluvial soil which has a dark clay-like
appearance.
They entered Mandara, at the frontier town of Delow, beyond which the
sultan of the province, with five hundred horsemen, met his guests.
Denham describes Mahommed Becker as a man of short stature, about fifty
years old, wearing a beard, painted of a most delicate azure blue. The
presentations over, the sultan at once turned to Denham, and asked who
he was, whence he came, what he wanted, and lastly if he were a
Mahommedan. On Boo-Khaloum's hesitating to reply, the sultan turned
away his head, with the words, "So the pacha numbers infidels amongst
his friends!"
This incident had a very bad effect, and Denham was not again admitted
to the presence of the sultan.
[Illustration: Lancer of the army of the Sultan of Begharmi.
(Fac-simile of early engraving.)]
The enemies of the Pacha of Bornou and the Sultan of Mandara, were
called Fellatahs. Their vast settlements extended far beyond Timbuctoo.
They are a handsome set of men, with skins of a dark bronze colour,
which shows them to be of a race quite distinct from the negroes. They
are professors of Mahommedanism, and mix but little with the blacks. We
shall presently have to speak more particularly of the Fellatahs,
Foulahs, or Fans, as they are called throughout the Soudan.
South of the town of Mora rises a chain of mountains, of which the
loftiest peaks are not more than 2500 feet high, but which, according
to the natives, extend for more than "two months' journey."
The most salient point noticed by Denham in his description of the
country, is a vast and apparently interminable chain of mountains,
shutting in the view on every side; this, though in his opinion,
inferior to the Alps, Apennines, Jura, and Sierra Morena in rugged
magnificence and gigantic grandeur, are yet equal to them in
picturesque effect. The lofty peaks of Valhmy, Savah, Djoggiday,
Munday, &c., with clustering villages on their stony sides, rise on the
east and west, while Horza, exceeding any of them in height and beauty,
rises on the south with its ravines and precipices.
Derkulla, one of the chief Fellatah towns, was reduced to ashes by the
invaders, who lost no time in pressing on to Musfeia, a position which,
naturally very strong, was further defended by palisades manned by a
numerous body of archers. The English traveller had to take part in the
assault. The first onslaught of the Arabs appeared to carry all before
it; the noise of the fire-arms, with the reputation for bravery and
cruelty enjoyed by Boo-Khaloum and his men, threw the Fellatahs into
momentary confusion, and if the men of Mandara and Bornou had followed
up their advantage and stormed the hill, the town would probably have
fallen.
The besieged, however, noticing the hesitation of their assailants, in
their turn assumed the defensive, and rallying their archers discharged
a shower of poisoned arrows, to which many an Arab fell a victim, and
before which the forces of Bornou and Mandara gave way.
Barca, the Bornou general, had three horses killed under him.
Boo-Khaloum and his steed were both wounded, and Denham was in a
similar plight, with the skin of his face grazed by one arrow and two
others lodged in his burnoos.
The retreat soon became a rout. Denham's horse fell under him, and the
major had hardly regained his feet when he was surrounded by Fellatahs.
Two fled on the presentation of the Englishman's pistols, a third
received the charge in his shoulder.
Denham thought he was safe, when his horse fell a second time, flinging
his master violently against a tree. This time when the major rose he
found himself with neither horse nor weapons; and the next moment he
was surrounded by enemies, who stripped him and wounded him in both
hands and the right side, leaving him half dead at last to fight over
his clothes, which seemed to them of great value.
Availing himself of this lucky quarrel, Denham slipped under a horse
standing by, and disappeared in the thicket. Naked, bleeding, wild with
pain, he reached the edge of a ravine with a mountain stream flowing
through it. His strength was all but gone, and he was clutching at a
bough of a tree overhanging the water with a view to dropping himself
into it as the banks were very steep, and the branches were actually
bending beneath his weight, when from beneath his hand a gigantic
liffa, the most venomous kind of serpent in the country, rose from its
coil in the very act of striking. Horror-struck, Denham let slip the
branch, and tumbled headlong into the water, but fortunately the shock
revived him, he struck out almost unconsciously, swam to the opposite
bank, and climbing it, found himself safe from his pursuers.
Fortunately the fugitive soon saw a group of horsemen amongst the
trees, and in spite of the noise of the pursuit, he managed to shout
loud enough to make them hear him. They turned out to be Barca Gana and
Boo-Khaloum, with some Arabs. Mounted on a sorry steed, with no other
clothing than an old blanket swarming with vermin, Denham travelled
thirty-seven miles. The pain of his wounds was greatly aggravated by
the heat, the thermometer being at 32 degrees.
The only results of the expedition, which was to have brought in such
quantities of booty and numerous slaves, were the deaths of Boo-Khaloum
and thirty-six of his Arabs, the wounding of nearly all the rest, and
the loss or destruction of all the horses.
The eighty miles between Mora and Kouka were traversed in six days.
Denham was kindly received in the latter town by the sultan, who sent
him a native garment to replace his lost wardrobe. The major had hardly
recovered from his wounds and fatigue, before he took part in a new
expedition, sent to Munga, a province on the west of Bornou, by the
sheikh, whose authority had never been fully recognized there, and
whose claim for tribute had been refused by the inhabitants.
[Illustration: Map of Denham and Clapperton's Journey. Grave par E.
Morieu.]
Denham and Oudney left Kouka on the 22nd May, and crossed the Yeou,
then nearly dried up, but an important stream in the rainy season, and
visited Birnie, with the ruins of the capital of the same name, which
was capable of containing two hundred thousand inhabitants. The
travellers also passed through the ruins of Gambarou with its
magnificent buildings, the favourite residence of the former sultan,
destroyed by the Fellatahs, Kabshary, Bassecour, Bately, and many other
towns or villages, whose numerous populations submitted without a
struggle to the Sultan of Bornou.
The rainy season was disastrous to the members of the expedition,
Clapperton fell dangerously ill of fever, and Oudney, whose chest was
delicate even before he left England, grew weaker every day. Denham
alone kept up. On the 14th of December, when the rainy season was
drawing to a close, Clapperton and Oudney started for Kano. We shall
presently relate the particulars of this interesting part of their
expedition.
Seven days later, an ensign, named Toole, arrived at Kouka, after a
journey from Tripoli, which had occupied only three months and fourteen
days.
In February, 1824, Denham and Toole made a trip into Luggun, on the
south of Lake Tchad. All the districts near the lake and its tributary,
the Shari, are marshy, and flooded during the rainy season. The
unhealthiness of the climate was fatal to young Toole, who died at
Angala, on the 26th of February, at the early age of twenty-two.
Persevering, enterprising, bright and obliging, with plenty of pluck
and prudence, Toole was a model explorer.
Luggun was then very little known, its capital Kernok, contained no
less than 15,000 inhabitants. The people of Luggun, especially the
women--who are very industrious, and manufacture the finest linens, and
fabrics of the closest texture--are handsomer and more intelligent than
those of Bornou.
The necessary interview with the sultan ended, after an exchange of
complimentary speeches and handsome presents, in this strange proposal
from his majesty to the travellers: "If you have come to buy female
slaves, you need not be at the trouble to go further, as I will sell
them to you as cheap as possible." Denham had great trouble in
convincing the merchant prince that such traffic was not the aim of his
journey, but that the love of science alone had brought him to Luggun.
On the 2nd of March, Denham returned to Kouka, and on the 20th of May,
he was witness to the arrival of Lieutenant Tyrwhitt, who had come to
take up his residence as consul at the court of Bornou, bearing costly
presents for the sultan.
[Illustration: Portrait of Clapperton. (Fac-simile of early
engraving.)]
After a final excursion in the direction of Manou, the capital of
Kanem, and a visit to the Dogganah, who formerly occupied all the
districts about Lake Fitri, the major joined Clapperton in his return
journey to Tripoli, starting on the 16th of April, and arriving there
in safety at the close of a long and arduous journey, whose
geographical results, important in any case, had been greatly enhanced
by the labours of Clapperton. To the adventures and discoveries of the
latter we must now turn. Clapperton and Oudney started for Kano, a
large Fellatah town on the west of Lake Tchad, on the 14th of December,
1823, followed the Yeou as far as Damasak, and visited the ruins of
Birnie, and those of Bera, on the shores of a lake formed by the
overflowing of the Yeou, Dogamou and Bekidarfi, all towns of Houssa.
The people of this province, who were very numerous before the invasion
of the Fellatahs, are armed with bows and arrows, and trade in tobacco,
nuts, gouro, antimony, tanned hares' skins, and cotton stuffs in the
piece and made into clothes.
The caravan soon left the banks of the Yeou or Gambarou, and entered a
wooded country, which was evidently under water in the rainy season.
The travellers then entered the province of Katagoum, where the
governor received them with great cordiality, assuring them that their
arrival was quite an event to him, as it would be to the Sultan of the
Fellatahs, who, like himself, had never before seen an Englishman. He
also assured them that they would find all they required in his
district, just as at Kouka.
The only thing which seemed to surprise him much, was the fact that his
visitors wanted neither slaves, horses, nor silver, and that the sole
proof of his friendship they required was permission to collect flowers
and plants, and to travel in his country.
According to Clapperton's observations, Katagoum is situated in lat. 12
degrees 17 minutes 11 seconds N., and about 12 degrees E. long. Before
the Fellatahs were conquered, it was on the borders of the province of
Bornou. It can send into the field 4000 cavalry, and 2000 foot
soldiers, armed with bows and arrows, swords and lances. Wheat, and
oxen, with slaves, are its chief articles of commerce. The citadel is
the strongest the English had seen, except that of Tripoli. Entered by
gates which are shut at night, it is defended by two parallel walls,
and three dry moats, one inside, one out, and the third between the two
walls which are twenty feet high, and ten feet wide at the base. A
ruined mosque is the only other object of interest in the town, which
consists of mud houses, and contains some seven or eight hundred
inhabitants.
There the English for the first time saw cowries used as money.
Hitherto native cloth had been the sole medium of exchange.
South of Katagoum is the Yacoba country, called Mouchy by the
Mahommedans. According to accounts received by Clapperton, the people
of Yacoba, which is shut in by limestone mountains, are cannibals. The
Mahommedans, however, who have an intense horror of the "Kaffirs," give
no other proof of this accusation than the statement that they have
seen human heads and limbs hanging against the walls of the houses.
In Yacoba rises the Yeou, a river which dries up completely in the
summer; but, according to the people who live on its banks, rises and
falls regularly every week throughout the rainy season.
On the 11th of January, the journey was resumed; but a halt had to be
made at Murmur at noon of the same day, as Oudney showed signs of such
extreme weakness and exhaustion, that Clapperton feared he could not
last through another day. He had been gradually failing ever since they
left the mountains of Obarri in Fezzan, where he had inflammation of
the throat from sitting in a draught when over-heated.
On the 12th of January, Oudney took a cup of coffee at daybreak, and at
his request Clapperton changed camels with him. He then helped him to
dress, and leaning on his servant, the doctor left the tent. He was
about to attempt to mount his camel, when Clapperton saw death in his
face. He supported him back to the tent, where to his intense grief, he
expired at once, without a groan or any sign of suffering. Clapperton
lost no time in asking the governor's permission to bury his comrade;
and this being obtained, he dug a grave for him himself under an old
mimosa-tree near one of the gates of the town. After the body had been
washed according to the custom of the country, it was wrapped in some
of the turban shawls which were to have served as presents on the
further journey; the servants carried it to its last resting-place, and
Clapperton read the English burial service at the grave. When the
ceremony was over, he surrounded the modest resting-place with a wall
of earth, to keep off beasts of prey, and had two sheep killed, which
he divided amongst the poor.
Thus closed the career of the young naturalist and ship's doctor,
Oudney. His terrible malady, whose germs he had brought with him from
England, had prevented him from rendering so much service to the
expedition as the Government had expected from him, although he never
spared himself, declaring that he felt better on the march, than when
resting. Knowing that his weakened constitution would not admit of any
sustained exertion on his part, he would never damp the ardour of his
companions.
After this sad event, Clapperton resumed his journey to Kano, halting
successively at Digou, situated in a well-cultivated district, rich in
flocks; Katoungora, beyond the province of Katagoum; Zangeia,
once--judging from its extent and the ruined walls still standing--an
important place, near the end of the Douchi chain of hills; Girkoua,
with a finer market-place than that of Tripoli; and Souchwa, surrounded
by an imposing earthwork.
Kano, the Chana of Edrisi and other Arab geographers, and the great
emporium of the kingdom of Houssa, was reached on the 20th January.
Clapperton tells us that he had hardly entered the gates before his
expectations were disappointed; after the brilliant description of the
Arabs, he had expected to see a town of vast extent. The houses were a
quarter of a mile from the walls, and stood here and there in little
groups, separated by large pools of stagnant water. "I might have
dispensed with the care I had bestowed on my dress," (he had donned his
naval uniform), "for the inhabitants, absorbed in their own affairs,
let me pass without remark and never so much as looked at me."
Kano, the capital of the province of that name and one of the chief
towns of the Soudan, is situated in N. lat. 12 degrees 0 minutes 19
seconds, and E. long. 9 degrees 20 minutes. It contains between thirty
and forty thousand inhabitants, of whom the greater number are slaves.
The market, bounded on the east and west by vast reedy swamps, is the
haunt of numerous flocks of ducks, storks, and vultures, which act as
scavengers to the town. In this market, stocked with all the provisions
in use in Africa, beef, mutton, goats' and sometimes even camels'
flesh, are sold.
Writing paper of French manufacture, scissors and knives, antimony,
tin, red silk, copper bracelets, glass beads, coral, amber, steel
rings, silver ornaments, turban shawls, cotton cloths, calico, Moorish
habiliments, and many other articles, are exposed for sale in large
quantities in the market-place of Kano.
There Clapperton bought for three piastres, an English cotton umbrella
from Ghadames. He also visited the slave-market, where the unfortunate
human chattels are as carefully examined as volunteers for the navy are
by our own inspectors.
The town is very unhealthy, the swamps cutting it in two, and the holes
produced by the removal of the earth for building, produce permanent
malaria.
It is the fashion at Kano to stain the teeth and limbs with the juice
of a plant called _gourgi_, and with tobacco, which produces a bright
red colour. Gouro nuts are chewed, and sometimes even swallowed when
mixed with _trona_, a habit not peculiar to Houssa, for it extends to
Bornou, where it is strictly forbidden to women. The people of Houssa
smoke a native tobacco.
On the 23rd of February, Clapperton started for Sackatoo. He crossed a
picturesque well-cultivated country, whose wooded hills gave it the
appearance of an English park. Herds of beautiful white or dun-coloured
oxen gave animation to the scenery.
The most important places passed en route by Clapperton were Gadania, a
densely populated town, the inhabitants of which had been sold as
slaves by the Fellatahs, Doncami, Zirmia, the capital of Gambra,
Kagaria, Kouari, and the wells of Kamoun, where he met an escort sent
by the sultan.
Sackatoo was the most thickly populated city that the explorer had seen
in Africa. Its well-built houses form regular streets, instead of
clustering in groups as in the other towns of Houssa. It is surrounded
by a wall between twenty and thirty feet high, pierced by twelve gates,
which are closed every evening at sunset, and it boasts of two mosques,
with a market and a large square opposite to the sultan's residence.
The inhabitants, most of whom are Fellatahs, own many slaves; and the
latter, those at least who are not in domestic service, work at some
trade for their masters' profit. They are weavers, masons, blacksmiths,
shoemakers, or husbandmen.
To do honour to his host, and also to give him an exalted notion of the
power and wealth of England, Clapperton assumed a dazzling costume when
he paid his first visit to Sultan Bello. He covered his uniform with
gold lace, donned white trousers and silk stockings, and completed this
holiday attire by a Turkish turban and slippers. Bello received him,
seated on a cushion in a thatched hut like an English cottage. The
sultan, a handsome man, about forty-five years old, wore a blue cotton
_tobe_ and a white cotton turban, one end of which fell over his nose
and mouth in Turkish fashion.
Bello accepted the traveller's presents with childish glee. The watch,
telescope, and thermometer, which he naively called a "heat watch,"
especially delighted him; but he wondered more at his visitor than at
any of his gifts. He was unwearied in his questions as to the manners,
customs, and trade of England; and after receiving several replies, he
expressed a wish to open commercial relations with that power. He would
like an English consul and a doctor to reside in a port he called Raka,
and finally he requested that certain articles of English manufacture
should be sent to Funda, a very thriving sea-port of his. After a good
many talks on the different religions of Europe, Bello gave back to
Clapperton the books, journals, and clothes which had been taken from
Denham, at the time of the unfortunate excursion in which Boo-Khaloum
lost his life.
On the 3rd May, Clapperton took leave of the sultan. This time there
was a good deal of delay before he was admitted to an audience. Bello
was alone, and gave the traveller a letter for the King of England,
with many expressions of friendship towards the country of his visitor,
reiterating his wish to open commercial relations with it and begging
him to let him have a letter to say when the English expedition
promised by Clapperton would arrive on the coast of Africa.
Clapperton returned by the route by which he had come, arriving on the
8th of July at Kouka, where he rejoined Denham. He had brought with him
an Arab manuscript containing a geographical and historical picture of
the kingdom of Takrour, governed by Mahommed Bello of Houssa, author of
the manuscript. He himself had not only collected much valuable
information on the geology and botany of Bornou and Houssa, but also
drawn up a vocabulary of the languages of Begharmi, Mandara, Bornou,
Houssa, and Timbuctoo.
The results of the expedition were therefore considerable. The
Fellatahs had been heard of for the first time, and their identity with
the Fans had been ascertained by Clapperton in his second journey. It
had been proved that these Fellatahs had created a vast empire in the
north and west of Africa, and also that beyond a doubt they did not
belong to the negro race. The study of their language, and its
resemblance to certain idioms not of African origin, will some day
throw a light on the migration of races. Lastly, Lake Tchad had been
discovered, and though not entirely examined, the greater part of its
shores had been explored. It had been ascertained to have two
tributaries: the Yeou, part of whose course had been traced, whilst its
source had been pointed out by the natives, and the Shari, the mouth
and lower portion of which had been carefully examined by Denham. With
regard to the Niger, the information collected by Clapperton from the
natives was still very contradictory, but the balance of evidence was
in favour of its flowing into the Gulf of Benin. However, Clapperton
intended, after a short rest in England, to return to Africa, and
landing on the western coast make his way up the Kouara or Djoliba as
the natives call the Niger; to set at rest once for all the dispute as
to whether that river was or was not identical with the Nile; to
connect his new discoveries with those of Denham, and lastly to cross
Africa, taking a diagonal course from Tripoli to the Gulf of Benin.
II.
Clapperton's second journey--Arrival at Badagry--Yariba and its capital
Katunga--Boussa--Attempts to get at the truth about Mungo Park's
fate--"Nyffe," Yaourie, and Zegzeg--Arrival at Kano--Disappointments--
Death of Clapperton--Return of Lander to the coast--Tuckey on the
Congo--Bowditch in Ashantee--Mollien at the sources of the Senegal and
Gambia--Major Grey--Caillie at Timbuctoo--Laing at the sources of the
Niger--Richard and John Lander at the mouth of the Niger--Cailliaud and
Letorzec in Egypt, Nubia, and the oasis of Siwah.
So soon as Clapperton arrived in England, he submitted to Lord Bathurst
his scheme for going to Kouka _via_ the Bight of Benin--in other words
by the shortest way, a route not attempted by his predecessors--and
ascending the Niger from its mouth to Timbuctoo.
In this expedition three others were associated with Clapperton, who
took the command. These three were a surgeon named Dickson, Pearce, a
ship's captain, and Dr. Morrison, also in the merchant service; the
last-named well up in every branch of natural history.
On the 26th November, 1825, the expedition arrived in the Bight of
Benin. For some reason unexplained, Dickson had asked permission to
make his way to Sockatoo alone and he landed for that purpose at
Whydah. A Portuguese named Songa, and Colombus, Denham's servant,
accompanied him as far as Dahomey. Seventeen days after he left that
town, Dickson reached Char, and a little later Yaourie, beyond which
place he was never traced.[1]
[Footnote 1: Dickson quarrelled with a native chief, and was murdered
by his followers. See Clapperton's "Last Journey in Africa."--_Trans._]
The other explorers sailed up the Bight of Benin, and were warned by an
English merchant named Houtson, not to attempt the ascent of the
Quorra, as the king of the districts watered by it had conceived an
intense hatred of the English, on account of their interference with
the slave-trade, the most remunerative branch of his commerce.
It would be much better, urged Houtson, to go to Badagry, no great
distance from Sackatoo, the chief of which, well-disposed as he was to
travellers, would doubtless give them an escort as far as the frontiers
of Yariba. Houtson had lived in the country many years, and was well
acquainted with the language and habits of its people. Clapperton,
therefore, thought it desirable to attach him to the expedition as far
as Katunga, the capital of Yariba.
The expedition disembarked at Badagry, on the 29th November, 1825,
ascended an arm of the Lagos, and then, for a distance of two miles,
the Gazie creek, which traverses part of Dahomey. Descending the left
bank, the explorers began their march into the interior of the country,
through districts consisting partly of swamps and partly of yam
plantations. Everything indicated fertility. The negroes were very
averse to work, and it would be impossible to relate the numerous
"palavers" and negotiations which had to be gone through, and the
exactions which were submitted to, before porters could be obtained.
The explorers succeeded, in spite of these difficulties, in reaching
Jenneh, sixty miles from the coast. Here Clapperton tells us he saw
several looms at work, as many as eight or nine in one house, a regular
manufactory in fact. The people of Jenneh also make earthenware, but
they prefer that which they get from Europe, often putting the foreign
produce to uses for which it was never intended.
At Jenneh the travellers were all attacked with fever, the result of
the great heat and the unhealthiness of the climate. Pearce and
Morrison both died on the 27th December, the former soon after he left
Jenneh with Clapperton, the latter at that town, to which he had
returned to rest.
At Assondo, a town of no less than 10,000 inhabitants; Daffou,
containing some 5000, and other places visited by Clapperton on his way
through the country, he found that an extraordinary rumour had preceded
him, to the effect that he had come to restore peace to the districts
distracted by war, and to do good to the lands he explored.
At Tchow the caravan met a messenger with a numerous escort, sent by
the King of Yariba to meet the explorers, and shortly afterwards
Katunga was entered. This town is built round the base of a rugged
granite mountain. It is about three miles in extent, and is both framed
in and planted with bushy trees presenting a most picturesque
appearance.
[Illustration: "The caravan met a messenger."]
Clapperton remained at Katunga from the 24th January to the 7th March,
1826. He was entertained there with great hospitality by the sultan,
who, however, refused to give him permission to go to Houssa and Bornou
by way of Nyffe or Toppa, urging as reasons that Nyffe was distracted
by civil war, and one of the pretenders to the throne had called in the
aid of the Fellatahs. It would be more prudent to go through Yaourie.
Whether these excuses were true or not, Clapperton had to submit.
The explorer availed himself of his detention at Katunga to make
several interesting observations. This town contains no less than seven
markets, in which are exposed for sale yams, cereals, bananas, figs,
the seeds of gourds, hares, poultry, sheep, lambs, linen cloth, and
various implements of husbandry.
The houses of the king and those of his wives are situated in two large
parks. The doors and the pillars of the verandahs are adorned with
fairly well executed carvings, representing such scenes as a boa
killing an antelope, or a pig, or a group of warriors and drummers.
According to Clapperton the people of Yariba have fewer of the
characteristics of the negro race than any natives of Africa with whom
he was brought in contact. Their lips are not so thick and their noses
are of a more aquiline shape. The men are well made, and carry
themselves with an ease which cannot fail to be remarked. The women are
less refined-looking than the men, the result, probably, of exposure to
the sun and the fatigue they endure, compelled as they are to do all
the work of the fields.
Soon after leaving Katunga, Clapperton crossed the Mousa, a tributary
of the Quorra and entered Kiama, one of the halting-places of the
caravans trading between Houssa and Borghoo, and Gandja, on the
frontiers of Ashantee. Kiama contains no less than 13,000 inhabitants,
who are considered the greatest thieves in Africa. To say a man is from
Borghoo is to brand him as a blackguard at once.
Outside Kiama the traveller met the Houssa caravan. Some thousands of
men and women, oxen, asses, and horses, marching in single file, formed
an interminable line presenting a singular and grotesque appearance. A
motley assemblage truly: naked girls alternating with men bending
beneath their loads, or with Gandja merchants in the most outlandish
and ridiculous costumes, mounted on bony steeds which stumbled at every
step.
Clapperton now made for Boussa on the Niger, where Mungo Park was
drowned. Before reaching it he had to cross the Oli, a tributary of the
Quorra, and to pass through Wow-wow, a district of Borghoo, the capital
of which, also called Wow-wow, contained some 18,000 inhabitants. It
was one of the cleanest and best built towns the traveller had entered
since he left Badagry. The streets are wide and well kept, and the
houses are round, with conical thatched roofs. Drunkenness is a
prevalent vice in Wow-wow: governor, priests, laymen, men and women,
indulge to excess in palm wine, in rum brought from the coast, and in
"bouza." The latter beverage is a mixture made of dhurra, honey,
cayenne pepper, and the root of a coarse grass eaten by cattle, with
the addition of a certain quantity of water.
Clapperton tells us that the people of Wow-wow are famous for their
cleanliness; they are cheerful, benevolent, and hospitable. No other
people whom he had met with had been so ready to give him information
about their country; and, more extraordinary still, did not meet with a
single beggar. The natives say they are not aborigines of Borghoo, but
that they are descendants of the natives of Houssa and Nyffe. They
speak a Yariba dialect, but the Wow-wow women are pretty, which those
of Yariba are not. The men are muscular and well-made, but have a
dissipated look. Their religion is a lax kind of Mahommedanism
tinctured with paganism.
Since leaving the coast Clapperton had met tribes of unconverted
Fellatahs speaking the same language, and resembling in feature and
complexion others who had adopted Mahommedanism. A significant fact
which points to their belonging to one race.
Boussa, which the traveller reached at last, is not a regular town, but
consists of groups of scattered houses on an island of the Quorra,
situated in lat. 10 degrees 14 minutes N., and long. 6 degrees 11
minutes E. The province of which it is the capital is the most densely
populated of Borghoo. The inhabitants are all Pagans, even the sultan,
although his name is Mahommed. They live upon monkeys, dogs, cats,
rats, beef, and mutton.
Breakfast was served to the sultan whilst he was giving audience to
Clapperton, whom he invited to join him. The meal consisted of a large
water-rat grilled without skinning, a dish of fine boiled rice, some
dried fish stewed in palm oil, fried alligators' eggs, washed down with
fresh water from the Quorra. Clapperton took some stewed fish and rice,
but was much laughed at because he would eat neither the rat nor the
alligators' eggs.
The sultan received him very courteously, and told him that the Sultan
of Yaourie had had boats ready to take him to that town for the last
seven days. Clapperton replied that as the war had prevented all exit
from Bornou and Yaourie, he should prefer going by way of Coulfo and
Nyffe. "You are right," answered the sultan; "you did well to come and
see me, and you can take which ever route you prefer."
At a later audience Clapperton made inquiries about the Englishmen who
had perished in the Quorra twenty years before. This subject evidently
made the sultan feel very ill at ease, and he evaded the questions put
to him, by saying he was too young at the time to remember what
happened.
Clapperton explained that he only wanted to recover their books and
papers, and to visit the scene of their death; and the sultan in reply
denied having anything belonging to them, adding a warning against his
guest's going to the place where they died, for it was a "very bad
place."
"But I understood," urged Clapperton, "that part of the boat they were
in could still be seen."
"No, it was a false report," replied the sultan, "the boat had long
since been carried down by the stream; it was somewhere amongst the
rocks, he didn't know where."
To a fresh demand for Park's papers and journals the sultan replied
that he had none of them; they were in the hands of some learned men;
but as Clapperton seemed to set such store by them, he would have them
looked for. Thanking him for this promise, Clapperton begged permission
to question the old men of the place, some of whom must have witnessed
the catastrophe. No answer whatever was returned to this appeal, by
which the sultan was evidently much embarrassed. It was useless to
press him further.
This was a check to Clapperton's further inquiries. On every side he
was met with embarrassed silence or such replies as, "The affair
happened so long ago, I can't remember it," or, "I was not witness to
it." The place where the boat had been stopped and its crew drowned was
pointed out to him, but even that was done cautiously. A few days
later, Clapperton found out that the former Imaun, who was a Fellatah,
had had Mungo Park's books and papers in his possession. Unfortunately,
however, this Imaun had long since left Boussa. Finally, when at
Coulfo, the explorer ascertained beyond a doubt that Mungo Park had
been murdered.
Before leaving Borghoo, Clapperton recorded his conviction of the
baselessness of the bad reputation of the inhabitants, who had been
branded everywhere as thieves and robbers. He had completely explored
their country, travelled and hunted amongst them alone, and never had
the slightest reason to complain.
The traveller now endeavoured to reach Kano by way of Zouari and
Zegzeg, first crossing the Quorra. He soon arrived at Fabra, on the
Mayarrow, the residence of the queen-mother of Nyffe, and then went to
visit the king, in camp at a short distance from the town. This king,
Clapperton tells us, was the most insolent rogue imaginable, asking for
everything he saw, and quite unabashed by any refusal. His ambition and
his calling in of the Fellatahs, who would throw him over as soon as he
had answered their purpose, had been the ruin of his country. Thanks
indeed to him, nearly the whole of the industrial population of Nyffe
had been killed, sold into slavery, or had fled the country.
Clapperton was detained by illness much longer than he had intended to
remain at Coulfo, a commercial town on the northern banks of the
Mayarrow containing from twelve to fifteen thousand inhabitants.
Exposed for the last twenty years to the raids of the Fellatahs, Coulfo
had been burnt twice in six years. Clapperton was witness when there of
the Feast of the New Moon. On that festival every one exchanged visits.
The women wear their woolly hair plaited and stained with indigo. Their
eyebrows are dyed the same colour. Their eyelids are painted with kohl,
their lips are stained yellow, their teeth red, and their hands and
feet are coloured with henna. On the day of the Feast of the Moon they
don their gayest garments, with their glass beads, bracelets, copper,
silver, steel, or brass. They also turn the occasion to account by
drinking as much bouza as the men, joining in all their songs and
dances.
After passing through Katunga, Clapperton entered the province of
Gouari, the people of which though conquered with the rest of Houssa by
the Fellatahs, had rebelled against them on the death of Bello I., and
since then maintained their independence in spite of all the efforts of
their invaders. Gouari, capital of the province of the same name, is
situated in lat. 10 degrees 54 minutes N., and long. 8 degrees 1 minute
E.
At Fatika Clapperton entered Zegzeg, subject to the Fellatahs, after
which he visited Zariyah, a singular-looking town laid out with
plantations of millet, woods of bushy trees, vegetable gardens, &c.,
alternating with marshes, lawns, and houses. The population was very
numerous, exceeding even that of Kano, being estimated indeed at some
forty or fifty thousand, nearly all Fellatahs.
On the 19th September, after a long and weary journey, Clapperton at
last entered Kano. He at once discovered that he would have been more
welcome if he had come from the east, for the war with Bornou had
broken off all communication with Fezzan and Tripoli. Leaving his
luggage under the care of his servant Lander, Clapperton almost
immediately started in quest of Sultan Bello, who they said was near
Sackatoo. This was an extremely arduous journey, and on it Clapperton
lost his camels and horses, and was compelled to put up with a
miserable ox; to carry part of his baggage, he and his servants
dividing the rest amongst them.
Bello received Clapperton kindly and sent him camels and provisions,
but as he was then engaged in subjugating the rebellious province of
Gouber, he could not at once give the explorer the personal audience so
important to the many interests entrusted by the English Government to
Clapperton.
Bello advanced to the attack of Counia, the capital of Gouber, at the
head of an army of 60,000 soldiers, nine-tenths of whom were on foot
and wore padded armour. The struggle was contemptible in the extreme,
and this abortive attempt closed the war. Clapperton, whose health was
completely broken up, managed to make his way from Sackatoo to Magaria,
where he saw the sultan.
After he had received the presents brought for him, Bello became less
friendly. He presently pretended to have received a letter from Sheikh
El Khanemy warning him against the traveller, whom his correspondent
characterized as a spy, and urging him to defy the English, who meant,
after finding out all about the country, to settle in it, raise up
sedition and profit by the disturbances they should create to take
possession of Houssa, as they had done of India.
The most patent of all the motives of Bello in creating difficulties
for Clapperton was his wish to appropriate the presents intended for
the Sultan of Bornou. A pretext being necessary, he spread a rumour
that the traveller was taking cannons and ammunition to Kouka. It was
out of all reason Bello should allow a stranger to cross his dominions
with a view to enabling his implacable enemy to make war upon him.
Finally, Bello made an effort to induce Clapperton to read to him the
letter of Lord Bathurst to the Sultan of Bornou.
Clapperton told him he could take it if he liked, but that he would not
give it to him, adding that everything was of course possible to him,
as he had force on his side, but that he would bring dishonour upon
himself by using it. "To open the letter myself," said Clapperton, "is
more than my head is worth." He had come, he urged, bringing Bello a
letter and presents from the King of England, relying upon the
confidence inspired by the sultan's letter of the previous year, and he
hoped his host would not forfeit that confidence by tampering with
another person's letter.
On this the sultan made a gesture of dismissal, and Clapperton retired.
This was not, however, the last attempt of a similar kind, and things
grew much worse later. A few days afterwards another messenger was sent
to demand the presents reserved for El Khanemy, and on Clapperton's
refusing to give them up, they were taken from him.
"I told the Gadado," says Clapperton, "that they were acting like
robbers towards me, in defiance of all good faith: that no people in
the world would act the same, and they had far better have cut my head
off than done such an act; but I suppose they would do that also when
they had taken everything from me."
An attempt was now made to obtain his arms and ammunition, but this he
resisted sturdily. His terrified servants ran away, but soon returned
to share the dangers of their master, for whom they entertained the
warmest affection.
At this critical moment, the entries in Clapperton's journal ceased. He
had now been six months in Sackatoo, without being able to undertake
any explorations or to bring to a satisfactory conclusion the mission
which had brought him from the coast. Sick at heart, weary, and ill, he
could take no rest, and his illness suddenly increased upon him to an
alarming degree. His servant, Richard Lander, who had now joined him,
tried in vain to be all things at once. On the 12th March, 1827,
Clapperton was seized with dysentery. Nothing could check the progress
of the malady, and he sank rapidly. It being the time of the feast of
the Rhamadan, Lander could get no help, not even servants. Fever soon
set in, and after twenty days of great suffering, Clapperton, feeling
his end approaching, gave his last instructions to Lander, and died in
that faithful servant's arms, on the 11th of April.
"I put a large clean mat," says Lander, "over the whole [the corpse],
and sent a messenger to Sultan Bello, to acquaint him with the mournful
event, and ask his permission to bury the body after the manner of my
own country, and also to know in what particular place his remains were
to be interred. The messenger soon returned with the sultan's consent
to the former part of my request; and about twelve o'clock at noon of
the same day a person came into my hut, accompanied by four slaves,
sent by Bello to dig the grave. I was desired to follow them with the
corpse. Accordingly I saddled my camel, and putting the body on its
back, and throwing a union jack over it, I bade them proceed.
Travelling at a slow pace, we halted at Jungavie, a small village,
built on a rising ground, about five miles to the south-east of
Sackatoo. The body was then taken from the camel's back, and placed in
a shed, whilst the slaves were digging the grave; which being quickly
done, it was conveyed close to it. I then opened a prayer-book, and,
amid showers of tears, read the funeral service over the remains of my
valued master. Not a single person listened to this peculiarly
distressing ceremony, the slaves being at some distance, quarrelling
and making a most indecent noise the whole time it lasted. This being
done, the union jack was then taken off, and the body was slowly
lowered into the earth, and I wept bitterly as I gazed for the last
time upon all that remained of my generous and intrepid master."
[Illustration: "Travelling at a slow pace."]
Overcome by heat, fatigue, and grief, poor Lander himself now broke
down, and for more than ten days was unable to leave his hut.
Bello sent several times to inquire after the unfortunate servant's
health, but he was not deceived by these demonstrations of interest,
for he knew they were only dictated by a wish to get possession of the
traveller's baggage, which was supposed to be full of gold and silver.
The sultan's astonishment may therefore be imagined when it came out
that Lander had not even money enough to defray the expenses of his
journey to the coast. He never found out that the servant had taken the
precaution of hiding his own gold watch and those of Pearce and
Clapperton about his person.
Lander saw that he must at any cost get back to the coast as quickly as
possible. By dint of the judicious distribution of a few presents he
won over some of the sultan's advisers, who represented to their master
that should Lander die he would be accused of having murdered him as
well as Clapperton. Although Clapperton had advised Lander to join an
Arab caravan for Fezzan, the latter, fearing that his papers and
journals might be taken from him, resolved to go back to the coast.
On the 3rd May Lander at last left Sackatoo en route for Kano. During
the first part of this journey, he nearly died of thirst, but he
suffered less in the second half, as the King of Djacoba, who had
joined him, was very kind to him, and begged him to visit his country.
This king told him that the Niam-Niams were his neighbours; that they
had once joined him against the Sultan of Bornou, and that after the
battle they had roasted and eaten the corpses of the slain. This, I
believe, is the first mention, since the publication of Hornemann's
Travels, of this cannibal race, who were to become the subjects of so
many absurd fables.
Lander entered Kano on the 25th May, and after a short stay there
started for Funda, on the Niger, whose course he proposed following to
Benin. This route had much to recommend it, being not only safe but
new, so that Lander was enabled to supplement the discoveries of his
master.
Kanfoo, Carifo, Gowgie, and Gatas, were visited in turns by Lander, who
says that the people of these towns belong to the Houssa race, and pay
tribute to the Fellatahs. He also saw Damoy, Drammalik, and Coudonia,
passed a wide river flowing towards the Quorra, and visited Kottop, a
huge slave and cattle market, Coudgi and Dunrora, with a long chain of
lofty mountains running in an easterly direction beyond.
At Dunrora, just as Lander was superintending the loading of his beasts
of burden, four horsemen, their steeds covered with foam, dashed up to
the chief, and with his aid forced Lander to retrace his steps to visit
the King of Zegzeg, who, they said, was very anxious to see him. This
was by no means agreeable to Lander, who wanted to get to the Niger,
from which he was not very far distant, and down it to the sea; he was,
however, obliged to yield to force. His guides did not follow exactly
the same route as he had taken on his way to Dunrora, and thus he had
an opportunity of seeing the village of Eggebi, governed by one of the
chief of the warriors of the sovereign of Zegzeg. He paid his respects
as required, excusing the small value of the presents he had to give on
the ground of his merchandise having been stolen, and soon obtained
permission to leave the place.
Yaourie, Womba, Coulfo, Boussa, and Wow-wow were the halting-places on
Lander's return journey to Badagry, where he arrived on the 22nd
November, 1827. Two months later he embarked for England.
Although the commercial project, which had been the chief aim of
Clapperton's journey, had fallen through, owing to the jealousy of the
Arabs, who opposed it in their fear that the opening of a new route
might ruin their trade, a good deal of scientific information had
rewarded the efforts of the English explorer.
In his "History of Maritime and Inland Discovery," Desborough Cooley
thus sums up the results obtained by the travellers whose work we have
just described:--
"The additions to our geographical knowledge of the interior of Africa
which we owe to Captain Clapperton far exceed in extent and importance
those made by any preceding traveller. The limit of Captain Lyon's
journey southward across the desert was in lat. 24 degrees, while Major
Denham, in his expedition to Mandara, reached lat. 9 degrees 15
minutes, thus adding 14-3/4 degrees, or 900 miles, to the extent
explored by Europeans. Hornemann, it is true, had previously crossed
the desert, and had proceeded as far southwards as Niffe, in lat. 10
degrees 30 minutes. But no account was ever received of his journey.
Park in his first expedition reached Silla, in long. 1 degree 34
minutes west, a distance of 1100 miles from the mouth of the Gambia.
Denham and Clapperton, on the other hand, from the east side of Lake
Tchad, in long. 17 degrees, to Sackatoo, in long. 5 degrees 30 minutes,
explored a distance of 700 miles from east to west in the heart of
Africa; a line of only 400 miles remaining unknown between Silla and
Sackatoo. The second journey of Captain Clapperton added ten-fold value
to these discoveries; for he had the good fortune to detect the
shortest and most easy road to the populous countries of the interior;
and he could boast of being the first who had completed an itinerary
across the continent of Africa from Tripoli to Benin."
We need add but little to so skilful and sensible a summary of the work
done. The information given by Arab geographers, especially by Leo
Africanus, had been verified, and much had been learnt about a large
portion of the Soudan. Although the course of the Niger had not yet
been actually traced--that was reserved for the expeditions of which we
are now to write--it had been pretty fairly guessed at. It had been
finally ascertained that the Quorra, or Djoliba, or Niger--or whatever
else the great river of North-West Africa might be called--and the Nile
were totally different rivers, with totally different sources. In a
word, a great step had been gained.
In 1816 it was still an open question whether the Congo was not
identical with the Niger. To ascertain the truth on this point, an
expedition was sent out under Captain Tuckey, an English naval officer
who had given proof of intelligence and courage. James Kingston Tuckey
was made prisoner in 1805, and was not exchanged until 1814. When he
heard that an expedition was to be organized for the exploration of the
Zaire, he begged to be allowed to join it, and was appointed to the
command. Two able officers and some scientific men were associated with
him.
Tuckey left England on the 19th March, 1816, with two vessels, the
_Congo_ and the _Dorothea_, a transport vessel, under his orders. On
the 20th June he cast anchor off Malembe, on the shores of the Congo,
in lat. 4 degrees 39 minutes S. The king of that country was much
annoyed when he found that the English had not come to buy slaves, and
spread all manner of injurious reports against the Europeans who had
come to ruin his trade.
On the 18th July, Tuckey entered the vast estuary formed by the mouths
of the Zaire, on board the _Congo_; but when the height of the
river-banks rendered it impossible to sail farther, he embarked with
some of his people in his boats. On the 10th August he decided, on
account of the rapidity of the current and the huge rocks bordering the
stream, to make his way partly by land and partly by water. Ten days
later the boats were brought to a final stand by an impassable fall.
The explorers therefore landed, and continued their journey on foot;
but the difficulties increased every day, the Europeans falling ill,
and the negroes refusing to carry the baggage. At last, when he was
some 280 miles from the sea, Tuckey was compelled to retrace his steps.
The rainy season had set in, the number of sick increased, and the
commander, miserable at the lamentable result of the trip, himself
succumbed to fever, and only got back to his vessel to die on the 4th
October, 1816.
[Illustration: View on the banks of the Congo. (Fac-simile of early
engraving.)]
An exact survey of the mouth of the Congo, and the rectification of the
coast-line, in which there had previously been a considerable error,
were the only results of this unlucky expedition.
In 1807, not far from the scene of Clapperton's landing a few years
later, a brave but fierce people appeared on the Gold Coast. The
Ashantees, coming none knew exactly whence, flung themselves upon the
Fantees, and, after horrible massacres, in 1811 and 1816, established
themselves in the whole of the country between the Kong mountains and
the sea.
[Illustration: Ashantee warrior. (Fac-simile of early engraving.)]
As a necessary result, this led to a disturbance in the relations
between the Fantees and the English, who owned some factories and
counting-houses on the coast.
In 1816 the Ashantee king ravaged the Fantee territories in which the
English had settled, reducing the latter to famine. The Governor of
Cape Coast Castle therefore sent a petition home for aid against the
fierce and savage conqueror. The bearer of the governor's despatches
was Thomas Edward Bowditch, a young man who, actuated by a passion for
travelling, had left the parental roof, thrown up his business, and
having married against the wishes of his family, had finally accepted a
humble post at Cape Coast Castle, where his uncle was second in
command.
The English minister at once acceded to the governor's request, and
sent Bowditch back in command of an expedition; but the authorities at
Cape Coast considered him too young for the post, and superseded him by
a man whose long experience and thorough knowledge of the country and
its people seemed to fit him for the important task to be accomplished.
The result showed that this was an error. Bowditch was attached to the
mission as scientific observer, his chief duty being to take the
latitude and longitude of the different places visited.
Frederick James and Bowditch left the English settlement on the 22nd
August, 1817, and arrived at Coomassie, the Ashantee capital, without
meeting with any other obstacle than the insubordination of the
bearers. The negotiations with a view to the conclusion of a treaty of
commerce, and the opening of a road between Coomassie and the coast,
were brought to something of a successful issue by Bowditch, but James
proved himself altogether wanting in either the power of making or
enforcing suggestions. The wisdom of Bowditch's conduct was fully
recognized, and James was recalled.
It would seem that geographical science had little to expect from a
diplomatic mission to a country already visited by Bosman, Loyer, Des
Marchais, and many others, and on which Meredith and Dalzel had
written; but Bowditch turned to account his stay of five months at
Coomassie, which is but ten days' march from the Atlantic, to study the
country, manners, customs, and institutions of one of the most
interesting races of Africa.
We will now briefly describe the pompous entry of the English mission
into Coomassie. The whole population turned out on the occasion, and
all the troops, whose numbers Bowditch estimated at 30,000 at least,
were under arms.
Before they were admitted to the presence of the king, the English
witnessed a scene well calculated to impress upon them the cruelty and
barbarity of the Ashantees. A man with his hands tied behind him, his
cheeks pierced with wire, one ear cut off, the other hanging by a bit
of skin, his shoulders bleeding from cuts and slashes, and a knife run
through the skin above each shoulder-blade, was dragged, by a cord
fastened to his nose, through the town to the music of bamboos. He was
on his way to be sacrificed in honour of the white men!
"Our observations _en passant_," says Bowditch, "had taught us to
conceive a spectacle far exceeding our original expectations; but they
had not prepared us for the extent and display of the scene which here
burst upon us. An area of nearly a mile in circumference was crowded
with magnificence and novelty. The king, his tributaries and captains,
were resplendent in the distance, surrounded by attendants of every
description, fronted by a mass of warriors which seemed to make our
approach impervious. The sun was reflected, with a glare scarcely more
supportable than the heat, from the massive gold ornaments which
glistened in every direction. More than a hundred bands burst at once
on our arrival, into the peculiar airs of their several chiefs; the
horns flourished their defiances, with the beating of innumerable drums
and metal instruments, and then yielded for a while to the soft
harmonious breathings of their long flutes, with which a pleasing
instrument, like a bagpipe without the drone, was happily blended. At
least a hundred large umbrellas or canopies, which could shelter thirty
persons, were sprung up and down by the bearers with brilliant effect,
being made of scarlet, yellow, and the most showy cloths and silks, and
crowned on the top with crescents, pelicans, elephants, barrels, and
arms, and swords of gold.
"The king's messengers, with gold breastplates, made way for us, and we
commenced our round, preceded by the canes and the English flag. We
stopped to take the hand of every caboceer, (which, as their household
suites occupied several spaces in advance, delayed us long enough to
distinguish some of the ornaments in the general blaze of splendour and
ostentation). The caboceers, as did their superior captains and
attendants, wore Ashantee cloths of extravagant price, from the costly
foreign silks which had been unravelled to weave them, in all the
varieties of colour as well as pattern; they were of an incredible size
and weight, and thrown over the shoulder exactly like the Roman toga; a
small silk fillet generally encircled their temples, and massy gold
necklaces, intricately wrought, suspended Moorish charms, inclosed in
small square cases of gold, silver, and curious embroidery. Some wore
necklaces reaching to the navel, entirely of aggry beads; a band of
gold and beads encircled the knee, from which several strings of the
same depended; small circles of gold, like guineas, rings, and casts of
animals, were strung round their ancles; their sandals were of green,
red, and delicate white leather; manillas, and rude lumps of rock gold,
hung from their left wrists, which were so heavily laden as to be
supported on the head of one of their handsomest boys. Gold and silver
pipes, and canes, dazzled the eye in every direction. Wolves' and rams'
heads, as large as life, cast in gold, were suspended from their
gold-handled swords, which were held around them in great numbers; the
blades were shaped like round bills, and rusted in blood; the sheaths
were of leopard skin, or the shell of a fish like shagreen. The large
drums, supported on the head of one man, and beaten by two others, were
braced around with the thigh-bones of their enemies, and ornamented
with their skulls. The kettle-drums, resting on the ground, were
scraped with wet fingers, and covered with leopard skin. The wrists of
the drummers were hung with bells and curiously-shaped pieces of iron,
which jingled loudly as they were beating. The smaller drums were
suspended from the neck by scarves of red cloth; the horns (the teeth
of young elephants) were ornamented at the mouth-piece with gold, and
the jaw-bones of human victims. The war-caps of eagles' feathers nodded
in the rear, and large fans, of the wing feathers of the ostrich,
played around the dignitaries; immediately behind their chairs (which
were of a black wood, almost covered by inlays of ivory and gold
embossment) stood their handsomest youths, with corslets of leopard's
skin, covered with gold cockle-shells, and stuck full of small knives,
sheathed in gold and silver and the handles of blue agate;
cartouch-boxes of elephant's hide hung below, ornamented in the same
manner; a large gold-handled sword was fixed behind the left shoulder,
and silk scarves and horses' tails (generally white), streamed from the
arms and waist cloth; their long Danish muskets had broad rims of gold
at small distances, and the stocks were ornamented with shells.
Finely-grown girls stood behind the chairs of some, with silver basins.
Their stools (of the most laborious carved work, and generally with two
large bells attached to them) were conspicuously placed on the heads of
favourites; and crowds of small boys were seated around, flourishing
elephants' tails curiously mounted. The warriors sat on the ground
close to these, and so thickly as not to admit of our passing without
treading on their feet, to which they were perfectly indifferent; their
caps were of the skin of the pangolin and leopard, the tails hanging
down behind; their cartouch-belts (composed of small gourds which hold
the charges, and covered with leopard's or pig's skin) were embossed
with red shells, and small brass bells thickly hung to them; on their
hips and shoulders was a cluster of knives; iron chains and collars
dignified the most daring, who were prouder of them than of gold; their
muskets had rests affixed of leopard's skin, and the locks a covering
of the same; the sides of their faces were curiously painted in long
white streaks, and their arms also striped, having the appearance of
armour.
"We were suddenly surprised by the sight of Moors, who afforded the
first general diversity of dress. There were seventeen superiors,
arrayed in large cloaks of white satin, richly trimmed with spangled
embroidery; their shirts and trousers were of silk; and a very large
turban of white muslin was studded with a border of different coloured
stones; their attendants wore red caps and turbans, and long white
shirts, which hung over their trousers; those of the inferiors were of
dark blue cloth. They slowly raised their eyes from the ground as we
passed, and with a most malignant scowl.
"The prolonged flourishes of the horns, a deafening tumult of drums,
and the fuller concert at the intervals, announced that we were
approaching the king. We were already passing the principal officers of
his household. The chamberlain, the gold horn blower, the captain of
the messengers, the captain for royal executions, the captain of the
market, the keeper of the royal burying-ground, and the master of the
bands, sat surrounded by a retinue and splendour which bespoke the
dignity and importance of their offices. The cook had a number of small
services, covered with leopard's skin, held behind him, and a large
quantity of massy silver plate was displayed before him--punch-bowls,
waiters, coffee-pots, tankards, and a very large vessel with heavy
handles and clawed feet, which seemed to have been made to hold
incense. I observed a Portuguese inscription on one piece, and they
seemed generally of that manufacture. The executioner, a man of immense
size, wore a massy gold hatchet on his breast; and the execution stool
was held before him, clotted in blood, and partly covered with a cawl
of fat. The king's four linguists were encircled by a splendour
inferior to none, and their peculiar insignia, gold canes, were
elevated in all directions, tied in bundles like fasces. The keeper of
the treasury added to his own magnificence by the ostentatious display
of his service; the blow pan, boxes, scales and weights, were of solid
gold.
"A delay of some minutes whilst we severally approached to receive the
king's hand, afforded us a thorough view of him. His deportment first
excited my attention; native dignity in princes we are pleased to call
barbarous was a curious spectacle; his manners were majestic, yet
courteous, and he did not allow his surprise to beguile him for a
moment of the composure of the monarch. He appeared to be about
thirty-eight years of age, inclined to corpulence, and of a benevolent
countenance."
This account is followed by a description, extending over several
pages, of the costume of the king, the filing past of the chiefs and
troops, the dispersing of the crowd, and the ceremonies of reception,
which lasted far on into the night.
Reading Bowditch's extraordinary narrative, we are tempted to ask if it
be not the outcome of the traveller's imagination, for we can scarcely
credit what he says of the wonderful luxury of this barbarous court,
the sacrifice of thousands of persons at certain seasons of the year,
the curious customs of this warlike and cruel people, this mixture of
barbarism and civilization hitherto unknown in Africa. We could not
acquit Bowditch of great exaggeration, had not later travellers as well
as contemporary explorers confirmed his statements. We can therefore
only express our astonishment that such a government, founded on terror
alone, could have endured so long.
It is a pleasure to us Frenchmen when we can quote the name of a
fellow-countryman amongst the many travellers who have risked their
lives in the cause of geographical science. Without abating our
critical acumen, we feel our pulse quicken when we read of the dangers
and struggles of such travellers as Mollien, Caillie, De Cailliaud, and
Letorzec.
Gaspar Mollien was nephew to Napoleon's Minister of the Treasury. He
was on board the _Medusa_, but was fortunate enough to escape when that
vessel was shipwrecked, and to reach the coast of the Sahara in a boat,
whence he made his way to Senegal.
The dangers from which Mollien had just escaped would have destroyed
the love of adventure and exploration in a less ardent spirit. They had
no such effect upon him. He left St. Louis as soon as ever he obtained
the assent of the Governor, Fleuriau, to his proposal to explore the
sources of the great rivers of Senegambia, and especially those of the
Djoliba.
Mollien started from Djeddeh on the 29th January, 1818, and taking an
easterly course between the 15th and 16th parallels of north latitude,
crossed the kingdom of Domel, and entered the districts peopled by the
Yaloofs. Unable to go by way of Woolli, he decided in favour of the
Fouta Toro route, and in spite of the jealousy of the natives and their
love of pillage, he reached Bondou without accident. It took him three
days to traverse the desert between Bondou and the districts beyond the
Gambia, after which he penetrated into Niokolo, a mountainous country,
inhabited by the all but wild Peuls and Djallons.
Leaving Bandeia, Mollien entered Fouta Djallon, and reached the sources
of the Gambia and the Rio Grande, which are in close proximity. A few
days later he came to those of the Faleme; and, in spite of the
repugnance and fear of his guide, he made his way into Timbo, the
capital of Fouta. The absence of the king and most of the inhabitants
probably spared him from a long captivity abbreviated only by torture.
Fouta is a fortified town, the king owns houses, with mud walls between
three and four feet thick and fifteen high.
At a short distance from Timbo, Mollien discovered the sources of the
Senegal--at least what were pointed out to him as such by the blacks;
but it was impossible for him to take astronomical observations.
The explorer did not, however, look upon his work as done. He had ever
before him the still more important discovery of the sources of the
Niger; but the feeble state of his health, the setting in of the rainy
season, the swelling of the rivers, the fears of his guides, who
refused to accompany him into Kooranko and Soolimano, though he offered
them guns, amber beads, and even his horse, compelled him to give up
the idea of crossing the Kong mountains, and to return to St. Louis.
Mollien had, however, opened several new lines in a part of Senegambia
not before visited by any European.
"It is to be regretted," says M. de la Renaudiere, "that worn out with
fatigue, scarcely able to drag himself along, in a state of positive
destitution, Mollien was unable to cross the lofty mountains separating
the basin of the Senegal from that of the Djoliba, and that he was
compelled to rely upon native information respecting the most important
objects of his expedition. It is on the faith of the assertions of the
natives that he claims to have visited the sources of the Rio Grande,
Faleme, Gambia, and Senegal. If he had been able to follow the course
of those rivers to their fountainhead his discoveries would have
acquired certainty, which is, unfortunately, now wanting to them.
However, when we compare the accounts of other travellers with what he
says of the position of the source of the Ba-Fing, or Senegal, which
cannot be that of any other great stream, we are convinced of the
reality of this discovery at least. It also seems certain that the two
last springs are higher up than was supposed, and that the Djoliba
rises in a yet loftier locality. The country rises gradually to the
south and south-east in parallel terraces. These mountain chains
increase in height towards the east, attaining their greatest elevation
between lat. 8 degrees and 10 degrees N."
Such were the results of Mollien's interesting journey in the French
colony of Senegal. The same country was the starting-point of another
explorer, Rene Caillie.
Caillie, who was born in 1800, in the department of the Seine et Oise,
had only an elementary education; but reading Robinson Crusoe had fired
his youthful imagination with a zeal for adventure, and he never rested
until, in spite of his scanty resources, he had obtained maps and books
of travel. In 1816, when only sixteen years old, he embarked for
Senegal, in the transport-ship _La Loire_.
At this time the English Government was organizing an inland exploring
expedition, under the command of Major Gray. To avoid the terrible
almamy of Timbo, who had been so fatal to Peddie, the English made for
the mouth of the Gambia by sea. Woolli and the Gaboon were crossed, and
the explorers penetrated into Bondou, which Mollien was to visit a few
years later, a district inhabited by a people as fanatic and fierce as
those of Fouta Djallon. The extortions of the almamy were such that
under pretext of there being an old debt left unpaid by the English
Government, Major Gray was mulcted of nearly all his baggage, and had
to send an officer to the Senegal for a fresh supply.
Caillie knowing nothing of this disastrous beginning, and aware that
Gray was glad to receive new recruits, left St. Louis with two negroes,
and reached Goree. But there some people, who took an interest in him,
persuaded him not to take service with Gray, and got him an appointment
at Guadaloupe. He remained, however, but six months in that island, and
then returned to Bordeaux, whence he started for the Senegal once more.
Partarieu, one of Gray's officers, was just going back to his chief
with the merchandise he had procured, and Caillie asked and obtained
leave to accompany him, without either pay or a fixed engagement.
[Illustration: Rene Caillie. (Fac-simile of early engraving.)]
The caravan consisted of seventy persons, black and white, and
thirty-two richly-laden camels. It left Gandiolle, in Cayor, on the 5th
February, 1819, and before entering Jaloof a desert was crossed, where
great suffering was endured from thirst. The leader, in order to carry
more merchandise, had neglected to take a sufficient supply of water.
At Boolibaba, a village inhabited by Foulah shepherds, the travellers
were enabled to recruit, and to fill their leathern bottles for a
journey across a second desert.
Avoiding Fouta Toro, whose inhabitants are fanatics and thieves,
Partarieu entered Bondou. He would gladly have evaded visiting
Boulibane, the capital and residence of the almamy, but was compelled
to do so, owing to the refusal of the people to supply grain or water
to the caravan, and also in obedience to the strict orders of Major
Gray, who thought the almamy would let the travellers pass after paying
tribute.
The terrible almamy began by extorting a great number of presents, and
then refused to allow the English to visit Bakel on the Senegal. They
might, he said, go through his states, those of Kaarta, to Clego, or
they might take the Fouta Toro route. Both these alternatives were
equally impossible, as in either case the caravan would have to travel
among fanatic tribes. The explorers believed the almamy's object was to
have them robbed and murdered, without incurring the personal
responsibility.
They resolved to force their way. Preparations were scarcely begun for
a start, when the caravan was surrounded by a multitude of soldiers,
who, taking possession of the wells, rendered it impossible for the
travellers to carry out their intentions. At the same time the war-drum
was beaten on every side. To fight was impossible; a palaver had to be
held. In a word, the English had to own their powerlessness. The almamy
dictated the conditions of peace, mulcted the whites of a few more
presents, and ordered them to withdraw by way of Fouta Toro.
Yet more--and this was a flagrant insult to British pride--the English
found themselves escorted by a guard, which prevented their taking any
other route. When night fell they revenged themselves by setting fire
to all their merchandise in the very sight of the Foulahs, who had
intended to get possession of them. The crossing of Fouta Toro among
hostile natives was terribly arduous. The slightest pretext was seized
for a dispute, and again and again violence seemed inevitable. Food and
water were only to be obtained at exorbitant prices.
At last, one night, Partarieu, to disarm the suspicion of the natives,
gave out that he could not carry all his baggage at once, and having
first filled his coffers and bags with stones, he decamped with all his
followers for the Senegal, leaving his tents pitched and his fires
alight. His path was strewn with bales, arms, and animals. Thanks to
this subterfuge, and the rapidity of their march, the English reached
Bakel in safety, where the French welcomed the remnant of the
expedition with enthusiasm.
[Illustration: "He decamped with all his followers."]
Caillie, attacked by a fever which nearly proved fatal, returned to St.
Louis; but not recovering his health there, he was obliged to go back
to France. Not until 1824 was he able to return to Senegal, which was
then governed by Baron Roger, a friend to progress, who was anxious
_pari passu_, to extend our geographical knowledge with our commercial
relations. Roger supplied Caillie with means to go and live amongst the
Bracknas, there to study Arabic and the Mussulman religion.
Life amongst the suspicious and fanatic Moorish shepherds was by no
means easy. The traveller, who had great difficulty in keeping his
daily journal, was obliged to resort to all manner of subterfuges to
obtain permission to explore the neighbourhood of his house. He gives
us some curious details of the life of the Bracknas--of their diet,
which consists almost entirely of milk; of their habitations, which are
nothing more than tents unfitted for the vicissitudes of the climate;
of their "_guehues_" or itinerant minstrels; their mode of producing
the excessive _embonpoint_ which they consider the height of female
beauty; the aspect of the country; the fertility and productions of the
soil, &c.
The most remarkable of all the facts collected by Caillie are those
relating to the five distinct classes into which the Moorish Bracknas
are divided. These are the _Hassanes_, or warriors, whose idleness,
slovenliness, and pride exceed belief; the _Marabouts_, or priests; the
_Zenagues_, tributary to the Hassanes; the _Laratines_; and the slaves.
The _Zenagues_ are a miserable class, despised by all the others, but
especially by the _Hassanes_, to whom they pay a tribute, which is of
variable amount, and is never considered enough. They do all the work,
both industrial and agricultural, and rear all the cattle.
"In spite of my efforts," says Caillie, "I could find out nothing about
the origin of this people, or ascertain how they came to be reduced to
pay tribute to other Moors. When I asked them any questions about this,
they said it was God's will. Can they be a remnant of a conquered
tribe? and if so, how is it that no tradition on the subject is
retained amongst them. I do not think they can be, for the Moors, proud
as they are of their origin, never forget the names of those who have
brought credit to their families; and were such the case, the Zenagues,
who form the majority of the population, and are skilful warriors,
would rise under the leadership of one of their chiefs, and fling off
the yoke of servitude."
Laratine is the name given to the offspring of a Moor and a negro
slave. Although they are slaves, the Laratines are never sold, but
while living in separate camps, are treated very much like the
Zenagues. Those who are the sons of Hassanes are warriors, whilst the
children of Marabouts are brought up to the profession of their father.
The actual slaves are all negroes. Ill-treated, badly fed, and flogged
on the slightest pretext, there is no suffering which they are not
called upon to endure.
In May, 1825, Caillie returned to St. Louis. Baron Roger was absent,
and his representative was by no means friendly. The explorer had to
content himself with the pay of a common soldier until the return of
his protector, to whom he sent the notes he had made when amongst the
Bracknas, but all his offers of service were rejected. He was promised
a certain sum on his return from Timbuctoo; but how was he even to
start without private resources?
The intrepid Caillie was not, however, to be discouraged. As he
obtained neither encouragement nor help from the colonial government,
he went to Sierra Leone, where the governor, who did not wish to
deprive Major Laing of the credit of being the first to arrive at
Timbuctoo, rejected his proposals.
In the management of an indigo factory, Caillie soon saved money to the
extent of two thousand francs, a sum which appeared to him sufficient
to carry him to the end of the world. He lost no time in purchasing the
necessary merchandise, and joined some Mandingoes and "seracolets," or
wandering African merchants. He told them, under the seal of secrecy,
that he had been born in Egypt of Arab parents, taken to France at an
early age, and sent to Senegal to look after the business of his
master, who, satisfied with his services, had given him his freedom. He
added, that his chief desire was to get back to Egypt, and resume the
Mohammedan religion.
On the 22nd March, 1827, Caillie left Freetown for Kakondy, a village
on the Rio Nunez, where he employed his leisure in collecting
information respecting the Landamas and the Nalous, both subject to the
Foulahs of Fouta Djallon, but not Mohammedans, and, as a necessary
result, both much given to spirituous liquors. They dwell in the
districts watered by the Rio Nunez, side by side with the Bagos, an
idolatrous race who dwell at its mouth. The Bagos are light-hearted,
industrious, and skilful tillers of the soil; they make large profits
out of the sale of their rice and salt. They have no king, no religion
but a barbarous idolatry, and are governed by the oldest man in their
village, an arrangement which answers very well.
On the 19th April, 1827, Caillie with but one bearer and a guide, at
last started for Timbuctoo. He speaks favourably of the Foulahs and the
people of Fouta Djallon, whose rich and fertile country he crossed. The
Ba-Fing, the chief affluent of the Senegal, was not more than a hundred
paces across, and a foot and a half deep where he passed it; but the
force of the current, and the huge granite rocks encumbering its bed,
render it very difficult and dangerous to cross the river. After a halt
of nineteen days in the village of Cambaya, the home of the guide who
had accompanied him thus far, Caillie entered Kankan, crossing a
district intersected by rivers and large streams, which were then
beginning to inundate the whole land.
On the 30th May the explorer crossed the Tankisso, a large river with a
rocky bed belonging to the system of the Niger, and reached the latter
on the 11th June, at Couronassa.
[Illustration: Caillie crossing the Tankisso.]
"Even here," says Caillie, "so near to its source, the Niger is 900
feet wide, with a current of two miles and a half."
Before we enter Kankan with the French explorer, it will be well to sum
up what he says of the Foulahs of Fouta. They are mostly tall,
well-made men, with chestnut-brown complexions, curly hair, lofty
foreheads, aquiline noses, features in fact very like those of
Europeans. They are bigoted Mohammedans, and hate Christians. Unlike
the Mandingoes, they do not travel, but love their home; they are good
agriculturists and clever traders, warlike and patriotic, and they
leave none but their old men and women in their villages when they go
to war.
The town of Kankan stands in a plain surrounded by lofty mountains. The
bombax, baobab, and butter-tree, also called "ce" the "shea" of Mungo
Park, are plentiful. Caillie was delayed in Kankan for twenty-eight
days before he could get on to Sambatikala; and during that time he was
shamefully robbed by his host, and could not obtain from the chief of
the village restitution of the goods which had been stolen.
"Kankan," says the traveller, "is a small town near the left bank of
the Milo, a pretty river, which comes from the south, and waters the
Kissi district, where it takes its rise, flowing thence in a
north-westerly direction to empty itself into the Niger, two or three
days' journey from Kankan. Surrounded by a thick quick-set hedge, this
town, which does not contain more than 6000 inhabitants, is situated in
an extensive and very fertile plain of grey sand. On every side are
pretty little villages, called _Worondes_, where the slaves live. These
habitations give interest to the scene, and are surrounded by very fine
plantations; yams, rice, onions, pistachio nuts, &c., are exported in
large quantities."
Between Kankan and Wassolo the road led through well cultivated, and,
at this time of year, nearly submerged districts. The inhabitants
struck Caillie as being of a mild, cheerful, and inquiring disposition.
They gave him a cordial welcome.
Several tributaries of the Niger, including the Sarano, were passed
before a halt was made at Sigala, the residence of Baranusa, the chief
of Wassolo. He was of slovenly habits, like his subjects, and used
tobacco both as snuff and for smoking. He was said to be very rich in
gold and slaves. His subjects paid him a tribute in cattle; he had a
great many wives, each of whom owned a hut of her own, their houses
forming a little village, with well cultivated environs. Here Caillie
for the first time saw the Rhamnus Lotus mentioned by Park.
On leaving Wossolo, Caillie entered Foulou, whose inhabitants, like
those of the former district, are idolaters, of slovenly habits. They
speak the Mandingo tongue. At Sambatikala the traveller paid a visit to
the almamy.
"We entered," he says, "a place which served him as a bedroom for
himself and a stable for his horse. The prince's bed was at the further
end. It consisted of a little platform raised six inches from the
ground, on which was stretched an ox hide, with a dirty mosquito
curtain, to keep off the insects. There was no other furniture in this
royal abode. Two saddles hung from stakes driven into the wall; a large
straw hat, a drum only used in war-time, a few lances, a bow, a quiver,
and some arrows, were the only ornaments. A lamp made of a piece of
flat iron set on a stand of the same metal, stood on the ground. This
lamp was fed by a kind of vegetable matter, not thick enough to be made
into candles."
The almamy soon informed Caillie of an opportunity for him to go to
Timeh, whence a caravan was about to start for Jenneh. The traveller
then entered the province of Bambarra, and quickly arrived at the
pretty little village of Timeh, inhabited by Mohammedan Mandingoes, and
bounded on the east by a chain of mountains about 350 fathoms high.
When he entered this village, at the end of July, Caillie little dreamt
of the long stay he would be compelled to make in it. He had hurt his
foot, and the wound became very much inflamed by walking in wet grass.
He therefore decided to let the caravan for Jenneh go on without him,
and remain at Timeh until his foot should be completely healed. It
would have been too great a risk for him in his state to travel through
Bambarra, where the idolatrous inhabitants of the country would be
pretty sure to rob him.
"The Bambarras," he says, "have few slaves, go almost naked, and are
always armed with bows and arrows. They are governed by a number of
petty independent chiefs, who are often at war with one another. They
are in fact rude and wild creatures as compared with the tribes who
have embraced Mohammedanism."
Caillie was detained at Timeh by the still unhealed wound in his foot,
until the 10th November. At that date he proposed starting for Jenneh,
but, to quote his own words, "I was now seized with violent pains in
the jaws, warning me that I was attacked with scurvy, a terrible
malady, all the horrors of which I was to realize. My palate was
completely skinned, part of the bone came away, my teeth seemed ready
to fall out of the gums, my sufferings were terrible. I feared that my
brain might be affected by the agony of pain in my head. I was more
than a fortnight without an instant's sleep."
To make matters worse, the wound broke out afresh; and he would have
been cured neither of it nor of the scurvy had it not been for the
energetic treatment of an old negress, who was accustomed to doctor the
scorbutic affections, so common in that country.
On the 9th January, 1828, Caillie left Timeh, and reached Kimba, a
little village where the caravan for Jenneh was assembled. Near to this
village rises the chain erroneously called Kong, which is the general
name for mountain amongst the Mandingoes.
The names of the villages entered by the travellers, and the incidents
of the journey through Bambarra, are of no special interest. The
inhabitants are accounted great thieves by the Mandingoes, but are
probably not more dishonest than their critics.
The Bambarra women all wear a thin slip of wood imbedded in the lower
lip, a strange fashion exactly similar to that noticed by Cook amongst
the natives of the north-western coast of America. The Bambarras speak
Mandingo, though they have a dialect of their own called _Kissour_,
about which the traveller could obtain no trustworthy written
information.
Jenneh was formerly called "the golden land." The precious metal is
not, however, found there, but a good deal is imported by the Boureh
merchants and the Mandingoes of Kong.
Jenneh, two miles and a half in circumference, is surrounded by a mud
wall ten feet high. The houses, built of bricks baked in the sun, are
as large as those of European peasants. They have all terraces, but no
outer windows. Numbers of foreigners frequent Jenneh. The inhabitants,
as many as eight or ten thousand, are very industrious and intelligent.
They hire out their slaves, and also employ them in various
handicrafts.
The Moors, however, monopolize the more important commerce. Not a day
passes that they do not despatch huge boats laden with rice, millet,
cotton, honey, vegetable butter, and other native products.
In spite of this great commercial movement, the prosperity of Jenneh
was threatened. Sego Ahmadou, chief of the country, impelled by bigoted
zeal, made fierce war upon the Bambarras of Sego, whom he wished to
rally round the standard of the Prophet. This struggle did a great deal
of harm to the trade of Jenneh, for it interrupted intercourse with
Yamina, Sansanding, Bamakou, and Boureh, which were the chief marts for
its produce.
The women of Jenneh would not be true to their sex if they did not show
some marks of coquetry. Those who aim at fashion pass a ring or a glass
ornament through the nostrils, whilst their poorer sisters content
themselves with a bit of pink silk.
During Caillie's long stay at Jenneh, he was loaded with kindness and
attentions by the Moors, to whom he had told the fabulous tale about
his birth in Egypt, and abduction by the army of occupation.
On the 23rd March, the traveller embarked on the Niger for Timbuctoo,
on which the sheriff, won over by the gift of an umbrella, had obtained
a passage for him. He carried with him letters of introduction to the
chief persons in Timbuctoo.
Caillie now passed in succession the pretty villages of Kera, Taguetia,
Sankha-Guibila, Diebeh, and Isaca, near to which the river is joined by
an important branch, which makes a great bend beyond Sego, catching
sight also of Wandacora, Wanga, Corocoila, and Cona, finally reaching,
on the 2nd of April, the mouth of the important Lake Debo.
"Land," says Caillie, "is visible on every side of this lake except on
the west, where it widens out like a vast inland sea. Following its
northern coast in a west-north-west direction for a distance of fifteen
miles, you leave on the left a tongue of level ground, which runs
several miles to the south, seeming to bar the passage of the lake, and
form a kind of strait. Beyond this barrier the lake stretches away out
of sight in the west. The barrier I have just described cuts Lake Debo
into two parts, the upper and lower. That navigable to boats contains
three islands, and is very wide; it stretches away a short distance on
the east, and is supplemented by an immense number of huge marshes."
One after the other, Caillie now passed the fishing village of Gabibi;
Tongoon in the Diriman country, a district stretching far away on the
east; Codosa, an important commercial town; Barconga, Leleb, Garfolo,
Baracondieh, Tircy, Talbocoila, Salacoila, Cora, Coratou, where the
Tuaricks exact a toll from passing boats, and finally reached Cabra,
built on a height out of reach of the overflowing of the Niger, and
serving as the port of Timbuctoo.
On the 20th, Caillie disembarked, and started for that city, which he
entered at sundown.
"I, at last," cries our hero, "saw the capital of the Soudan, which had
so long been the goal of my desires. As I entered that mysterious town,
an object of curiosity to the civilized nations of Europe, I was filled
with indescribable exultation. I never experienced anything like it,
and my delight knew no bounds. But I had to moderate my transports, and
it was to God alone I confided them. With what earnestness I thanked
Him for the success which had crowned my enterprise and the signal
protection He had accorded me in so many apparently insurmountable
difficulties and perils. My first emotions having subsided, I found
that the scene before me by no means came up to my expectations. I had
conceived a very different idea of the grandeur and wealth of this
town. At first sight it appeared nothing more than a mass of
badly-built houses, whilst on every side stretched vast plains of arid,
yellowish, shifting sands. The sky was of a dull red colour on the
horizon; all nature seemed melancholy; profound silence prevailed, not
so much as the song of a bird was heard. And yet there was something
indescribably imposing in the sight of a large town rising up in the
midst of the sandy desert, and the beholder cannot but admire the
indomitable energy of its founders. I fancy the river formerly passed
nearer the town of Timbuctoo; it is now eight miles north of it and
five of Cabra."
[Illustration: View of part of Timbuctoo. (Fac-simile of early
engraving.)]
Timbuctoo, which is neither so large nor so well populated as Caillie
expected, is altogether wanting in animation. There are no large
caravans constantly arriving in it, as at Jenneh; nor are there so many
strangers there as in the latter town; whilst the market, held at three
o'clock in the morning on account of the heat, appears deserted.
Timbuctoo is inhabited by Kissour negroes, who seem of mild
dispositions, and are employed in trade. There is no government, and
strictly speaking no central authority; each town and village has its
own chief. The mode of life is patriarchal. A great many Moorish
merchants are settled in the town, and rapidly make fortunes there.
They receive consignments of merchandise from Adrar, Tafilet, Ghat,
Ghadames, Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli.
To Timbuctoo is brought all the salt of the mines of Toudeyni, packed
on camels. It is imported in slabs, bound together by ropes, made from
grass in the neighbourhood of Tandayeh.
Timbuctoo is built in the form of a triangle, and measures about three
miles in circumference. The houses are large but not lofty, and are
built of round bricks. The streets are wide and clean. There are seven
mosques, each surmounted by a square tower, from which the muezzin
calls the faithful to prayer. Counting the floating population, the
capital of the Soudan does not contain more than from ten to twelve
thousand inhabitants.
Timbuctoo, situated in the midst of a vast plain of shifting white
sand, trades in salt only, the soil being quite unsuitable to any sort
of cultivation. The town is always full of people, who come to exact
what they call presents, but what might with more justice be styled
forced contributions. It is a public calamity when a Tuarick chief
arrives. He remains in the town a couple of months, living with his
numerous followers at the expense of the inhabitants, until he has
wrung costly presents from them. Terror has extended the domination of
these wandering tribes over all the neighbouring peoples, whom they rob
and pillage without mercy.
The Tuarick costume is the same as that of the Arabs, with the
exception of the head-dress. Day and night they wear a cotton band
which covers the eyes and comes down over the nose, so that they are
obliged to raise the head in order to see. The same band goes once or
twice round the head and hides the mouth, coming down below the chin,
so that the tip of the nose is all that is visible.
The Tuaricks are perfect riders, and mounted on first-rate horses or on
fleet camels; each man is armed with a spear, a shield, and a dagger.
They are the pirates of the desert, and innumerable are the caravans
they have robbed, or blackmailed.
[Illustration: Map of Rene Caillie's Journey.]
Four days after Caillie's arrival at Timbuctoo, he heard that a caravan
was about to start for Talifet; and as he knew that another would not
go for three months, fearing detection, he resolved to join this one.
It consisted of a large number of merchants, and 600 camels. Starting
on the 4th of May, 1828, he arrived, after terrible sufferings from the
heat, and a sand-storm in which he was caught, at El Arawan, a town of
no private resources, but important as the emporium for the Toudeyni
salt, exported at Sansanding, on the banks of the Niger, and also as
the halting-place of caravans from Tafilet, Mogadore, Ghat, Drat, and
Tripoli, the merchants here exchanging European wares for ivory, gold,
slaves, wax, honey, and Soudan stuffs. On the 19th May, the caravan
left El Arawan for Morocco, by way of the Sahara. To the traveller's
usual sufferings from heat, thirst, and privations of all kinds, was
now added the pain of a wound incurred in a fall from his camel. He was
also taunted by the Moors, and even by their slaves, who ridiculed his
habits and his awkwardness, and even sometimes threw stones at him when
his back was turned towards them.
"Often," says Caillie, "one of the Moors would say to me in a
contemptuous tone: 'You see that slave? Well I prefer him to you, so
you may guess in what esteem I hold you.' This insult would be
accompanied with roars of laughter."
Under these miserable circumstances Caillie passed the wells of
Trarzas, in whose vicinity salt is found, also those of Amul Gamil,
Amul Taf, El Ekreif, surrounded by date-trees, wood, willows, and
rushes, and reached Marabouty and El Harib, districts whose inhabitants
are disgustingly dirty in their habits.
El Harib lies between two chains of low hills, dividing it from
Morocco, to which it is tributary. Its inhabitants, divided into
several nomad tribes, employ themselves chiefly in the breeding of
camels. They would be rich and contented, but for the ceaseless
exactions of the Berber Arabs.
On the 12th July the caravan left El Harib, and eleven days later
entered the province of Talifet, famous for its majestic date-trees. At
Ghourland, Caillie was welcomed with some kindness by the Moors, though
he was not admitted to their houses, lest the women, who are visible
only to the men of their own families, should be seen by the irreverent
eyes of a stranger.
Caillie visited the market, which is held three times a week near a
little village called Boheim, three miles from Ghourland, and was
surprised at the variety of articles exposed for sale in it:
vegetables, native fruits, fodder for cattle, poultry, sheep, &c. &c.,
all in large quantities. Water in leather bottles was carried about for
sale to all who cared to drink in the exhausting heat, by men who
announced their approach by ringing a small hand-bell. Moorish and
Spanish coins alone passed current. The province of Tafilet contains
several large villages and small towns. Ghourland, El Ekseba, Sosso,
Boheim, and Ressant, which our traveller visited, contained some twelve
hundred inhabitants each, all merchants and owners of property.
The soil is very productive: corn, vegetables, dates, European fruits,
and tobacco, are cultivated in large quantities. Among the sources of
wealth in Tafilet we may name very fine sheep, whose beautifully white
wool makes very pretty coverlets, oxen, first-rate horses, donkeys, and
mules.
As at El-Drah, a good many Jews live in the villages together with
Mohammedans. They lead a miserable life, go about half naked, and are
constantly struck and insulted. Whether brokers, shoemakers,
blacksmiths, porters, or whatever their ostensible occupation, they all
lend money to the Moors.
On the 2nd August the caravan resumed its march, and after passing
A-Fileh, Tanneyara, Marca, Dayara, Rahaba, El Eyarac, Tamaroc,
Ain-Zeland, El Guim, Guigo, and Soporo, Caillie arrived at Fez, where
he made a short stay, and then pressed on to Rabat, the ancient Saleh.
Exhausted by his long march, with nothing to eat but a few dates,
obliged to depend on the charity of the Mussulmans, who as often as not
declined to give him anything, and finding at Fez no representative of
France but an old Jew named Ismail, who acted as Consular Agent, and
who, being afraid of compromising himself, would not let Caillie embark
on a Portuguese brig bound for Gibraltar,--the traveller eagerly
availed himself of a fortunate chance for going to Tangiers. There he
was kindly received by the Vice-Consul, M. Delaporte, who wrote at once
to the commandant of the French station at Cadiz, and sent him off
bound for that port, disguised as a sailor, in a corvette.
The landing at Toulon of the young Frenchman fresh from Timbuctoo, was
a very unexpected event in the scientific world. With nothing to aid
him but his own invincible courage and patience, he had brought to a
satisfactory conclusion an exploit for which the French and English
Geographical Societies had offered large rewards. Alone, without any
resources to speak of, without the aid of government or of any
scientific society, by sheer force of will, he had succeeded in
throwing a flood of new light on an immense tract of Africa.
Caillie was not indeed the first European who had visited Timbuctoo. In
the preceding year, Major Laing had penetrated into that mysterious
city, but he had paid for his expedition with his life, and we shall
presently relate the touching details of his fatal trip.
Caillie had returned to Europe, and brought back with him the curious
journal from which our narrative is taken. It is true his profession of
the Mohammedan faith had prevented him from taking astronomical
observations, and from making sketches and notes freely, but only at
the price of his seeming apostasy could he have passed through the
region where the very name of a Christian is held in abhorrence.
How many strange observations, how many fresh and exact details, did
Caillie add to our knowledge of North-West Africa! It had cost
Clapperton two journeys to traverse Africa from Tripoli to Benin;
Caillie had crossed from Senegal to Morocco in one--but at what a
price! How much fatigue, how much suffering, how many privations, had
the Frenchman endured! Timbuctoo was known at last, as well as the new
caravan route across the Sahara by way of the oases of Tafilet and El
Harib.
Was Caillie compensated for his physical and mental sufferings by the
aid which the Geographical Society sent to him at once, by the prize of
10,000 francs adjudged to him, by the Cross of the Legion of Honour and
the fame and glory attached to his name? We suppose he was. He says
more than once in his narrative that nothing but his wish to add by his
discoveries to the glory of France, his native country, could have
sustained him under the trying circumstances and insults to which he
was constantly subjected. All honour then to the patient traveller, the
sincere patriot, the great discoverer.
We have still to speak of the expedition which cost Alexander Gordon
Laing his life; but before giving our necessarily brief account, for
his journals were all lost, we must say a few words about his early
life and an interesting excursion made by him to Timmannee, Kouran and
Soolimana, when he discovered the sources of the Niger.
Laing was born in Edinburgh in 1794, entered the English army at the
age of sixteen, and soon distinguished himself. In 1820 he had gained
the rank of Lieutenant, and was serving as aide-de-camp to Sir Charles
Maccarthy, then Governor General of Western Africa. At this time war
was raging between Amara, the Mandingo almamy, and Sannassi, one of his
principal chiefs. Trade had never been very flourishing in Sierra
Leone, and this state of things dealt it its death-blow. Maccarthy,
anxious to put matters on a better footing, determined to interfere and
bring about a reconciliation between the rival chiefs. He decided on
sending an embassy to Kambia, on the borders of the Scarcies, and from
thence to Malacoury and the Mandingo camp. The enterprising character,
intelligence, and courage of Laing led to his being chosen by the
governor as his envoy, and on the 7th January, 1822, he received
instructions to report on the manufactures and topography of the
provinces mentioned, and to ascertain the feeling of the inhabitants on
the abolition of slavery.
A first interview with Yareddi, leader of the Soolimana troops
accompanying the almamy, proved that the negroes of the districts under
notice had only the vaguest ideas on European civilization, and that
they had had but little intercourse with the whites.
"Every article of our dress," says Laing, "was a subject of admiration;
observing me pull off my gloves, Yareddi stared, covered his
widely-opened mouth with his hands, and at length exclaimed, 'Alla
Akbar!' 'he has pulled the skin off his hands!' By degrees, and as he
became more familiar, he alternately rubbed down Dr. Mackie's hair and
mine, then indulging himself in a loud laugh, he would exclaim, 'They
are not men, they are not men!' He repeatedly asked my interpreter if
we had bones?"
These preliminary excursions, during which Laing ascertained that many
Soolimanas owned a good deal of gold and ivory, led to his asking the
governor's sanction to explore the districts to the east of the colony,
with a view to increasing the trade of Sierra Leone by admitting their
productions.
Maccarthy liked Laing's proposal and submitted it to the council. It
was decided that Laing should be authorized to penetrate into Soolimana
by the most convenient route for future communications.
Laing left Sierra Leone on the 16th April, 1824, and rowed up the
Rokelle river to Rokon, the chief town of Timmannee. His interview with
the King of Rokon was extremely amusing. To do him honour Laing had a
salvo of ten charges fired as he came into the court in which the
reception was to be held. At the noise the king stopped, drew back,
darted a furious look at his visitor, and ran away. It was with great
difficulty that the cowardly monarch was induced to return. At last he
came back, and seating himself with great dignity in his chair of state
he questioned the major:
"He wished to know," says Laing, "why he had been fired at, and was,
with some difficulty, persuaded that it had been done out of honour to
him. 'Why did you point your guns to the ground?' 'That you might see
our intention was to show you respect.' 'But the pebbles flew in my
face; why did you not point in the air?' 'Because we feared to burn the
thatch on your houses.' 'Well, then, give me some rum.'"
Needless to add that the interview became more cordial after the major
had complied with this request!
The portrait of the Timmannee monarch deserves a place in our volume
for more than one reason. It is a case of _ab uno disce omnes_."
"Ba-Simera," to quote Laing again, "the principal chief or king of this
part of the Timmannee country, is about ninety years of age, with a
mottled, shrivelled-up skin, resembling in colour that of an alligator
more than that of a human being, with dim, greenish eyes, far sunk in
his head, and a bleached, twisted beard, hanging down about two feet
from his chin; like the king of the opposite district he wore a
necklace of coral and leopard's teeth, but his mantle was brown and
dirty as his skin. His swollen legs, like those of an elephant, were to
be observed from under his trousers of baft, which might have been
originally white, but, from the wear of several years, had assumed a
greenish appearance."
Like his predecessors in Africa, Laing had to go through many
discussions about the right of passage through the country and bearers'
wages, but thanks to his firmness he managed to escape the extortions
of the negro kings. The chief halting-places on the route taken by the
major were: Toma, where a white man had never before been seen;
Balandeko, Roketchnick, which he ascertained to be situated in N. lat.
8 degrees 30 minutes, and W. long. 12 degrees 11 minutes; Mabimg,
beyond a very broad stream flowing north of the Rokelle; and Ma-Yosso,
the chief frontier town of Timmannee. In Timmannee Laing made
acquaintance with a singular institution, a kind of free-masonry, known
as "Purrah," the existence of which on the borders of the Rio Nunez had
been already ascertained by Caillie.
"Their power" [that of the "Purrah"], says Laing, "supersedes even that
of the headmen of the districts, and their deeds of secrecy and
darkness are as little called in question, or inquired into, as those
of the Inquisition were in Europe, in former years. I have endeavoured
in vain to trace the origin, or cause of formation of this
extraordinary association, and have reason to suppose, that it is now
unknown to the generality of the Timmannees, and may possibly be even
so to the Purrah themselves, in a country where no traditionary records
are extant, either in writing or in song."
So far as Laing could ascertain Timmannee is divided into three
districts. The chief of each arrogates to himself the title of king.
The soil is fairly productive, and rice, yams, guavas, earth-nuts, and
bananas might be grown in plenty, but for the lazy, vicious, and
avaricious character of the inhabitants who vie with each other in
roguery.
"I think," says Laing, "that a few hoes, flails, rakes, shovels, &c.,
would be very acceptable to them, when their respective uses were
practically explained; and that they would prove more beneficial both
to their interest and ours, than the guns, cocked hats, and mountebank
coats, with which they are at present supplied." In spite of our
traveller's philanthropic wish, things have not changed since his time.
The negroes are just as fond of intoxicating drinks, and their petty
kings still go about wearing on grand occasions hats the shape of an
accordion, and blue coats with copper buttons, with no shirts
underneath. The maternal sentiment did not seem to Laing to be very
fully developed amongst the people of Timmannee, for he was twice
roundly abused by women for refusing to buy their children of them. A
few days later there was a great tumult raised against Laing, the white
man who had inflicted a fatal blow on the prosperity of the country by
checking its trade. The first town entered in Kouranko was Maboum, and
it is interesting to note _en passant_ what Laing says of the activity
of the inhabitants.
"I entered the town about sunset, and received a first impression
highly favourable to its inhabitants, who were returning from their
respective labours of the day, every individual bearing about him
proofs of his industrious occupation. Some had been engaged in
preparing the fields for the crops, which the approaching rains were to
mature; others were penning up cattle, whose sleek sides and good
condition denoted the richness of their pasturages; the last clink of
the blacksmith's hammer was sounding, the weaver was measuring the
quantity of cloth he had woven during the day, and the gaurange, or
worker in leather, was tying up his neatly-stained pouches, shoes,
knife-scabbards, &c. (the work of his handicraft) in a large kotakoo or
bag; while the crier at the mosque, with the melancholy call of 'Alla
Akbar,' uttered at measured intervals, summoned the devots Moslems to
their evening devotions."
Had a Marilhat or a Henri Regnault transferred to canvas a scene like
this, when the dazzling light of the sun is beginning to die away in
green and rose tints, might he not aptly name his painting the _Retour
des Champs_, a title so often given to landscapes in our misty climate.
"This scene," adds Laing, "both by its nature and the sentiment which
it inspired, formed an agreeable contrast with the noise, confusion,
and the dissipation which pervaded a Timmannee town at the same hour;
but one must not trust too much to appearances, and I regret to add,
that the subsequent conduct of the Kouranko natives did not confirm the
good opinion which I had formed of them."
The traveller now passed through Koufoula, where he was very kindly
received, crossed a pleasant undulating district shut in by the
Kouranko hills and halted at Simera, where the chief ordered his
"guiriot" to celebrate in song the arrival of his guest, a welcome
neutralized by the fact that the house assigned to Laing let in the
rain through its leaky roof and would not let out the smoke, so that,
to use his own words, he was more "like a chimney-sweeper" than the
white guest of the King of Simera.
Laing afterwards visited the source of the Tongolelle, a tributary of
the Rokelle, and then left Kooranko to enter Soolimana. Kooranko, into
which our traveller did not penetrate beyond the frontier, is of vast
extent and divided into a great number of small states. The inhabitants
resemble the Mandingoes in language and costume, but they are neither
so well looking nor so intelligent. They do not profess Mohammedanism
and have implicit confidence in their "grigris." They are fairly
industrious, they know how to sew and weave. Their chief object of
commerce is rosewood or "cam," which they send to the coast. The
products of the country are much the same as those of Timmannee.
Komia, N. lat. 9 degrees 22 minutes, is the first town in Soolimana.
Laing then visited Semba, a wealthy and populous city, where he was
received by a band of musicians, who welcomed him with a deafening if
not harmonious flourish of trumpets, and he finally reached Falaba, the
capital of the country.
The king received Laing with special marks of esteem. He had assembled
a large body of troops whom he passed in review, making them execute
various manoeuvres accompanied by the blowing of trumpets, beating of
tambourines, and the playing of violins and other native instruments.
This "fantasia" almost deafened the visitor. Then came a number of
_guiriots_, who sang of the greatness of the king, the happy arrival of
the major, with the fortunate results which were to ensue from his
visit for the prosperity of the country and the development of
commerce.
Laing profited by the king's friendliness to ask his permission to
visit the sources of the Niger, but was answered by all manner of
objections on the score of the danger of the expedition. At last,
however, his majesty yielded to the persuasions of his visitor, telling
him that "as his heart panted after the water, he might go to it."
The major had not, however, left Falaba two hours before the permission
was rescinded, and he had to give up an enterprise which had justly
appeared to him of great importance.
A few days later he obtained leave to visit the source of the Rokelle
or Sale Kongo, a river of which nothing was known before his time
beyond Rokon. From the summit of a lofty rock, Laing saw Mount Loma,
the highest of the chain of which it forms part. "The point," says the
traveller, "from which the Niger issues, was now shown to me, and
appeared to be at the same level on which I stood, viz., 1600 feet
above the level of the Atlantic; the source of the Rokelle, which I had
already measured, being 1470 feet. The view from this hill amply
compensated for my lacerated feet.... Having ascertained correctly the
situation of Konkodoogore, and that of the hill upon which I was at
this time, the first by observation, and the second by account, and
having taken the bearings of Loma from both, I cannot err much in
laying down its position in 9 degrees 25 minutes N. and 9 degrees 45
minutes W."
[Illustration: "Laing saw Mount Loma."]
Laing had now spent three months in Soolimana, and had made many
excursions. It is a very picturesque country, in which alternate hills,
valleys, and fertile plains, bordered by woods and adorned with
thickets of luxuriant trees.
The soil is fertile and requires very little cultivation; the harvests
are abundant and rice grows well. Oxen, sheep, goats, and a small
species of poultry, with a few horses, are the chief domestic animals
of the people of Soolimana. The wild beasts, of which there are a good
many, are elephants, buffaloes, a kind of antelope, monkeys, and
leopards.
Falaba, which takes its name from the Fala-ba river, on which it is
situated, is about a mile and a half long by one broad. The houses are
closer together than in most African towns, and it contains some six
thousand inhabitants. Its position as a fortified town is well-chosen.
Built on an eminence in the centre of a plain which is under water in
the rainy season, it is surrounded by a very strong wooden palisade,
proof against every engine of war except artillery.
Strange to say in Soolimana the occupations of men and women seem to be
reversed; the latter work in the fields except at seed time and
harvest, build the houses, act as masons, barbers, and surgeons, whilst
the men attend to the dairy, milk the cows, sew, and wash the linen.
On the 17th September, Laing started on his return journey to Sierra
Leone bearing presents from the king, and escorted for several miles by
a vast crowd. He finally reached the English colony in safety.
Laing's trip through Timmannee, Kooranko, and Soolimana was not without
importance. It opened up districts hitherto unknown to Europeans, and
introduced us to the manners, occupations, and trade of the people, as
well as to the products of the country. At the same time the course was
traced and the source discovered of the Rokelle, whilst for the first
time definite information was obtained as to the sources of the Niger,
for although our traveller had not actually visited them, he had gone
near enough to determine their position approximately.
The results obtained by Laing on this journey, only fired his ambition
for further discoveries. He, therefore, determined to make his way to
Timbuctoo.
On the 17th June, 1825, he embarked at Malta for Tripoli, where he
joined a caravan with which Hateeta, the Tuarick chief, who had made
such friends with Lyon, was also travelling as far as Ghat. After two
months' halt at Ghadames, Laing again started in October and reached
Insalah, which he places a good deal further west than his predecessors
had done. Here he remained from November, 1825, to January 1826, and
then made his way to the Wady Ghat, intending to go from thence at once
to Timbuctoo, making a tour of Lake Jenneh or Debbie, visiting the
Melli country, and tracing the Niger to its mouth. He would then have
retraced his steps as far as Sackatoo, visited Lake Tchad and attempted
to reach the hill.
Outside Ghat the caravan with which Laing was travelling was attacked,
some say by Tuaricks, others by Berber Arabs, a tribe living near the
Niger.
"Laing," says Caillie, who got his information at Timbuctoo, "was
recognized as a Christian and horribly ill-treated. He was beaten with
a stick until he was left for dead. I suppose that the other Christian
whom they told me was beaten to death, was one of the major's servants.
The Moors of Laing's caravan picked him up, and succeeded by dint of
great care in recalling him to life. So soon as he regained
consciousness he was placed on his camel, to which he had to be tied,
he was too weak to be able to sit up. The robbers had left him nothing,
the greater part of his baggage had been rifled."
Laing arrived at Timbuctoo on the 18th August, 1826, and recovered from
his wounds. His convalescence was slow, but he was fortunately spared
the extortions of the natives, owing to the letters of introduction he
had brought with him from Tripoli and to the sedulous care of his host,
a native of that city.
According to Caillie, who quotes this remarkable fact from an old
native, Laing retained his European costume, and gave out that he had
been sent by his master, the king of England, to visit Timbuctoo and
describe the wonders it contained.
"It appears," adds the French traveller, "that Laing drew the plan of
the city in public, for the same Moor told me in his naive and
expressive language, that he had 'written the town and everything in
it.'"
After a careful examination of Timbuctoo, Laing, who had good reason to
fear the Tuaricks, paid a visit by night to Cabra, and looked down on
the waters of the Niger. Instead of returning to Europe by way of the
Great Desert, he was very anxious to go past Jenneh and Sego to the
French settlements in Senegal, but at the first hint of his purpose to
the Foulahs who crowded to stare at him, he was told that a Nazarene
could not possibly be allowed to set foot in their country, and that if
he dared attempt it they would make him repent it.
Laing was, therefore, driven to go by way of El Arawan, where he hoped
to join a caravan of Moorish merchants taking salt to Sansanding. But
five days after he left Timbuctoo, his caravan was joined by a fanatic
sheikh, named Hamed-ould-Habib, chief of the Zawat tribe, and Laing was
at once arrested under pretence of his having entered their country
without authorization. The major being urged to profess Mohammedanism
refused, preferring death to apostasy. A discussion then took place
between the sheikh and his hired assassins as to how the victim should
be put to death, and finally Laing was strangled by two slaves. His
body was left unburied in the desert.
This was all Caillie was able to find out when he visited Timbuctoo but
one year after Major Laing's death. We have supplemented his accounts
by a few details gathered from the reports of the Royal Geographical
Society, for the traveller's journal and the notes he took are alike
lost to us.
We have already told how Laing managed to fix pretty accurately the
position of the sources of the Niger. We have also described the
efforts made by Mungo Park and Clapperton to trace the middle portion
of the course of that river. We have now to narrate the journeys made
in order to examine its mouth and the lower part of its course. The
earliest and most successful was that of Richard Lander, formerly
Clapperton's servant.
Richard Lander and his brother John proposed to the English Government,
that they should be sent to explore the Niger to its mouth. Their offer
was accepted, and they embarked on a government vessel for Badagry,
where they arrived on the 19th March, 1830.
The king of the country, Adooley, of whom Richard Lander retained a
friendly remembrance, was in low spirits. His town had just been burnt,
his generals and his best soldiers had perished in a battle with the
people of Lagos, and he himself had had a narrow escape when his house
and all his treasures were destroyed by fire.
He determined to retrieve his losses, and to do so at the expense of
the travellers, who could not get permission to penetrate into the
interior of the country until they had been robbed of their most
valuable merchandise, and compelled to sign drafts in payment for a
gun-boat with a hundred men, for two puncheons of rum, twenty barrels
of powder, and a large quantity of merchandise, which they knew
perfectly well would never be delivered by this monarch, who was as
greedy of gain as he was drunken. As a matter of course the natives
followed the example of their chief, vied with him in selfishness,
greed, and meanness, regarded the English as fair spoil, and fleeced
them on every opportunity.
At last, on the 31st March, Richard and John Lander succeeded in
getting away from Badagry; and preceded by an escort sent in advance by
the king, arrived at Katunga on the 13th May, having halted by the way
at Wow-wow, a good-sized town, Bidjie, where Pearce and Morrison had
been taken ill, Jenneh, Chow, Egga, all towns visited by Clapperton,
Engua, where Pearce died, Asinara, the first walled city they saw,
Bohou, formerly capital of Yariba, Jaguta, Leoguadda, and Itcho, where
there is a famous market.
[Illustration: Lower Course of the Niger (after Lander).]
At Katunga, according to custom, the travellers halted under a tree
before they were received by the king. But being tired of waiting, they
presently went to the residence of Ebo, the chief eunuch, and the most
influential man about the person of the sovereign. A diabolical noise
of cymbals, trumpets, and drums, all played together, announced the
approach of the white men, and Mansolah, the king, gave them a most
hearty welcome, ordering Ebo to behead every one who should molest
them.
The Landers, fearful of being detained by Mansolah until the rainy
season, acted on Ebo's advice, and said nothing about the Niger, but
merely spoke of the death of their fellow-countryman at Boussa twenty
years before, adding that the King of England had sent them to the
sultan of Yaourie to recover his papers.
Although Mansolah did not treat the brothers Lander quite as graciously
as he had treated Clapperton, he allowed them to go eight days after
their arrival.
Of the many details given in the original account of the Landers'
journey, of Katunga and the province of Yariba, we will only quote the
following:--
"Katunga has by no means answered the expectations we had been led to
form of it, either as regards its prosperity, or the number of its
inhabitants. The vast plain on which it stands, although exceedingly
fine, yields in verdure and fertility, and simple beauty of appearance,
to the delightful country surrounding the less celebrated city of
Bohoo. Its market is tolerably well supplied with provisions, which
are, however, exceedingly dear; insomuch that, with the exception of
disgusting insects, reptiles, and vermin, the lower classes of the
people are almost unacquainted with the taste of animal food."
Mansolah's carelessness and the imbecile cowardice of his subjects had
enabled the Fellatahs to establish themselves in Yarriba, to entrench
themselves in its fortified towns, and to obtain the recognition of
their independence, until they became sufficiently strong to assume an
absolute sovereignty over the whole country.
From Katunga the Landers travelled to Borghoo, by way of Atoupa,
Bumbum--a town much frequented by the merchants of Houssa, Borghoo, and
other provinces trading with Gonja--Kishi, on the frontiers of Yarriba,
and Moussa, on the river of the same name, beyond which they were met
by an escort sent to join them by the Sultan of Borghoo. Sultan Yarro
received them with many expressions of pleasure and kindness, showing
special delight at seeing Richard Lander again. Although he was a
convert to Mohammedanism, Yarro evidently put more faith in the
superstitions of his forefathers than in his new creed. Fetiches and
gri-gris were hung over his door, and in one of his huts there was a
square stool, supported on two sides by four little wooden effigies of
men. The character, manners, and costumes of the people of Borghoo
differ essentially from those of the natives of Yarriba.
"Perhaps no two people in the universe residing so near each other,"
says the narrative, "differ more widely ... than the natives of Yarriba
and Borghoo. The former are perpetually engaged in trading with each
other from town to town, the latter never quit their towns except in
case of war, or when engaged in predatory excursions; the former are
pusillanimous and cowardly, the latter are bold and courageous, full of
spirit and energy, and never seem happier than when engaged in martial
exercises; the former are generally mild, unassuming, humble and
honest, but cold and passionless. The latter are proud and haughty, too
vain to be civil, and too shrewd to be honest; yet they appear to
understand somewhat of the nature of love and the social affections,
are warm in their attachments, and keen in their resentments."
On the 17th June our travellers at last came in sight of the city of
Boussa. Great was their surprise at finding that town on the mainland,
and not, as Clapperton had said, on an island in the Niger. They
entered Boussa by the western gate, and were almost immediately
introduced to the presence of the king and of the midiki or queen, who
told them that they had both that very morning shed tears over the fate
of Clapperton.
The Niger or Quorra, which flows below the city, was the first object
of interest visited by the brothers.
"This morning," writes the traveller, "we visited the far-famed _Niger_
or _Quorra_, which flows by the city about a mile from our residence,
and were greatly disappointed at the appearance of this celebrated
river. Bleak, rugged rocks rose abruptly from the centre of the stream,
causing strong ripples and eddies on its surface. It is said that, a
few miles above Boussa, the river is divided into three branches by two
small, fertile islands, and that it flows from hence in one continued
stream to Funda. The Niger here, in its widest part, is not more than a
stone's-throw across at present. The rock on which we sat overlooks the
spot where Mr. Park and his associates met their unhappy fate."
Richard Lander made his preliminary inquiries respecting the books and
papers belonging to Mungo Park's expedition with great caution. But
presently, reassured by the sultan's kindness, he determined to
question him as to the fate of the explorer. Yarro was, however, too
young at the time of the catastrophe to be able to remember what had
occurred. It had taken place two reigns back; but he promised to have a
search instituted for relics of the illustrious traveller.
"In the afternoon," says Richard Lander, "the king came to see us,
followed by a man with a book under his arm, which was said to have
been picked up in the Niger after the loss of our countryman. It was
enveloped in a large cotton cloth, and our hearts beat high with
expectation as the man was slowly unfolding it, for, by its size, we
guessed it to be Mr. Park's Journal; but our disappointment and chagrin
were great when, on opening the book, we discovered it to be an old
nautical publication of the last century."
There was then no further hope of recovering Park's journal.
On the 23rd June the Landers left Boussa, filled with gratitude to the
king, who had given them valuable presents, and warned them to accept
no food, lest it should be poisoned, from any but the governors of the
places they should pass through. They travelled alongside of the Niger
as far as Kagogie, where they embarked in a wretched native canoe,
whilst their horses were sent on by land to Yaoorie.
"We had proceeded only a few hundred yards," says Richard Lander, "when
the river gradually widened to two miles, and continued as far as the
eye could reach. It looked very much like an artificial canal, the
steep banks confining the water like low walls, with vegetation beyond.
In most places the water was extremely shallow, but in others it was
deep enough to float a frigate. During the first two hours of the day
the scenery was as interesting and picturesque as can be imagined. The
banks were literally covered with hamlets and villages; fine trees,
bending under the weight of their dark and impenetrable foliage,
everywhere relieved the eye from the glare of the sun's rays, and,
contrasted with the lively verdure of the little hills and plains,
produced the most pleasing effect. All of a sudden came a total change
of scene. To the banks of dark earth, clay, or sand, succeeded black,
rugged rocks; and that wide mirror which reflected the skies, was
divided into a thousand little channels by great sand-banks."
A little further on the stream was barred by a wall of black rocks,
with a single narrow opening, through which its waters rushed furiously
down. At this place there is a portage, above which the Niger flows on,
restored to its former breadth, repose, and grandeur.
After three days' navigation, the Landers reached a village, where they
found horses and men waiting for them, and whence they quickly made
their way, through a continuously hilly country, to the town of
Yaoorie, where they were welcomed by the sultan, a stout, dirty,
slovenly man, who received them in a kind of farm-yard cleanly kept.
The sultan, who was disappointed that Clapperton had not visited him,
and that Richard Lander had omitted to pay his respects on his return
journey, was very exacting to his present guests. He would give them
none of the provisions they wanted, and did all he could to detain them
as long as possible.
We may add that food was very dear at Yaoorie, and that Richard Lander
had no merchandise for barter except a quantity of "Whitechapel sharps,
warranted not to cut in the eye," for the very good reason, he tells
us, that most of them had no eyes at all, so that they were all but
worthless.
They were able, however, to turn to account some empty tins which had
contained soups; the labels, although dirty and tarnished, were much
admired by the natives, one of whom strutted proudly about for some
days wearing an empty tin on his head, bearing four labels of
"concentrated essence of meat."
The Sultan would not permit the Englishmen to enter Nyffe or Bornou,
and told them there was nothing for them but to go back to Boussa.
Richard Lander at once wrote to the king of that town, asking
permission to buy a canoe in which to go to Funda, as the road by land
was infested by plundering Fellatahs.
At last, on the 26th July, a messenger arrived from the King of Boussa
to inquire into the strange conduct of the Sultan of Yaoorie, and the
cause of his detention of the white men. After an imprisonment of five
weeks the Landers were at last allowed to leave Yaoorie, which was now
almost entirely inundated.
The explorers now ascended the Niger to the confluence of the Cubbie,
and then went down it again to Boussa, where the king, who was glad to
see them again, received them with the utmost cordiality. They were,
however, detained longer than they liked by the necessity of paying a
visit to the King of Wow-wow, as well as by the difficulty of getting a
boat. Moreover, there was some delay in the return of the messengers
who had been sent by the King of Boussa to the different chiefs on the
banks of the river, and lastly, Beken Rouah (the Dark Water) had to be
consulted in order to ensure the safety of the travellers in their
journey to the sea.
On taking leave of the king, the brothers were at a loss to express
their gratitude for his kindness and hospitality, his zeal in their
cause, and the protection he was ever ready to extend during their stay
of nearly two months in his capital. The natives showed great regret at
losing their visitors, and knelt in the path of the brothers, praying
with uplifted hands to their gods on their behalf.
Now began the descent of the Niger. A halt had to be made at the island
of Melalie, whose chief begged the white men to accept a very fine kid.
We may be sure they were too polite to refuse it. The Landers next
passed the large town of Congi, the Songa of Clapperton, and then
Inguazilligie, the rendezvous of merchants travelling between Nouffe
and the districts north-east of Borghoo. Below Inguazilligie they
halted at Patashie, a large fertile island of great beauty, planted
with palm groves and magnificent trees.
As this place was not far from Wow-wow, Richard Lander sent a message
to the king of that town, who, however, declined to deliver the canoe
which had been purchased of him. The messenger failing in his purpose,
the brothers were compelled themselves to visit the king, but as they
expected, they got only evasive answers. They had now no choice, if
they wished to continue their journey, but to make off with the canoes
which had been lent them at Patashie. On the 4th October, after further
delays, they resumed their course, and being carried down by the
current, were soon out of sight of Lever, or Layaba, and its wretched
inhabitants.
The first town the brothers came to was Bajiebo, a large and spacious
city, which for dirt, noise, and confusion, could not be surpassed.
Next came Leechee, inhabited by Nouffe people, and the island of Madje,
where the Niger divides into three parts. Just beyond, the travellers
suddenly found themselves opposite a remarkable rock, two hundred and
eighty feet high, called Mount Kesa, which rises perpendicularly from
the centre of the stream. This rock is greatly venerated by the
natives, who believe it to be the favourite home of a beneficent
genius.
[Illustration: Mount Kesa. (Fac-simile of early engraving.)]
At Belee, a little above Rabba, the brothers received a visit from the
"King of the Dark Waters," chief of the island of Zagoshi, who appeared
in a canoe of great length and unusual cleanliness, decked with scarlet
cloth and gold lace. On the same day they reached the town of Zagoshi,
opposite Rabba, and the second Fellatah town beyond Sackatoo.
Mallam Dendo, chief of Zagoshi, was a cousin of Bello. He was a blind
and very feeble old man in very bad health, who knew he had but a few
years longer to reign, and his one thought was how best to secure the
throne to his son.
Although he had received very costly presents, Mallam Dendo was
anything but satisfied, and declared that if the travellers did not
make him other and more valuable gifts, he would require their guns,
pistols, and powder, before he allowed them to leave Zagoshi.
Richard Lander did not know what to do, when the gift of the tobe (or
robe) of Mungo Park, which had been restored by the King of Boussa,
threw Mallam Dendo into such ecstasies of joy that he declared himself
the protector of the Europeans, promised to do all he could to help
them to reach the sea, made them a present of several richly-coloured
plaited mats, two bags of rice, and a bunch of bananas. These stores
came just in time, for the whole stock of cloth, looking-glasses,
razors, and pipes was exhausted, and the English had nothing left but a
few needles and some silver bracelets as presents for the chiefs on the
banks of the Niger.
"Rabba," says Lander, "... seen from Zagoshi, appears to be a large,
compact, clean, and well-built town, though it is unwalled, and is not
otherwise fenced. It is irregularly built on the slope of a
gently-rising hill, at the foot of which runs the Niger; and in point
of rank, population, and wealth, it is the second city in the Fellatah
dominions, Sackatoo alone being considered as its superior. It is
inhabited by a mixed population of Fellatahs, Nyffeans, and emigrants
and slaves from various countries, and is governed by a ruler who
exercises sovereign authority over Rabba and its dependencies, and is
styled sultan or king.... Rabba is famous for milk, oil, and honey. The
market, when our messengers were there, appeared to be well supplied
with bullocks, horses, mules, asses, sheep, goats, and abundance of
poultry. Rice, and various sorts of corn, cotton cloth, indigo, saddles
and bridles made of red and yellow leather, besides shoes, boots, and
sandals, were offered for sale in great plenty. Although we observed
about two hundred slaves for sale, none had been disposed of when we
left the market in the evening.... Rabba is not very famous for the
number or variety of its artificers, and yet in the manufacture of mats
and sandals it is unrivalled. However, in all other handicrafts, Rabba
yields to Zagoshi."
The industry and love of labour displayed by the people of the latter
town were an agreeable surprise in this lazy country. Its inhabitants,
who are hospitable and obliging, are protected by the situation of
their island against the Fellatahs. They are independent too, and
recognize no authority but that of the "King of the Dark Waters," whom
they obey because it is to their interest to do so.
On the 16th October, the Landers at last started in a wretched canoe,
for which the king had made them pay a high price, with paddles they
had stolen, because no one would sell them any. This was the first time
they had been able to embark on the Niger without help from the
natives. They went down the river, whose width varies greatly, avoiding
large towns as much as possible, for they had no means of satisfying
the extortions of the chiefs. No incident of note occurred before Egga
was reached, if we except a terrible storm which overtook the
travellers when, unable to land in the marshes bordering the river,
they had allowed their boat to drift with the current, and during which
they were all but upset by the hippopotami playing about on the surface
of the water. All this time the Niger flowed in an E.S.E. direction,
now eight, now only two miles in width. The current was so rapid that
the boat went at the rate of four or five miles an hour.
[Illustration: "They were all but upset."]
On the 19th October the Landers passed the mouth of the Coudonia, which
Richard had crossed near Cuttup on his first expedition, and a little
later they came in sight of Egga. The landing-place was soon reached by
way of a bay encumbered with an immense number of large and heavy
canoes full of merchandise, with the prows daubed with blood, and
covered with feathers, as charms against thieves.
The chief, to whom the travellers were at once conducted, was an old
man with a long white beard, whose appearance would have been venerable
and patriarchal had he not laughed and played in quite a childish
manner. The natives assembled in hundreds to see the strange-looking
visitors, and the latter had to place three men as sentinels outside
their door to keep the curious at a distance.
[Illustration: Square stool belonging to the King of Bornou.
(Fac-simile of early engraving.)]
Lander says that Benin and Portuguese cloths are sold at Egga by many
of its inhabitants, so that it would appear that some kind of
communication is kept up between the sea-coast and this place. The
people are very speculative and enterprising, and numbers of them
employ all their time solely in trading up and down the Niger. They
live entirely in their canoes, over which they have a shed, that
answers completely every purpose for which it is intended, so that, in
their constant peregrinations, they have no need of any other dwelling
or shelter than that which their canoes afford them....
"Their belief," says Lander, "that we possessed the power of doing
anything we wished, was at first amusing enough, but their
importunities went so far that they became annoying. They applied to us
for charms to avert wars and other national calamities, to make them
rich, to prevent the crocodiles from carrying off the people, and for
the chief of the fishermen to catch a canoe-load of fish every day,
each request being accompanied with some sort of present, such as
country beer, goora-nuts, cocoa-nuts, lemons, yams, rice, &c., in
quantity proportionate to the value of their request.
"The curiosity of the people to see us is so intense, that we dare not
stir out of doors, and therefore we are compelled to keep our door open
all day long for the benefit of the air, and the only exercise which we
can take is by walking round and round our hut like wild beasts in a
cage. The people stand gazing at us with visible emotions of amazement
and terror; we are regarded, in fact, in just the same light as the
fiercest tigers in Europe. If we venture to approach too near the
doorway, they rush backwards in a state of the greatest alarm and
trepidation; but when we are at the opposite side of the hut they draw
as near as their fears will permit them, in silence and caution.
"Egga is a town of vast extent, and its population must be immense.
Like all the towns on the banks of the Niger, it is inundated every
year. We can but conclude that the natives have their own reasons for
building their houses in situations which, in our eyes, are alike so
inconvenient and unhealthy. Perhaps it may be because the soil of the
surrounding districts consists of a black greasy mould of extraordinary
fertility, supplying all the necessaries of life at the cost of very
little trouble. Although the King of Egga looked more than a hundred
years old, he was very gay and light-hearted. The chief people of the
town met in his hut, and spent whole days in conversation. This company
of greybeards, for they are all old, laugh so heartily at the
sprightliness of their own wit, that it is an invariable practice, when
any one passes by, to stop and listen outside, and they add to their
noisy merriment so much good-will, that we hear nothing from the hut in
which the aged group are revelling during the day but loud peals of
laughter and shouts of applause."
One day the old chief wished to show off his accomplishments of singing
and dancing, expecting to astonish his visitors.
"He frisked," says Lander, "beneath the burden of five-score, and
shaking his hoary locks, capered over the ground to the manifest
delight of the bystanders, whose plaudits, though confined, as they
always are, to laughter, yet tickled the old man's fancy to that
degree, that he was unable to keep up his dance any longer without the
aid of a crutch. With its assistance he hobbled on a little while, but
his strength failed him; he was constrained for the time to give over,
and he set himself down at our side on the threshold of the hut. He
would not acknowledge his weakness to us for the world, but endeavoured
to pant silently, and suppress loud breathings, that we might not hear
him. How ridiculous, yet how natural, is this vanity! He made other
unavailing attempts to dance, and also made an attempt to sing, but
nature would not second his efforts, and his weak piping voice was
scarcely audible. The singers, dancers, and musicians, continued their
noisy mirth, till we were weary of looking at and listening to them,
and as bedtime was drawing near, we desired them to depart, to the
infinite regret of the frivolous but merry old chief."
Mallam-Dendo, however, tried to dissuade the English from continuing
the descent of the river. Egga, he said, was the last Nouffe town, the
power of the Fellatahs extended no further, and between it and the sea
dwelt none but savage and barbarous races, always at war with each
other. These rumours and the stories told by the natives to the
Landers' people of the danger they would run of being murdered or sold
as slaves so terrified the latter, that they refused to embark,
declaring their intention of going back to Cape Coast Castle by the way
that they came. Thanks to the firmness of the brothers this mutiny was
quelled, and on the 22nd October the explorers left Egga, firing a
parting salute of three musket-shots. A few miles further down, a
sea-gull flew over their heads, a sure sign that they were approaching
the sea, and with it, it appeared all but certain, the end of their
wearisome journey.
Several small and wretched villages, half under water, and a large town
at the foot of a mountain, which looked ready to overwhelm it, the name
of which the travellers could not learn, were passed in succession.
They met a great number of canoes built like those on the Bonny and
Calabar Rivers. The crews stared in astonishment at the white men whom
they dared not address. The low marshy banks of the Niger were now
gradually exchanged for loftier, richer, and more fertile districts.
Kacunda, where the people of Egga had recommended Lander to halt, is on
the western bank of the river. From a distance its appearance is
singularly picturesque. The natives were at first alarmed at the
appearance of the travellers. An old Mallam acting as Mohammedan priest
and schoolmaster took them under his protection, and, thanks to him,
the brothers received a warm welcome in the capital of the independent
kingdom of Nouffe. The information collected in this town, or rather in
this group of four villages, coincided with that obtained at Egga.
Richard Lander therefore resolved to make the rest of the voyage by
night and to load his four remaining guns and two pistols with balls
and shot. To the great astonishment of the natives, who could not
understand such contempt of danger, the explorers left Kacunda with
three loud cheers, committing their cause to the hands of God. They
passed several important towns, which they avoided. The river now wound
a great deal, flowing from the south to south-east, and then to the
south-west between lofty hills.
On the 25th October, the English found themselves opposite the mouth of
a large river. It was the Tchadda or Benuwe. At its junction with the
Niger is an important town called Cutum Curaffi. After a narrow escape
from being swallowed up in a whirlpool and crushed against the rocks,
Lander having found a suitable spot showing signs of habitation,
determined to land. That this place had been visited a little time
previously, was proved by two burnt out fires with some broken
calabashes, fragments of earthenware vessels, cocoa-nut shells, staves
of powder-barrels, &c., which the travellers picked up with some
emotion, for they proved that the natives had had dealings with
Europeans. Some women ran away out of a village which three of Lander's
men entered with a view to get the materials for a fire. The exhausted
explorers were resting on mats when they were suddenly surrounded by a
crowd of half-naked men armed with guns, bows and arrows, cutlasses,
iron barbs, and spears. The coolness and presence of mind of the
brothers alone averted a struggle, the issue of which could not be
dubious. "As we approached," says Lander, "we made all the signs and
motions we could with our arms, to deter the chief and his people from
firing on us. His quiver was dangling at his side, his bow was bent,
and an arrow which was pointed at our breasts already trembled on the
string, when we were within a few yards of his person. This was a
highly critical moment, the next might be our last. But the hand of
Providence averted the blow; for just as the chief was about to pull
the fatal cord, a man that was nearest him rushed forward, and stayed
his arm. At that instant we stood before him, and immediately held
forth our hands; all of them trembled like aspen leaves; the chief
looked up full in our faces, kneeling on the ground; light seemed to
flash from his dark, rolling eyes, his body was convulsed all over, as
though he were enduring the utmost torture, and with a timorous yet
undefinable expression of countenance, in which all the passions of our
nature were strangely blended, he drooped his head, eagerly grasped our
proffered hands, and burst into tears. This was a sign of friendship;
harmony followed, and war and bloodshed were thought of no more. It was
happy for us that our white faces and calm behaviour produced the
effect it did on these people; in another minute our bodies would have
been as full of arrows as a porcupine's is full of quills. 'I thought
you were children of heaven fallen from the skies,' said the chief, in
explanation of this sudden change."
This scene took place in the famous market-town of Bocqua, of which the
travellers had so often heard, whither the people come up from the
coast to exchange the merchandise of the whites for slaves brought in
large numbers from Funda, on the opposite bank.
The information obtained at Bocqua was most satisfactory; the sea was
only ten days' journey off. There was no danger in going down the
river, the chief said, though the people on the banks were a bad lot.
Following the advice of this chief, the travellers passed the fine town
of Atta without stopping, and halted at Abbagaca, where the river
divides into several branches, and whose chief showed insatiable greed.
Refusing to halt at several villages, whose inhabitants begged for a
sight of the white strangers, they were finally obliged to land at the
village of Damuggo, where a little man wearing a waistcoat which had
once formed part of a uniform, hailed them in English, crying out:
"Halloa, ho! you English, come here!" He was an emissary from the King
of Bonny come to buy slaves for the master.
The chief of Damuggo, who had never before seen white men, received the
explorers very kindly, held public rejoicings in their honour and
detained them with constant fetes until the 4th November. Although the
fetich consulted by him presaged that they would meet with a thousand
dangers before reaching the sea, this monarch supplied them with an
extra canoe, some rowers, and a guide.
[Illustration: Map of the Lower Course of the Djoliba, Kouara, Quoora,
or Niger (after Lander). Grave par E. Morieu.]
The sinister predictions of the fetich were soon fulfilled. John and
Richard Lander were embarked in different boats. As they passed a large
town called Kirree they were stopped by war-canoes, each containing
forty men wearing European clothes, minus the trousers.
Each canoe carried what at first sight appeared to be the Union Jack
flying from a long bamboo cane fixed in the stern, a four or six
pounder was lashed to each prow, and every black sailor was provided
with a musket.
The two brothers were taken to Kirree, where a palaver was held upon
their fate. Fortunately the Mallams or Mohammedan priests interfered in
their favour, and some of their property was restored to them, but the
best part had gone to the bottom of the river with John Lander's canoe.
"To my great satisfaction," says Lander, "I immediately recognized the
box containing our books, and one of my brother's journals; the
medicine-chest was by its side, but both were filled with water. A
large carpet bag, containing all our wearing apparel, was lying cut
open, and deprived of its contents, with the exception of a shirt, a
pair of trousers, and a waistcoat. Many valuable articles which it had
contained were gone. The whole of my journal, with the exception of a
note-book with remarks from Rabba to this place, was lost. Four guns,
one of which had been the property of the late Mr. Park, four
cutlasses, and two pistols, were gone. Nine elephants' tusks, the
finest I had seen in the country, which had been given us by the kings
of Wow-wow and Boussa; a quantity of ostrich feathers, some handsome
leopard skins, a great variety of seeds, all our buttons, cowries, and
needles, which were necessary for us to purchase provisions with, all
were missing, and said to have been sunk in the river."
This was like going down in port. After crossing Africa from Badagry to
Boussa, escaping all the dangers of navigating the Niger, getting free
from the hands of so many rapacious chiefs, to be shipwrecked six day's
journey from the sea, to be made slaves of or condemned to death just
on the eve of making known to Europe the results of so many sufferings
endured, so many dangers escaped, so many obstacles happily surmounted!
To have traced the course of the Niger from Boussa, to be on the point
of determining the exact position of its mouth and then to find
themselves stopped by wretched pirates was really too much, and bitter
indeed were the reflections of the brothers during the interminable
palaver upon their fate.
Although their stolen property was partially restored to them, and the
negro who had begun the attack upon them was condemned to be beheaded,
the brothers were none the less regarded as prisoners, and they were
marched off to Obie, king of the country, who would decide what was to
be done with them. It was evident that the robbers were not natives of
the country, but had only entered it with a view to pillage. They
probably counted on trading in two or three such market-towns as Kirree
if they did not meet with any boats but such as were too strong to be
plundered. For the rest, all the tribes of this part of the Niger
seemed to be at daggers drawn with each other, and the trade in
provisions was carried on under arms. After two days' row the canoes
came in sight of Eboe, at a spot where the stream divides into three
"rivers" of great width, with marshy level banks covered with
palm-trees. An hour later one of the boatmen, a native of Eboe, cried,
"There is my country." Here fresh difficulties awaited the travellers.
Obie, king of Eboe, a young man with a refined and intelligent
countenance, received the white men with cordiality. His dress, which
reminded his visitors of that of the King of Yarriba, was adorned with
such a quantity of coral that he might have been called the coral king.
Obie seemed to be affected by the account the English gave of the
struggle in which they had lost all their merchandise, but the aid he
gave them was by no means proportioned to the warmth of the sentiments
which he expressed, indeed he let them all but die of hunger.
"The Eboe people," says the narrative, "like most Africans, are
extremely indolent, and cultivate yams, Indian corn, and plantains
only. They have abundance of goats and fowls, but few sheep are to be
seen, and no bullocks. The city, which has no other name than the Eboe
country, is situated on an open plain; it is immensely large, contains
a vast population, and is the capital of a kingdom of the same name. It
has, for a series of years, been the principal slave-mart for native
traders from the coast, between the Bonny and Old Calabar rivers; and
for the production of its palm-oil it has obtained equal celebrity.
Hundreds of men from the rivers mentioned above come up for the purpose
of trade, and numbers of them are at present residing in canoes in
front of the town. Most of the oil purchased by Englishmen at the Bonny
and adjacent rivers is brought from thence, as are nearly all the
slaves which are annually exported from those places by the French,
Spaniards, and Portuguese. It has been told us by many that the Eboe
people are confirmed anthropophagi; and this opinion is more prevalent
among the tribes bordering on that kingdom, than with the natives of
more remote districts."
From what the travellers could learn, it was pretty certain that Obie
would not let them go without exacting a considerable ransom. He may
doubtless have been driven to this by the importunity of his
favourites, but it was more likely the result of the greed of the
people of Bonny and Brass, who quarrelled as to which tribe should
carry off the English to their country.
A son of the Chief of Bonny, King Pepper, a native named Gun, brother
of King Boy, and their father King Forday, who with King Jacket govern
the whole of the Brass country, were the most eager in their demands,
and produced as proofs of their honourable intentions the testimonials
given to them by the European captains with whom they had business
relations.
One of these documents, signed James Dow, captain of the brig "Susan"
of Liverpool, and dated from the most important river of the Brass
Country, September, 1830, ran thus:--
"Captain Dow states that he never met with a set of greater scoundrels
than the natives generally, and the pilots in particular."
It goes on in a similar strain heaping curses upon the natives, and
charging them with having endeavoured to wreck Dow's vessel at the
mouth of the river with a view to dividing his property amongst them.
King Jacket was designated as an arrant rogue and a desperate thief.
Boy was the only one of common honesty or trustworthiness.
After an endless palaver, Obie declared that according to the laws and
customs of the country he had a right to look upon the Landers and
their people as his property, but that, not wishing to abuse his
privileges, he would set them free in exchange for the value of twenty
slaves in English merchandise. This decision, which Richard Lander
tried in vain to shake, plunged the brothers into the depths of
despair, a state of mind soon succeeded by an apathy and indifference
so complete that they could not have made the faintest effort to
recover their liberty. Add to these mental sufferings the physical
weakness to which they were reduced by want of food, and we shall have
some idea of their state of prostration. Without resources of any kind,
robbed of their needles, cowries, and merchandise, they were reduced to
the sad necessity of begging their bread. "But we might as well have
addressed our petitions to the stones or trees," says Lander; "we might
have spared ourselves the mortification of a refusal. We never
experienced a more stinging sense of our own humbleness and imbecility
than on such occasions, and never had we greater need of patience and
lowliness of spirit. In most African towns and villages we have been
regarded as demigods, and treated in consequence with universal
kindness, civility, and veneration; but here, alas, what a contrast! we
are classed with the most degraded and despicable of mankind, and are
become slaves in a land of ignorance and barbarism, whose savage
natives have treated us with brutality and contempt."
It was Boy who finally achieved the rescue of the Landers, for he
consented to pay to Obie the ransom he demanded for them and their
people. Boy himself was very moderate, asking for nothing in return for
his trouble and the risk he ran in taking the white men to Brass, but
fifteen bars or fifteen slaves, and a barrel of rum. Although this
demand was exorbitant, Lander did not hesitate to write an order on
Richard Lake, captain of an English vessel at anchor in Brass river,
for thirty-six bars.
The king's canoe, on which the brothers embarked on the 12th November,
carried sixty persons, forty of whom were rowers. It was hollowed out
of a single tree-trunk, measured more than fifty feet long, carried a
four-pounder in the prow, an arsenal of cutlasses and grape-shot, and
was laden with merchandise of every kind. The vast tracts of cultivated
land on either side of the river showed that the population was far
more numerous than would have been supposed. The scenery was flat,
open, and varied; and the soil, a rich black mould, produced luxuriant
trees, and green shrubs of every shade. At seven p.m. on the 11th
November the canoe left the chief branch of the Niger and entered the
Brass river. An hour later, Richard Lander recognized with
inexpressible delight tidal waves.
[Illustration: "It was hollowed out of a single tree-trunk."]
A little farther on Boy's canoe came up with those of Gun and Forday.
The latter was a venerable-looking old man, in spite of his wretched
semi-European semi-native clothing and a very strong predilection for
rum, of which he consumed a great quantity, although his manners and
conversation betrayed no signs of excessive drinking.
That was a strange escort which accompanied the two Englishmen as far
as the town of Brass.
"The canoes," says Lander, "were following each other up the river in
tolerable order, each of them displaying three flags. In the first was
King Boy, standing erect and conspicuous, his headdress of feathers
waving with the movements of his body, which had been chalked in
various fantastic figures, rendered more distinct by its natural
colour; his hands were resting on the barbs of two immense spears,
which at intervals he darted violently into the bottom of the canoe, as
if he were in the act of killing some formidable wild animal under his
feet. In the bows of all the other canoes fetish priests were dancing,
and performing various extraordinary antics, their persons, as well as
those of the people with them, being chalked over in the same manner as
that of King Boy; and, to crown the whole, Mr. Gun, the little military
gentleman, was most actively employed, his canoe now darting before and
now dropping behind the rest, adding not a little to the imposing
effect of the whole scene by the repeated discharges of his cannon."
Brass consists of two towns, one belonging to Forday, the other to King
Jacket. The priests performed some curious ceremonies before
disembarking, evidently having reference to the whites. Was the result
of the consultation of the fetish of the town favourable or not to the
visitors? The way the natives treated them would answer that question.
Before he set foot on land Richard Lander, to his great delight,
recognized a white man on the banks. He was the captain of a Spanish
schooner at anchor in the river. The narrative goes on to say:--
"Of all the wretched, filthy, and contemptible places in this world of
ours none can present to the eye of a stranger so miserable an
appearance, or can offer such disgusting and loathsome sights, as this
abominable Brass Town. Dogs, goats, and other animals run about the
dirty streets half-starved, whose hungry looks can only be exceeded by
the famishing appearance of the men, women, and children, which
bespeaks the penury and wretchedness to which they are reduced; whilst
the persons of many of them are covered with odious boils, and their
huts are falling to the ground from neglect and decay."
Another place, called Pilot Town by the Europeans, on account of the
number of pilots living in it, is situated at the mouth of the river
Nun, seventy miles from Brass. King Forday demanded four bars before
the Landers left the town, saying it was customary for every white man
who came to Brass by the river to make that payment. It was impossible
to evade compliance, and Lander drew another bill on Captain Lake. At
this price Richard Lander obtained permission to go down in Boy's royal
canoe to the English brig stationed at the mouth of the river. His
brother and his servants were not to be set free until the return of
the king. On his arrival on the brig, Lander's astonishment and shame
was extreme when he found that Lake refused to give him any help
whatever. The instructions given to the brothers from the ministry were
read, to prove that he was not an impostor; but the captain answered,--
"If you think that you have a ---- fool to deal with, you are mistaken;
I'll not give a ---- flint for your bill. I would not give a ---- for
it."
Overwhelmed with grief at such unexpected behaviour from a
fellow-countryman, Richard Lander returned to Boy's canoe, not knowing
to whom to apply, and asked his escort to take him to Bonny, where
there were a number of English vessels. The king refused to do this,
and the explorer was obliged to try once more to move the captain,
begging him to give him at least ten muskets, which might possibly
satisfy Forday.
"I have told you already," answered Lake, "that I will not let you have
even a flint, so bother me no more."
"But I have a brother and eight people at Brass Town," rejoined Lander,
"and if you do not intend to pay King Boy, at least persuade him to
bring them here, or else he will poison or starve my brother before I
can get any assistance from a man-of-war, and sell all my people."
"If you can get them on board," replied the captain, "I will take them
away; but as I have told you before, you do not get a flint from me."
At last Lander persuaded Boy to go back and fetch his brother and his
people. The king at first declined to do so without receiving some
payment on account, and it was only with difficulty that he was induced
to forego this demand. When Lake found out that Lander's servants were
able-bodied men, who could replace the sailors he had lost by death or
who were down with fever, he relented a little. This yielding mood did
not, however, last long, for he declared that if John and his people
did not come in three days he would start without them. In vain did
Richard prove to him beyond a doubt that if he did so the white men
would be sold as slaves. The captain would not listen to him, only
answering, "I can't help it; I shall wait no longer." Such inhumanity
as this is fortunately very rare; and a wretch who could thus insult
those not merely his equals, but so much his superiors, ought to be
pilloried. At last, on the 24th November, after weathering a strong
breeze which made the passage of the bar very rough and all but
impossible, John Lander arrived on board. He had had to bear a good
many reproaches from Boy, for whom, it must be confessed, there was
some excuse; for had he not at his own cost rescued the brothers and
their people from slavery, brought them down in his own canoe, and fed
them, although very badly, all on the strength of their promise to pay
him with as much beef and rum as he could consume? whereas he was,
after all, roughly received by Lake, told that his advances would never
be refunded, and treated as a thief. Certainly he had cause to complain
and any one else would have made his prisoners pay dearly for the
disappointment of so many hopes, and the loss of so much money.
For all this, however, Boy brought John Lander safely to the brig.
Captain Lake received the traveller pretty cordially, but declared his
intention of making the king go back without so much as an obolus. Poor
Boy was full of the most gloomy forebodings. His haughty manner was
exchanged for an air of deprecating humility. An abundant meal was
placed before him, but he scarcely touched it. Richard Lander,
disgusted with the stinginess and bad faith of Lake, and unable to keep
his promises, ransacked all his possessions; and finding, at last, five
silver bracelets and a sabre of native manufacture, which he had
brought from Yarriba, he offered these to Boy, who accepted them.
Finally, the king screwed up courage enough to make his demand to the
captain, who, in a voice of thunder which it was difficult to believe
could have come from such a feeble body, declined to accede to it,
enforcing his refusal with a shower of oaths and threats, such as made
Boy, who saw, moreover, that the vessel was ready to sail, beat a hasty
retreat, and hurry off to his canoe.
Thus ended the vicissitudes of the Brothers Lander's journey. They were
in some danger in crossing the bar, but that was their last. They
reached Fernando Po, and then the Calabar River where they embarked on
the _Carnarvon_ for Rio Janeiro, at which port Admiral Baker, then
commanding the station, got them a passage on board a transport-ship.
On the 9th June they disembarked at Portsmouth. Their first care, after
sending an account of their journey to Lord Goderich, then Colonial
Secretary, was to inform that official of the conduct of Captain Lake,
conduct which was of a nature to compromise the credit of the English
Government. Orders were at once given by the minister for the payment
of the sums agreed upon, which were perfectly just and reasonable.
Thus was completely and finally solved the geographical problem which
had for so many centuries occupied the attention of the civilized
world, and been the subject of so many different conjectures. The
Niger, or as the natives call it, the Joliba, or Quorra, is not
connected with the Nile, and does not lose itself in the desert sands
or in the waters of Lake Tchad; it flows in a number of different
branches into the ocean on the coast of the Gulf of Guinea, at the
point known as Cape Formosa. The entire glory of this discovery,
foreseen though it was by scientific men, belongs to the Brothers
Lander. The vast extent of country traversed by the Niger between
Yaoorie and the sea was completely unknown before their journey.
So soon as the discoveries made by Lander became known in England,
several merchants formed themselves into a company for developing the
resources of the new districts. In July, 1832, they equipped two
steamers, the _Quorra_ and _Alburka_, which, under the command of
Messrs. Laird, Oldfield, and Richard Lander, appended the Niger as far
as Bocqua. The results of this commercial expedition were deplorable.
Not only was there absolutely no trade to be carried on with the
natives, but the crews of the vessels were decimated by fever. Finally,
Richard Lander, who had so often gone up and down the river, was
mortally wounded by the natives, on the 27th January, 1834, and died on
the morning of 5th February, at Fernando Po.
To complete our account of the exploration of Africa during the period
under review, we have still to speak of the various surveys of the
valley of the Nile, the most important of which were those by
Cailliaud, Russegger, and Ruppell.
Frederic Cailliaud was born at Nantes in 1787, and arrived in Egypt in
1815, having previously visited Holland, Italy, Sicily, part of Greece,
and European or Asiatic Turkey, where he traded in precious stones. His
knowledge of geology and mineralogy won for him a cordial reception
from Mehemet Ali, who immediately on his arrival commissioned him to
explore the course of the Nile and the desert.
This first trip resulted in the discovery of emerald mines at Labarah,
mentioned by Arab authors, which had been abandoned for centuries. In
the excavations in the mountain Cailliaud found the lamps, crowbars,
ropes, and tools used in working these mines by men in the employ of
Ptolemy. Near the quarries the traveller discovered the ruins of a
little town, which was probably inhabited by the ancient miners. To
prove the reality of his valuable discovery he took back ten pounds'
weight of emeralds to Mehemet Ali.
Another result of this journey was the discovery by the French explorer
of the old road from Coptos to Berenice for the trade of India.
From September, 1819, to the end of 1832, Cailliaud, accompanied by a
former midshipman named Letorzec, was occupied in exploring all the
known oases east of Egypt, and in tracing the Nile to 10 degrees N.
lat. On his first journey he reached Wady Halfa, and for his second
trip he made that place his starting-point. A fortunate accident did
much to aid his researches. This was the appointment of Ismail Pacha,
son of Mehemet Ali, to the command of an expedition to Nubia. To this
expedition Cailliaud attached himself.
Leaving Daraou in November, 1820, Cailliaud arrived, on the 5th January
in the ensuing year, at Dongola, and reached Mount Barka in the Chaguy
country, where are a vast number of ruins of temples, pyramids, and
other monuments. The fact of this district bearing the name of Merawe
had given rise to an opinion that in it was situated the ancient
capital of Ethiopia. Cailliaud was enabled to show this to be
erroneous.
[Illustration: View of a Merawe temple. (Fac-simile of early
engraving.)]
The French explorer, accompanying Ismail Pacha in the character of a
mineralogist beyond Berber, on a quest for gold-mines, arrived at
Shendy. He then went with Letorzec to determine the position of the
junction of the Atbara with the Nile; and at Assour, not far from 17
degrees N. lat., he discovered the ruins of an extensive ancient town.
It was Meroe. Pressing on in a southerly direction between the 15th and
16th degrees of N. lat., Cailliaud next identified the mouth of the
Bahr-el-Abiad, or White Nile, visited the ruins of Saba, the mouth of
the Rahad, the ancient Astosaba, Sennaar, the river Gologo, the Fazoele
country, and the Toumat, a tributary of the Nile, finally reaching the
Singue country between the two branches of the river. Cailliaud was the
first explorer to penetrate from the north so near to the equator;
Browne had turned back at 16 degrees 10 minutes, Bruce at 11 degrees.
To Cailliaud and Letorzec we owe many observations on latitude and
longitude, some valuable remarks on the variation of the magnetic
needle, and details of the climate, temperature, and nature of the
soil, together with a most interesting collection of animals and
botanical specimens. Lastly, the travellers made plans of all the
monuments beyond the second cataract.
[Illustration: The Second Cataract of the Nile.]
The two Frenchmen had preluded their discoveries by an excursion to the
oasis of Siwah. At the end of 1819 they left Fayum with a few
companions, and entered the Libyan desert. In fifteen days, and after a
brush with the Arabs, they reached Siwah, having on their way taken
measurements of every part of the temple of Jupiter Ammon, and
determined, as Browne had done, its exact geographical position. A
little later a military expedition was sent to this same oasis, in
which Drovetti collected new and very valuable documents supplementing
those obtained by Cailliaud and Letorzec. They afterwards visited
successively the oasis of Falafre, never before explored by a European,
that of Dakel, and Khargh, the chief place of the Theban oasis. The
documents collected on this journey were sent to France, to the care of
M. Jomard, who founded on them his work called "Voyage a l'Oasis de
Siouah."
[Illustration: Temple of Jupiter Ammon.]
A few years later Edward Ruppell devoted seven or eight years to the
exploration of Nubia, Sennaar, Kordofan, and Abyssinia in 1824, he
ascended the White Nile for more than sixty leagues above its mouth.
Lastly, in 1836 to 1838, Joseph Russegger, superintendent of the
Austrian mines, visited the lower portion of the course of the
Bahr-el-Abiad. This official journey was followed by the important and
successful surveys afterwards made by order of Mehemet Ali in the same
regions.
CHAPTER III.
THE ORIENTAL SCIENTIFIC MOVEMENT AND AMERICAN DISCOVERIES.
The decipherment of cuneiform inscriptions, and the study of Assyrian
remains up to 1840--Ancient Iran and the Avesta--The survey of India
and the study of Hindustani--The exploration and measurement of the
Himalaya mountains--The Arabian Peninsula--Syria and Palestine--Central
Asia and Alexander von Humboldt--Pike at the sources of the
Mississippi, Arkansas, and Red River--Major Long's two expeditions--
General Cass--Schoolcraft at the sources of the Mississippi--The
exploration of New Mexico--Archaeological expeditions in Central
America--Scientific expeditions in Brazil--Spix and Martin--Prince
Maximilian of Wied-Neuwied--D'Orbigny and American man.
Although the discoveries which we are now to relate are not strictly
speaking geographical, they nevertheless throw such a new light on
several early civilizations, and have done so much to extend the domain
of history and ideas, that we are compelled to dedicate a few words to
them.
The reading of cuneiform inscriptions, and the decipherment of
hieroglyphics are events so important in their results, they reveal to
us so vast a number of facts hitherto unknown, or distorted in the more
or less marvellous narratives of the ancient historians Diodorus,
Ctesias, and Herodotus, that it is impossible to pass over scientific
discoveries of such value in silence.
Thanks to them, we form an intimate acquaintance with a whole world,
with an extremely advanced civilization, with manners, habits, and
customs differing essentially from our own. How strange it seems to
hold in our hands the accounts of the steward of some great lord or
governor of a province, or to read such romances as those of _Setna_
and the _Two Brothers_, or stories such as that of the _Predestined
Prince_.
Those buildings of vast proportions, those superb temples, magnificent
hypogaea, and sculptured obelisks, were once nothing more to us than
sumptuous monuments, but now that the inscriptions upon them have been
read, they relate to us the life of the kings who built them, and the
circumstances of their erection.
How many names of races not mentioned by Greek historians, how many
towns now lost, how many of the smallest details of the religion, art,
and daily life, as well as of the political and military events of the
past, are revealed to us by the hieroglyphic and cuneiform
inscriptions.
Not only do we now see into the daily life of these ancient peoples, of
whom we had formerly but a very superficial knowledge, but we get an
idea even of their literature. The day is perhaps not far distant when
we shall know as much of the life of the Egyptians in the eighteenth
century before Christ as that of our forefathers in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries of our own era.
Carsten Niebuhr was the first to make and bring to Europe an exact and
complete copy of inscriptions at Persepolis in an unknown character.
Many attempts had been made to explain them, but all had been vain,
until in 1802 Grotefend, the learned Hanoverian philologist, succeeded,
by an inspiration of genius, in solving the mystery in which they were
enveloped.
Truly these cuneiform characters were strange and difficult to
decipher! Imagine a collection of nails variously arranged, and forming
groups horizontally placed. What did these groups signify? Did they
represent sounds and articulations, or, like the letters of our
alphabet, complete words? Had they the ideographic value of Chinese
written characters? What was the language hidden in them? These were
the problems to be solved! It appeared probable that the inscriptions
brought from Persepolis were written in the language of the ancient
Persians, but Rask, Bopp, and Lassen had not yet studied the Iranian
idioms and proved their affinity with Sanskrit.
It would be beyond our province to give an account of the ingenious
deductions, the skilful guesses, and the patient groping through which
Grotefend finally achieved the recognition of an alphabetic system of
writing, and succeeded in separating from certain groups of words what
he believed to be the names of Darius and Xerxes, thus attaining a
knowledge of several letters, by means of which he made out other
words. It is enough for us to say that the key was found by him, and to
others was left the task of completing and perfecting his work.
More than thirty years passed by, however, before any notable progress
was made in these studies. It was our learned fellow-countryman Eugene
Burnouf who gave them a decided impulse. Turning to account his
knowledge of Sanskrit and Zend, he found that the language of the
inscriptions of Persepolis was but a Zend dialect used in Bactriana,
which was still spoken in the sixth century B.C., and in which the
books of Zoroaster were written. Burnouf's pamphlet bears date 1836. At
the same period Lassen, a German scholar of Bonn, came to the same
conclusion on the same grounds.
The inscriptions already discovered were soon all deciphered; and with
the exception of a few signs, on the meaning of which scholars were not
quite agreed, the entire alphabet became known. But the foundations
alone were laid; the building was still far from finished. The
Persepolitan inscriptions appeared to be repeated in three parallel
columns. Might not this be a triple version of the same inscription in
the three chief languages of the Achaemenian Empire, namely, the
Persian, Median, and Assyrian or Babylonian. This guess proved correct;
and owing to the decipherment of one of the inscriptions, a test was
obtained, and the same plan was followed as that of Champollion with
regard to the Rosetta stone, on which was the tri-lingual inscription
in Greek, Demotic or Enchorial, and hieroglyphic characters.
In the second and third inscriptions were recognized Syro-Chaldee,
which, like Hebrew, Himyaric, and Arabic, belong to the Semitic group,
and a third idiom, to which the name of Medic was given, resembling the
dialects of the Turks and Tartars. But it would be presumptuous of us
to enlarge upon these researches. That was to be the task of the Danish
scholar Westergaard, of the Frenchmen De Saulcy and Oppert, and of the
Englishmen Morris and Rawlinson, not to mention others less celebrated.
We shall have to return to this subject later.
The knowledge of Sanskrit, and the investigation of Brahmanic
literature, had inaugurated a scientific movement which has gone on
ever since with increasing energy.
Long before Nineveh and Babylon were known as nations, a vast country,
called Iran by orientalists, which included Persia, Afghanistan, and
Beloochistan, was the scene of an advanced civilization, with which is
connected the name of Zoroaster, who was at once a conqueror, a
law-giver, and the founder of a religion. The disciples of Zoroaster,
persecuted at the time of the Mohammedan conquest, and driven from
their ancient home, where their mode of worship was still preserved,
took refuge, under the name of Parsees, in the north-west of India.
At the end of the last century, the Frenchman Aquetil Duperron brought
to Europe an exact copy of the religious books of the Parsees, written
in the language of Zoroaster. He translated them, and for sixty years
all the _savants_ had found in them the source of all their religious
and philological notions of Iran. These books are known under the name
of the Zend-Avesta, a word which comprises the name of the language,
_Zend_, and the title of the book, _Avesta_.
As the knowledge of Sanskrit increased, however, that branch of science
required to be studied afresh by the light of the new method. In 1826
the Danish philologist Rask, and later Eugene Burnouf, with his
profound knowledge of Sanskrit, and by the help of a translation in
that language recently discovered in India, turned once more to the
study of the Zend. In 1834 Burnouf published a masterly treatise on the
Yacna, which marked an epoch. From the resemblance between the archaic
Sanskrit and the Zend came the recognition of the common origin of the
two languages, and the relationship, or rather, the identity, of the
races who speak them. Originally the names of the deities, the
traditions, the generic appellation, that of Aryan, of the two peoples,
are the same, to say nothing of the similarity of their customs. But it
is needless to dwell on the importance of this discovery, which has
thrown an entirely new light on the infancy of the human race, of which
for so many centuries nothing was known.
From the close of the eighteenth century, that is to say from the time
when the English first obtained a secure footing in India, the physical
study of the country was vigorously carried on, outstripping of course
for a time that of the ethnology and kindred subjects, which require
for their prosecution a more settled country and less exciting times.
It must be owned, however, that knowledge of the races of the country
to be controlled is as essential to the government as it is to
commercial enterprise; and in 1801 Lord Wellesley, as Governor for the
Company, recognizing the importance of securing a good map of the
English territories, commissioned Brigadier William Lambton, to
connect, by means of a trigonometrical survey, the eastern and western
banks of the Indus with the observatory of Madras. Lambton was not
content with the mere accomplishment of this task. He laid down with
precision one arc of the meridian from Cape Comorin to the village of
Takoor-Kera, fifteen miles south-east of Ellichpoor. The amplitude of
this arc exceeded twelve degrees. With the aid of competent officers,
amongst whom we must mention Colonel Everest, the Government of India
would have hailed the completion of the task of its engineers long
before 1840, if the successive annexation of new territories had not
constantly added to the extent of ground to be covered.
At about the same time with this progress in our knowledge of the
geography of India an impulse was given to the study of the literature
of India.
In 1776 an extract from the most important native codes, then for the
first time translated under the title of the Code of the Gentoos[1] was
published in London. Nine years later the Asiatic Society was founded
in Calcutta by Sir William Jones, the first who thoroughly mastered the
Sanskrit language. In "Asiatic Researches," published by this society,
were collected the results of all scientific investigations relating to
India. In 1789, Jones published his translation of the drama of
S'akuntala, that charming specimen of Hindu literature, so full of
feeling and refinement. Sanskrit grammars and dictionaries were now
multiplied, and a regular rivalry was set on foot in British India,
which would undoubtedly soon have spread to Europe, had not the
continental blockade prevented the introduction of works published
abroad. At this time an Englishman named Hamilton, a prisoner of war in
Paris, studied the Oriental MSS. in the library of the French capital,
and taught Frederick Schlegel the rudiments of Sanskrit, which it was
no longer necessary to go to India to learn.
[Footnote 1: Gentoo was the name given by old English writers to the
natives of Hindustan, and is now obsolete, having been superseded by
that of Hindoo.--_Trans._]
Lassen was Schlegel's pupil, and together they studied the literature
and antiquities of India, examining, translating, and publishing the
original texts; whilst at the same time Franz Bopp devoted himself to
the study of the language, making his grammars accessible to all, and
coming to the conclusion which was then startling, although it is now
generally accepted, of the common origin of the Indo-European
languages.
It was proved that the Vedas, that collection of sacred writings held
in too universal veneration to be tampered with, were written in a very
ancient and very pure idiom which had not been revived, and whose close
resemblance with the Zend, put back the date of the composition of the
books beyond the time of the separation of the Aryan family into two
branches. The Mahabharata and the Ramayana, dating from the Brahminical
or the period succeeding that of the Vedas, were next studied, together
with the Puranas. Owing to a profounder knowledge of the language and a
more intimate acquaintance with the mythology of the Hindus, scholars
were able to fix approximately the date of the composition of these
poems, to ascertain the numberless interpolations, and to extract
everything of actual historical or geographical value from those
marvellous allegories.
The result of these patient and minute investigations was a conviction
that the Celtic, Greek, Latin, Germanic, Slave, and Persian languages
had one common parent, and that parent none other than Sanskrit. If,
then, their language was the same, it followed as a matter of course
that the people had been also identical. The differences now existing
between these various idioms are accounted for by the successive
breakings up of the primitive people, approximate dates enable us to
realize the greater or less affinity of those languages with the
Sanskrit, and the nature of the words which they have borrowed from it,
words corresponding by their nature to the different degrees of advance
in civilization.
Moreover a very clear and definite notion was obtained of the kind of
life led by the founders of the Indo-European race, and the changes
brought about in it by the progress of civilization. The Vedas give us
a picture of the Aryan race before it migrated to India, and occupied
the Punjab and Cabulistan. By the aid of these poems we can look on at
struggles against the primitive races of Hindustan; whose resistance
was all the more desperate in that the conqueror, of their caste
divisions, left them only the lowest and most degraded. Thanks to the
Vedas we can realize every detail of the pastoral and patriarchal life
of the Aryans, a life so domestic and unruffled, that we mentally ask
ourselves whether the eager strife of the modern peoples is not a poor
exchange for the peaceful existence which their few wants secured to
their forefathers.
We cannot dwell longer on this subject, but the little that we have
said will be enough to show the reader the importance to history,
ethnography, and philology, of the study of Sanskrit. For further
details we refer him to the special works of Orientalists and to the
excellent historical manuals of Robiou, Lenormant, and Maspero. All the
scientific results of whatever kind obtained up to 1820 are also
skilfully and impartially summed up in Walter Hamilton's large work, "A
Geographical, Statistical, and Historical Description of Hindustan, and
the neighbouring Countries." This is a book which, by recording the
various stages of scientific progress, marks with accuracy the point
reached at any given epoch.
After this brief review of the labours of scholars in reference to the
intellectual and social life of the Hindus, we must turn to those
studies whose aim was a knowledge of the physical character of the
country.
One of the most surprising results obtained by the travels of Webb and
Moorcroft was the extraordinary height attributed by them to the
Himalaya mountains. According to them their elevation exceeded that of
the loftiest summits of the Andes. Colonel Colebrook had estimated the
average height of the chain at 22,000 feet, and even this would appear
to be less than the reality. Webb measured Yamunavatri, one of the most
remarkable peaks of the chain, and estimated its height above the level
of the plateau from which it rises as 20,000 feet, whilst the plateau
in its turn is 5000 feet above the plain. Not satisfied, however, with
what he looked upon as too perfunctory an estimate, he measured, with
all possible mathematical accuracy, the Dewalagiri or White Mountain,
and ascertained its height to be no less than 27,500 feet.
The most remarkable feature of the Himalaya chain is the succession of
these mountains, the ranges of heights rising one above the other. This
gives a far more vivid impression of their loftiness than would one
isolated peak rising from a plain and with its head lost among the
clouds.
The calculations of Webb and Colebrook, were soon verified by the
mathematical observations of Colonel Crawford, who measured eight of
the highest peaks of the Himalayas. According to him the loftiest of
all was Chumulari, situated near the frontiers of Bhoutan and Thibet,
which attains to a height of 30,000 feet above the sea-level.
Results such as these, confirmed by the agreement of so many observers,
who could not surely all be wrong, took the scientific world by
surprise. The chief objection urged was the fact that the snow-line
must in these districts be something like 30,000 feet above the
sea-level. It appeared, therefore, impossible to believe the assertion
of all the explorers, that the Himalayas were covered with forests of
gigantic pines. Finally, however, actual personal observation upset
theory. In a second journey, Webb climbed the Niti-Ghaut, the loftiest
peak in the world, the height of which he fixed at 16,814 feet, and not
only did he find no snow, but even the rocks rising 300 feet above it
were quite free from snow in summer. Moreover, the steep sides, where
breathing was difficult, were clothed with magnificent forests of
tapering pines, and firs, and wide-spreading cypress and cedar-trees.
"The high limits of perpetual snow on the Himalaya mountains," says
Desborough Cooley, "are justly ascribed by Mr. Webb to the great
elevation of the table-land or terrace from which these mountain peaks
spring. As the heat of our atmosphere is derived chiefly from the
radiation of the earth's surface, it follows that the temperature of
any elevated point must be modified in a very important degree by the
proximity and extent of the surrounding plains. These observations seem
satisfactorily to refute the objections made by certain savants
respecting the great height of the Himalaya mountains, which may be,
therefore, safely pronounced to be the loftiest mountain chain on the
surface of the globe."
We must now refer briefly to an expedition in the latitudes already
visited by Webb and Moorcroft. The traveller Fraser, with neither the
necessary instruments nor knowledge for measuring the lofty peaks he
ascended, was endowed with a great power of observation, and his
account of his journey is full of interest, and here and there very
amusing. He visited the source of the Jumna, and, at a height of more
than 25,000 feet, he found numerous villages picturesquely perched on
slopes carpetted with snow. He then made his way to Gangoutri, in spite
of the opposition of his guides, who represented the road thither as
extremely dangerous, declaring that it was swept by a pestilential wind
which would deprive any traveller, who ventured to expose himself to
it, of his senses. The explorer, however, was more than rewarded for
all his dangers and fatigues by the enjoyment he derived from the
grandeur and magnificence of the views he obtained.
[Illustration: "Villages picturesquely perched."]
"There is that," says Desborough Cooley in reference to Fraser's
journey, "in the appearance of the Himalaya range, which every person
who has seen them will allow to be peculiarly their own. No other
mountains that I have ever seen bear any resemblance to their
character; their summits shoot in the most fantastic and spiring peaks
to a height that astonishes, and, when viewed from an elevated
situation, almost induce the belief of an ocular deception."
We must now leave the peninsula of the Ganges for that of Arabia, where
we have to record the result of several interesting journeys. That of
Captain Sadler of the Indian army, claims the first rank. Sent by the
Governor of Bombay in 1819, on an embassy to Ibrahim Pacha, who was
then at war with the Wahabees, that officer crossed the entire
peninsula from Port El Katif on the Persian Gulf to Yambo on the Red
Sea.
Unfortunately the interesting account of this crossing of Arabia, never
before accomplished by a European, has not been separately published,
but is buried in a book which it is almost impossible to obtain, "The
Transactions of the Literary Society of Bombay."
At about the same time, 1821-1826, the English Government commissioned
Captains Moresby and Haines, of the naval service, to make
hydrographical surveys with a view to obtaining a complete chart of the
coasts of Arabia. These surveys were to be the foundation of the first
trustworthy map of the Arabian peninsula.
We have now only to mention the two expeditions of the French
naturalists, Aucher Eloy in the country of Oman, and Emile Botta in
Yemen, and to refer to the labours in reference to the idioms and
antiquities of Arabia of the French consul at Djedda, Fulgence Fresnel.
He was the first, in his letters on the history of the Arabs before
Islamism, published in 1836, to explain the Himyarite or Homeric
language and to recognize that it resembles rather the early Hebrew and
Syriac dialects, than the Arabic of the present day.
At the beginning of this volume we spoke of the explorations and
archaeological and historical researches of Seetzen and Burckhardt in
Syria and Palestine. We have still to say a few words on an expedition
the results of which were entirely geographical. We refer to the
journey of the Bavarian naturalist Heinrich Schubert.
Schubert was a devout Catholic and an enthusiastic student, and the
melancholy scenery of the Holy Land with its wonderful legends, and the
lovely banks of the mysterious Nile with its historic memories, had for
him an extraordinary fascination. In his account of his journey we find
the deep impressions of the believer combined with the scientific
observations of the naturalist.
In 1837, Schubert, having crossed Lower Egypt and the peninsula of
Sinai, entered the Holy Land. The learned Bavarian pilgrim was
accompanied by two friends, Dr. Erdl and Martin Bernatz, a painter.
The travellers landed at El Akabah on the Red Sea, and went with a
small Arab caravan to El Khalil, the ancient Hebron. The route they
followed had never before been trodden by a European. It led through a
wide, flat valley terminating at the Dead Sea; a valley through which
the waters of the Dead Sea were supposed at one time to have flowed
towards the Red Sea. This hypothesis was shared by Burckhardt and many
others who had only seen the district from a distance, and who
attributed the cessation of the drainage to an upheaval of the soil.
The heights, as taken by the travellers, showed this hypothesis to be
altogether erroneous.
In fact from the lower end of the Persian Gulf the country presents a
continuous ascent for two or three days' march to the point called by
the Arabs the Saddle, from thence it begins to sink and slopes down
towards the Dead Sea. The Saddle is about 2100 feet above the
sea-level, at least that was the estimate given a year later by Count
Bertou, a Frenchman, who visited those localities at that time.
On their way down to the Bituminous Lake, Schubert and his companions
took some other barometrical observations, and were very much surprised
to find their instrument marking ninety-one feet _below_ the Red Sea,
the levels gradually decreasing in height as they advanced. At first
they thought there must be some mistake, but finally, the evidence was
too strong for them, and it became proved beyond a doubt that the Dead
Sea could never have emptied its waters into the Red Sea for the very
excellent reason that the level of the former is very much lower than
that of the latter.
The depression of the Dead Sea is very much more noticeable when
Jericho is approached from Jerusalem. In that case the way lies through
a long valley with a very rapid slope, all the more remarkable as the
hilly plains of Judea, Perae, and El Harran are very lofty, the latter
rising to a height of nearly 3000 feet above the sea-level.
The appearance of the country and the testimony of the instruments were
in such contradiction to the prevalent belief, that Messrs. Erdl and
Schubert were very unwilling to accept the results obtained, which they
attributed to their barometer being out of order and to a sudden
disturbance of the atmosphere. But on their way back to Jerusalem the
barometer returned to the mean height it had registered before they
started for Jericho. There was nothing for it then but to admit,
whether they liked it or not, that the Dead Sea was at least 600 feet
below the level of the Mediterranean, an estimate, as later researches
showed, which fell one-half short of the truth.
This, it will be admitted, was a fortunate rectification, which would
have considerable influence, by calling the attention of _savants_ to a
phenomenon which was soon to be verified by other explorers.
At the same time, the survey of the basin of the Dead Sea was completed
and rectified. In 1838, two American Missionaries, Edward Robinson and
Eli Smith, gave quite a new impulse to Biblical geography. They were
the forerunners of that phalanx of naturalists, historians,
archaeologists, and engineers, who, under the patronage or in
conjunction with the English Exploration Society, were soon to explore
the land of the patriarchs from end to end, making maps of it, and
achieving discoveries which threw a new light on the history of the
ancient peoples who, by turns, were possessors of this corner of the
Mediterranean basin.
But it was not only the Holy Land, so interesting on account of the
many associations it has for every Christian, which was the scene of
the researches of scholars and explorers; Asia Minor was also soon to
yield up her treasures to the curiosity of the learned world. That
country was visited by travellers in every direction. Parrot visited
Armenia; Dubois de Monpereux traversed the Caucasus in 1839. In 1825
and 1826, Eichwald explored the shores of the Caspian Sea; and lastly,
Alexander von Humboldt at the expense of the generous Nicholas, Emperor
of Russia, supplemented his intrepid work as a discoverer in the New
World by an exploration of Western Asia and the Ural Mountains.
Accompanied by the mineralogist Gustave Rose, the naturalist Ehrenberg,
well known for his travels in Upper Egypt and Nubia, and Baron von
Helmersen, an officer of engineers, Humboldt travelled through Siberia,
visited the gold and platinum mines of the Ural Mountains, and explored
the Caspian steppes and the Altai chain to the frontiers of China.
These learned men divided the work, Humboldt taking astronomical,
magnetic, and physical observations, and examining the flora and fauna
of the country, while Rose kept the journal of the expedition, which he
published in German between 1837 and 1842.
Although the explorers travelled very rapidly, at the rate of no less
than 11,500 miles in nine months, the scientific results of their
journey were considerable. In a first publication which appeared in
Paris in 1838, Humboldt treated only the climatology and geology of
Asia, but this fragmentary account was succeeded in 1843 by his great
work called "Central Asia." "In this," says La Roquette, "he has laid
down and systematized the principal scientific results of his
expedition in Asia, and has recorded some ingenious speculation as to
the shape of the continents and the configuration of the mountains of
Tartary, giving special attention to the vast depression which
stretches from the north of Europe to the centre of Asia beyond the
Caspian Sea and the Ural River."
We must now leave Asia and pass in review the various expeditions in
the New World, which have been sent out in succession since the
beginning of the present century. In 1807, when Lewis and Clarke were
crossing North America from the United States to the Pacific Ocean, the
Government commissioned a young officer, Lieutenant Zabulon Montgomery
Pike, to examine the sources of the Mississippi. He was at the same
time to endeavour to open friendly relations with any Indians he might
meet.
[Illustration: Map of the Missouri.]
Pike was well received by the Chief of the powerful Sioux nation and
presented with the pipe of peace, a talisman which secured to him the
protection of the allied tribes; he ascended the Mississippi, passing
the mouths of the Chippeway and St. Peter, important tributaries of
that great river. But beyond the confluence of the St. Peter with the
Mississippi as far as the Falls of St. Anthony, the course of the main
river is impeded by an uninterrupted series of falls and rapids. A
little below the 45th parallel of North latitude, Pike and his
companions had to leave their canoes and continue their journey in
sledges. To the severity of a bitter winter were soon added the
tortures of hunger. Nothing, however, checked the intrepid explorers,
who continued to follow the Mississippi, now dwindled down to a stream
only 300 roods wide, and arrived in February at Leech Lake, where they
were received with enthusiasm at the camp of some trappers and fur
hunters from Montreal.
[Illustration: Circassians. (Fac-simile of early engraving.)]
After visiting Red Cedar Lake, Pike returned to St. Louis. His arduous
and perilous journey had extended over no less than nine months; and
although he had not attained its main object, it was not without
scientific results. The skill, presence of mind, and courage of Pike
were recognized, and the government soon afterwards conferred on him
the rank of major, and appointed him to the command of a fresh
expedition. This time he was to explore the vast tract of country
between the Mississippi and the Rocky Mountains, and to discover the
sources of the Arkansas and Red River. With twenty-three companions
Pike ascended the Arkansas, a fine river navigable to the mountains in
which it rises, that is to say for a distance of 2000 miles, except in
the summer, when its bed is encumbered with sand-banks. On this long
voyage, winter, from which Pike had suffered so much on his previous
trip, set in with redoubled vigour. Game was so scarce that for four
days the explorers were without food. The feet of several men were
frostbitten, and this misfortune added to the fatigue of the others.
The major, after reaching the source of the Arkansas, pursued a
southerly direction and soon came to a fine stream which he took for
the Red River.
This was the Rio del Norte, which rises in Colorado, then a Spanish
province, and flows into the Gulf of Mexico.
From what has been already said of the difficulties which Humboldt
encountered before he obtained permission to enter the Spanish
possessions in America, we may judge with what jealous suspicion the
arrival of strangers in Colorado was regarded. Pike was surrounded by a
detachment of Spanish soldiers, made prisoner with all his men, and
taken to Santa Fe. Their ragged garments, emaciated forms, and
generally miserable appearance did not speak much in their favour, and
the Spaniards at first took the Americans for savages. However, when
the mistake was recognized, they were escorted across the inland
provinces to Louisiana, arriving at Natchitoches on the 1st July, 1807.
The unfortunate end of this expedition cooled the zeal of the
government, but not that of private persons, merchants, and hunters,
whose numbers were continually on the increase. Many even completely
crossed the American continent from Canada to the Pacific. Amongst
these travellers we must mention Daniel William Harmon, a member of the
North-West Company, who visited Lakes Huron and Superior, Rainy Lake,
the Lake of the Woods, Manitoba, Winnipeg, Athabasca, and the Great
Bear Lake, all between N. lat. 47 degrees and 58 degrees, and reached
the shores of the Pacific. The fur company established at Astoria at
the mouth of the Columbia also did much towards the exploration of the
Rocky Mountains.
Four associates of that company, leaving Astoria in June, 1812,
ascended the Columbia, crossed the Rocky Mountains, and following an
east-south-east direction, reached one of the sources of the Platte,
descended it to its junction with the Missouri, crossed a district
never before explored, and arrived at St. Louis on the 30th May, 1813.
In 1811, another expedition composed of sixty men, started from St.
Louis and ascended the Missouri as far as the settlements of the Ricara
Indians, whence they made their way to Astoria, arriving there at the
beginning of 1812, after the loss of several men and great suffering
from fatigue and want of food.
These journeys resulted not only in the increase of our knowledge of
the topography of the districts traversed, but they also brought about
quite unexpected discoveries. In the Ohio valley between Illinois and
Mexico for instance, were found ruins, fortifications, and
entrenchments, with ditches and a kind of bastion, many of them
covering five or six acres of ground. What people can have constructed
works such as these, which denote a civilization greatly in advance of
that of the Indians, is a difficult problem of which no solution has
yet been found.
Philologists and historians were already regretting the dying out of
the Indian tribes, who, until then, had been only superficially
observed, and lamenting their extinction before their languages had
been studied. A knowledge of these languages and their comparison with
those of the old world, might have thrown some unexpected light upon
the origin of the wandering tribes.[2]
[Footnote 2: The author has evidently not seen Bancroft's "Native Races
of the Pacific," an exhaustive work in five volumes, published at New
York and San Francisco a few years ago, and which embodies the
researches of a number of gentlemen, who collected their information on
the spot, and whose contributions to our knowledge of the past and
present life of the Indians should certainly not be ignored.--_Trans._]
Simultaneously with the discovery of the ruins the flora and geology of
the country began to be studied, and in the latter science great
surprises were in store for future explorers. It was so important for
the American government to proceed rapidly to reconnoitre the vast
territories between the United States and the Pacific, that another
expedition was speedily sent out.
In 1819, the military authorities commissioned Major Long to explore
the districts between the Mississippi and the Rocky Mountains, to trace
the course of the Missouri and of its principal tributaries, to fix the
latitude and longitude of the chief places, to study the ways of the
Indian tribes, in fact to describe everything interesting either in the
aspect of the country or in its animal, vegetable, and mineral
productions.
Leaving Pittsburgh on the 5th March, 1819, on board the steamship
_Western Engineer_, the expedition arrived in May of the following year
at the junction of the Ohio with the Mississippi, and ascended the
latter river as far as St. Louis. On the 29th June, the mouth of the
Missouri was reached. During the month of July, Mr. Say, who was
charged with the zoological observations, made his way by land to Fort
Osage, where he was joined by the steamer. Major Long turned his stay
at Fort Osage to account by sending a party to examine the districts
between the Kansas and the Platte, but this party was attacked, robbed,
and compelled to turn back after losing all their horses. After
obtaining at Cow Island a reinforcement of fifteen soldiers, the
expedition reached Fort Lisa, near Council Bluff, on the 19th
September. There it was decided to winter. The Americans suffered
greatly from scurvy, and having no medicines to check the terrible
disorder, they lost 100 men, nearly a third of the whole party. Major
Long, who had meanwhile reached Washington in a canoe, brought back
orders for the discontinuation of the voyage up the Missouri, and for a
journey overland to the sources of the Platte, whence the Mississippi
was to be reached by way of the Arkansas and Red River. On the 6th
June, the explorers left Engineer's Fort, as they called their winter
quarters, and ascended the Platte Valley for more than a hundred miles,
its grassy plains, frequented by vast herds of bisons and deer,
supplying them with plenty of provisions.
Those boundless prairies, whose monotony is unbroken by a single
hillock, were succeeded by a sandy desert gradually sloping up, for a
distance of nearly four hundred miles, to the Rocky Mountains. This
desert, broken by precipitous ravines, _canons_, and gorges, at the
bottom of which gurgles some insignificant stream, its banks clothed
with stunted and meagre vegetation, produces nothing but cacti with
sharp and formidable prickles.
On the 6th July, the expedition reached the foot of the Rocky
Mountains. Dr. James scaled one of the peaks, to which he gave his own
name, and which rises to a height of 11,500 feet above the sea level.
"From the summit of the peak," says the botanist, "the view towards the
north, west, and south-west, is diversified with innumerable mountains
all white with snow, and on some of the more distant it appears to
extend down to their bases. Immediately under our feet on the west, lay
the narrow valley of the Arkansas; which we could trace running towards
the north-west, probably more than sixty miles. On the north side of
the peak was an immense mass of snow and ice.... To the east lay the
great plain, rising as it receded, until, in the distant horizon, it
appeared to mingle with the sky."
Here the expedition was divided into two parties, one, under the
command of Major Long, to make its way to the sources of the Red River,
the other, under Captain Bell, to go down the Arkansas as far as Port
Smith. The two detachments separated on the 24th July. The former,
misled by the statements of the Kaskaia Indians and the inaccuracy of
the maps, took the Canadian for the Red River, and did not discover
their mistake until they reached its junction with the Arkansas. The
Kaskaias were the most miserable of savages, but intrepid horsemen,
excelling in lassoing the wild mustangs which are descendants of the
horses imported into Mexico by the Spanish conquerors. The second
detachment was deserted by four soldiers, who carried off the journals
of Say and Lieutenant Swift with a number of other valuable effects.
Both parties also suffered from want of provisions in the sandy
deserts, whose streams yield nothing but brackish and muddy water. The
expedition brought to Washington sixty skins of wild animals, several
thousands of insects, including five hundred new species, four or five
hundred specimens of hitherto unknown plants, numerous views of the
scenery, and the materials for a map of the districts traversed.
[Illustration: "Excelling in lassoing the wild mustangs."]
The command of another expedition was given in 1828 to Major Long,
whose services were thoroughly appreciated. Leaving Philadelphia in
April, he embarked on the Ohio, and crossed the state of the same name,
and those of Indiana and Illinois. Having reached the Mississippi, he
ascended that river to the mouth of the St. Peter, formerly visited by
Carver, and later by Baron La Hontan. Long followed the St. Peter to
its source, passing Crooked Lake and reaching Lake Winnipeg, whence he
explored the river of the same name, obtained a sight of the Lake of
the Woods and Rainy Lake, and arrived at the plateau which separates
the Hudson's Bay valley from that of the St. Lawrence. Lastly, he went
to Lake Superior by way of Cold Water Lake and Dog River.
Although all these districts had been constantly traversed by Canadian
pathfinders, trappers, and hunters for many years previously, it was
the first time an official expedition had visited them with a view to
the laying down of a map. The explorers were struck with the beauty of
the neighbourhood watered by the Winnipeg. That river, whose course is
frequently broken by picturesque rapids and waterfalls, flows between
two perpendicular granite walls crowned with verdure. The beauty of the
scenery, succeeding as it did to the monotony of the plains and
savannahs they had previously traversed, filled the explorers with
admiration.
The exploration of the Mississippi, which had been neglected since
Pike's expedition, was resumed in 1820 by General Cass, Governor of
Michigan. Leaving Detroit at the end of May with twenty men trained to
the work of pathfinders, he reached the Upper Mississippi, after
visiting Lakes Huron, Superior, and Sandy. His exhausted escort halted
to rest whilst he continued the examination of the river in a canoe.
For 150 miles the course of the Mississippi is rapid and uninterrupted,
but beyond that distance begins a series of rapids extending over
twelve miles to the Peckgama Falls.
Above this cataract the stream, now far less rapid, winds through vast
savannahs to Leech Lake. Having reached Lake Winnipeg, Cass arrived on
the 21st July at a new lake, to which he gave his own name, but he did
not care to push on further with his small party of men and inadequate
supply of provisions and ammunition.
The source of the Mississippi had been approached, but not reached. The
general opinion was that the river took its rise in a small sheet of
water known as Deer Lake, sixty miles from Cass Lake. Not until 1832,
however, when General Cass was Secretary of State for war, was this
important problem solved.
The command of an expedition was then given to a traveller named
Schoolcraft, who had in the previous year explored the Chippeway
country, north-west of Lake Superior. His party consisted of six
soldiers, an officer qualified to conduct hydrographic surveys, a
surgeon, a geologist, an interpreter, and a missionary.
Schoolcraft left St. Marie on the 7th June, 1832, visited the tribes
living about Lake Superior, and was soon on the St. Louis river. He was
then 150 miles from the Mississippi, and was told that it would take
him no less than ten days to reach the great river, on account of the
rapids and shallows. On the 3rd July, the expedition reached the
factory of a trader named Aitkin, on the banks of the river, and there
celebrated on the following day the anniversary of the independence of
the United States.
Two days later Schoolcraft found himself opposite the Peckgama Falls,
and encamped at Oak Point. Here the river winds a great deal amongst
savannahs, but guides led the party by paths which greatly shortened
the distance. Lake Winnipeg was then crossed, and on the 10th July,
Schoolcraft arrived at Lake Cass, the furthest point reached by his
predecessors.
[Illustration: Map of the sources of the Mississippi, 1836.]
A party of Chippeway Indians led the explorers to their settlement on
an island in the river. The friendliness of the natives led Cass to
leave part of his escort with them, and, accompanied by Lieutenant
Allen, the surgeon Houghton, a missionary, and several Indians, he
started in a canoe.
Lakes Tasodiac and Crooked were visited in turn. A little beyond the
latter, the Mississippi divides into two branches or forks. The guide
took Schoolcraft up the eastern, and after crossing Lakes Marquette, La
Salle, and Kubbakanna, he came to the mouth of the Naiwa, the chief
tributary of this branch of the Mississippi. Finally, after passing the
little lake called Usawa, the expedition reached Lake Itasca, whence
issues the Itascan, or western branch of the Mississippi.
Lake Itasca, or Deer Lake, as the French call it, is only seven or
eight miles in extent, and is surrounded by hills clothed with dark
pine woods. According to Schoolcraft it is some 1500 feet above the sea
level; but we must not attach too much importance to this estimate, as
the leader of the expedition had no instruments.
On their way back to Lake Cass, the party followed the western branch,
identifying its chief tributaries. Schoolcraft then studied the ways of
the Indians frequenting these districts, and made treaties with them.
To sum up, the aim of the government was achieved, and the Mississippi
had been explored from its mouth to its source. The expedition had
collected a vast number of interesting details on the manners, customs,
history, and language of the people, as well as numerous new or little
known species of flora and fauna.
The people of the United States were not content with these official
expeditions, and numbers of trappers threw themselves into the new
districts. Most of them being however absolutely illiterate, they could
not turn their discoveries to scientific account. But this was not the
case with James Pattie, who has published an account of his romantic
adventures and perilous trips in the district between New Mexico and
New California.
On his way down the River Gila to its mouth, Pattie visited races then
all but unknown, including the Yotans, Eiotaws, Papawans, Mokees,
Umeas, Mohawas, and Nabahoes, with whom but very little intercourse had
yet been held. On the banks of the Rio Eiotario he discovered ruins of
ancient monuments, stone walls, moats, and potteries, and in the
neighbouring mountains he found copper, lead, and silver mines.
We owe a curious travelling journal also to Doctor Willard, who, during
a stay of three years in Mexico, explored the Rio del Norte from its
source to its mouth.
Lastly, in 1831 Captain Wyeth and his brother explored Oregon, and the
neighbouring districts of the Rocky Mountains.
After Humboldt's journey in Mexico, one explorer succeeded another in
Central America. In 1787, Bernasconi discovered the now famous ruins of
Palenque. In 1822, Antonio del Rio gave a detailed description of them,
illustrated with drawings by Frederick Waldeck, the future explorer of
Palenque, that city of the dead.
Between 1805 and 1807, three journeys were successively taken in the
province of Chiapa and to Palenque by Captain William Dupaix and the
draughtsman Castaneda, and the result of their researches appeared in
1830 in the form of a magnificent work, with illustrations by Augustine
Aglio, executed at the expense of Lord Kingsborough.
Lastly, Waldeck spent the years 1832 and 1833 at Palenque, searching
the ruins, making plans, sections, and elevations of the monuments,
trying to decipher the hitherto unexplained hieroglyphics with which
they are covered, and collecting a vast amount of quite new information
alike on the natural history of the country and the manners and customs
of the inhabitants.
We must also name Don Juan Galindo, a Spanish colonel, who explored
Palenque, Utatlan, Copan, and other cities buried in the heart of
tropical forests.
[Illustration: View of the Pyramid of Xochicalco. (Fac-simile of early
engraving.)]
After the long stay made by Humboldt in equinoctial America, the
impulse his explorations would doubtless otherwise have given to
geographical science was strangely checked by the struggle of the
Spanish colonies with the mother country. As soon, however, as the
native governments attained to at least a semblance of stability,
intrepid explorers rushed to examine this world, so new in the truest
sense, for the jealousy of the Spanish had hitherto kept it closed to
the investigations of scientific men.
Many naturalists and engineers now travelled or settled in South
America. Soon indeed, that is in 1817-1820, the Austrian and Bavarian
Governments sent out a scientific expedition, to the command of which
they appointed Doctors Spix and Martins, who collected a great deal of
information on the botany, ethnography, and geography of these hitherto
little known districts--Martins publishing, at the expense of the
Austrian and Bavarian governments, a most important work on the flora
of the country, which may be looked upon as a model of its kind.
At the same time the editors of special publications, such as Malte
Brun's _Annales des Voyages_ and the _Bulletin de la Societe de
Geographie_, cordially accepted and published all the communications
addressed to them, including many on Brazil and the province of Minas
Geraes.
About this period too a Prussian Major-General, the Prince of
Wied-Neuwied, who had been at leisure since the peace of 1815, devoted
himself to the study of natural science, geography, and history,
undertaking moreover, in company with the naturalists Freirciss and
Sellow, an exploring expedition in the interior of Brazil, having
special reference to its flora and fauna.
A few years later, i.e. in 1836, the French naturalist Alcide
d'Orbigny, who had won celebrity at a very early age, was appointed by
the governing body of the Museum to the command of an expedition to
South America, the special object of which was the study of the natural
history of the country. For eight consecutive years D'Orbigny wandered
about Brazil, Uruguay, the Argentine Republic, Patagonia, Chili,
Bolivia, and Peru.
"Such a journey," says Dumour in his funeral oration on D'Orbigny, "in
countries so different in their productions, climate, the character of
their soil, and the manners and customs of their inhabitants, was
necessarily full of ever fresh perils. D'Orbigny, endowed with a strong
constitution and untiring energy, overcame obstacles which would have
daunted most travellers. On his arrival in the cold regions of
Patagonia, amongst savage races constantly at war with each other, he
found himself compelled to take part, and to fight in the ranks of a
tribe which had received him hospitably. Fortunately for the intrepid
student his side was victorious, and he was left free to proceed on his
journey."
It took thirteen years of the hardest work to put together the results
of D'Orbigny's extensive researches. His book, which embraces nearly
every branch of science, leaves far behind it all that had ever before
been published on South America. History, archaeology, zoology, and
botany all hold honoured positions in it; but the most important part
of this encyclopaedic work is that relating to American man. In it the
author embodies all the documents he himself collected, and analyzes
and criticizes those which came to him at second hand, on physiological
types, and on the manners, languages, and religions of South America. A
work of such value ought to immortalize the name of the French scholar,
and reflect the greatest honour on the nation which gave him birth.
END OF THE FIRST PART.
PART II.
CHAPTER I.
VOYAGES ROUND THE WORLD, AND POLAR EXPEDITIONS.
The Russian fur trade--Kruzenstern appointed to the command of an
expedition--Noukha-Hiva--Nangasaki--Reconnaisance of the coast of
Japan--Yezo--The Ainos--Saghalien--Return to Europe--Otto von
Kotzebue--Stay at Easter Island--Penrhyn--The Radak Archipelago--Return
to Russia--Changes at Otaheite and the Sandwich Islands--Beechey's
Voyage--Easter Island--Pitcairn and the mutineers of the _Bounty_--The
Paumoto Islands--Otaheite and the Sandwich Islands--The Bonin
Islands--Lutke--The Quebradas of Valparaiso--Holy week in Chili--New
Archangel--The Kaloches--Ounalashka--The Caroline Archipelago--The
canoes of the Caroline Islanders--Guam, a desert island--Beauty and
happy situation of the Bonin Islands--The Tchouktchees: their manners
and their conjurors--Return to Russia.
At the beginning of the nineteenth century, the Russians for the first
time took part in voyages round the world, Until that time their
explorations had been almost entirely confined to Asia, and their only
mariners of note were Behring, Tchirikoff, Spangberg, Laxman,
Krenitzin, and Saryscheff. The last-named took an important part in the
voyage of the Englishman Billings, a voyage by the way which was far
from achieving all that might have been fairly expected from the ten
years it occupied and the vast sums it cost.
Adam John von Kruzenstern was the first Russian to whom is due the
honour of having made a voyage round the world under government
auspices and with a scientific purpose.
Born in 1770, Kruzenstern entered the English navy in 1793. After six
years' training in the stern school which then numbered amongst its
leaders the most skilful sailors of the world, he returned to his
native land with a profound knowledge of his profession, and with his
ideas of the part Russia might play in Eastern Asia very considerably
widened.
During a stay of two years at Canton, in 1798 and 1799, Kruzenstern had
been witness of the extraordinary results achieved by some English fur
traders, who brought their merchandise from the northwest coasts of
Russian America. This trade had not come into existence until after
Cook's third voyage, and the English had already realized immense sums,
at the cost of the Russians, who had hitherto sent their furs to the
Chinese markets overland.
In 1785, however, a Russian named Chelikoff founded a fur-trading
colony on Kodiak Island, at about an equal distance from Kamtchatka and
the Aleutian Islands, which rapidly became a flourishing community. The
Russian government now recognized the resources of districts it had
hitherto considered barren, and reinforcements, provisions, and stores
were sent to Kamtchatka via Siberia.
Kruzenstern quickly realized how inadequate to the new state of things
was help such as this, the ignorance of the pilots and the errors in
the maps leading to the loss of several vessels every year, not to
speak of the injury to trade involved in a two years' voyage for the
transport of furs, first to Okhotsk, and thence to Kiakhta.
As the best plans are always the simplest they are sure to be the last
to be thought of, and Kruzenstern was the first to point out the
imperative necessity of going direct by sea from the Aleutian Islands
to Canton, the most frequented market.
On his return to Russia, Kruzenstern tried to win over to his views
Count Kuscheleff, the Minister of Marine, but the answer he received
destroyed all hope. Not until the accession of Alexander I., when
Admiral Mordinoff became head of the naval department, did he receive
any encouragement.
Acting on Count Romanoff's advice, the Russian Emperor soon
commissioned Kruzenstern to carry out the plan he had himself proposed;
and on the 7th August, 1802, he was appointed to the command of two
vessels for the exploration of the north-west coast of America.
Although the leader of the expedition was named, the officers and
seamen were still to be selected, and the vessels to be manned were not
to be had in either the Russian empire or at Hamburg. In London alone
were Lisianskoi, afterwards second in command to Kruzenstern, and the
builder Kasoumoff, able to obtain two vessels at all suitable to the
service in which they were to be employed. These two vessels received
the names of the _Nadiejeda_ and the _Neva_.
In the meantime, the Russian government decided to avail itself of this
opportunity to send M. de Besanoff to Japan as ambassador, with a
numerous suite, and magnificent presents for the sovereign of the
country.
On the 4th August, 1803, the two vessels, completely equipped, and
carrying 134 persons, left the roadstead of Cronstadt. Flying visits
were paid to Copenhagen and Falmouth, with a view to replacing some of
the salt provisions bought at Hamburg, and to caulk the _Nadiejeda_,
the seams of which had started in a violent storm encountered in the
North Sea.
After a short stay at the Canary Islands, Kruzenstern hunted in vain,
as La Perouse had done before him, for the Island of Ascension, as to
the existence of which opinion had been divided for some three hundred
years. He then rounded Cape Frio, the position of which he was unable
exactly to determine although he was most anxious to do so, the
accounts of earlier travellers and the maps hitherto laid down varying
from 23 degrees 6 minutes to 22 degrees 34 minutes. A reconnaissance of
the coast of Brazil was succeeded by a sail through the passage between
the islands of Gal and Alvaredo, unjustly characterized as dangerous by
La Perouse, and on the 21st December, 1803, St. Catherine was reached.
The necessity for replacing the main and mizzen masts of the _Neva_
detained Kruzenstern for five weeks on this island, where he was most
cordially received by the Portuguese authorities.
On the 4th February, the two vessels were able to resume their voyage,
prepared to face all the dangers of the South Sea, and to double Cape
Horn, that bugbear of all navigators. As far as Staten Island the
weather was uniformly fine, but beyond it the explorers had to contend
with extremely violent gales, storms of hail and snow, dense fogs, huge
waves, and a swell in which the vessels laboured heavily. On the 24th
March, the ships lost sight of each other in a dense fog a little above
the western entrance to the Straits of Magellan. They did not meet
again until both reached Noukha-Hiva.
Kruzenstern having given up all idea of touching at Easter Island, now
made for the Marquesas, or Mendoza Archipelago, and determined the
position of Fatongou and Udhugu Islands, called Washington by the
American Captain Ingraham, who discovered them in 1791, a few weeks
before Captain Marchand, who named them Revolution Islands. Kruzenstern
also saw Hiva-Hoa, the Dominica of Mendana, and at Noukha-Hiva met an
Englishman named Roberts, and a Frenchman named Cabritt, whose
knowledge of the language was of great service to him.
The incidents of the stay in the Marquesas Archipelago are of little
interest, they were much the same as those related in Cook's Voyages.
The total, but at the same time utterly unconscious immodesty of the
women, the extensive agricultural knowledge of the natives, and their
greed of iron instruments, are commented upon in both narratives.
Nothing is noticed in the later which is not to be found in the earlier
narrative, if we except some remarks on the existence of numerous
societies of which the king or his relations, priests, or celebrated
warriors, are the chiefs, and the aim of which is the providing of the
people with food in times of scarcity. In our opinion these societies
resemble the clans of Scotland or the Indian tribes of America.
Kruzenstern, however, does not agree with us, as the following
quotation will show.
"The members of these clubs are distinguished by different tattooed
marks upon their bodies; those of the king's club, consisting of
twenty-six members, have a square one on their breasts about six inches
long and four wide, and to this company Roberts belonged. The
companions of the Frenchman, Joseph Cabritt, were marked with a
tattooed eye, &c. Roberts assured me that he never would have entered
this association, had he not been driven to it by extreme hunger. There
was an apparent want of consistency in this dislike, as the members of
these companies are not only relieved from all care as to their
subsistence, but, even by his own account, the admittance into them is
a distinction that many seek to obtain. I am therefore inclined to
believe that it must be attended with the loss of some part of
liberty."
A reconnaissance of the neighbourhood of Anna Maria led to the
discovery of Port Tchitchagoff, which, though the entrance is
difficult, is so shut in by land that its waters are unruffled by the
most violent storm.
At the time of Kruzenstern's visit to Noukha-Hiva, cannibalism was
still largely practised, but the traveller had no tangible proof of the
prevalence of the custom. In fact Kruzenstern was very affably received
by the king of the cannibals, who appeared to exercise but little
authority over his people, a race addicted to the most revolting vices,
and our hero owns that but for the intelligent and disinterested
testimony of the two Europeans mentioned above he should have carried
away a very favourable opinion of the natives.
"In their intercourse with us," he says, "they always showed the best
possible disposition, and in bartering an extraordinary degree of
honesty, always delivering their cocoa-nuts before they received the
piece of iron that was to be paid for them. At all times they appeared
ready to assist in cutting wood and filling water; and the help they
afforded us in the performance of these laborious tasks was by no means
trifling. Theft, the crime so common to all the islanders of this
ocean, we very seldom met with among them; they always appeared
cheerful and happy, and the greatest good humour was depicted in their
countenances.... The two Europeans whom we found here, and who had both
resided with them several years, agreed in their assertions that the
natives of Nukahiva were a cruel, intractable people, and, without even
the exceptions of the female sex, very much addicted to cannibalism;
that the appearance of content and good-humour, with which they had so
much deceived us, was not their true character; and that nothing but
the fear of punishment and the hopes of reward, deterred them from
giving a loose to their savage passions. These Europeans described, as
eye-witnesses, the barbarous scenes that are acted, particularly in
times of war--the desperate rage with which they fall upon their
victims, immediately tear off their head, and sip their blood out of
the skull,[1] with the most disgusting readiness, completing in this
manner their horrible repast. For a long time I would not give credit
to these accounts, considering them as exaggerated; but they rest upon
the authority of two different persons, who had not only been witnesses
for several years to these atrocities, but had also borne a share in
them: of two persons who lived in a state of mortal enmity, and took
particular pains by their mutual recriminations to obtain with us
credit for themselves, but yet on this point never contradicted each
other. The very fact of Roberts doing his enemy the justice to allow,
that he never devoured his prey, but always exchanged it for hogs,
gives the circumstance a great degree of probability, and these reports
concur with several appearances we remarked during our stay here,
skulls being brought to us every day for sale. Their weapons are
invariably adorned with human hair, and human bones are used as
ornaments in almost all their household furniture; they also often gave
us to understand by pantomimic gestures that human flesh was regarded
by them as a delicacy."
[Footnote 1: "All the skulls which we purchased of them," says
Kruzenstern, "had a hole perforated through one end of them for this
purpose."]
There are grounds for looking upon this account as exaggerated. The
truth, probably, lies between the dogmatic assertions of Cook and
Forster and those of the two Europeans of Kruzenstern's time, one of
whom at least was not much to be relied upon, as he was a deserter.
And we must remember that we ourselves did not attain to the high state
of civilization we now enjoy without climbing up from the bottom of the
ladder. In the stone age our manners were probably not superior to
those of the natives of Oceania.
We must not, therefore, blame these representatives of humanity for not
having risen higher. They have never been a nation. Scattered as their
homes are on the wide ocean, and divided as they are into small tribes,
without agricultural or mineral resources, without connexions, and with
a climate which makes them strangers to want, they could but remain
stationary or cultivate none but the most rudimentary arts and
industries. Yet in spite of all this, how often have their instruments,
their canoes, and their nets, excited the admiration of travellers.
On the 18th May, 1804, the _Nadiejeda_ and the _Neva_ left Noukha-Hiva
for the Sandwich Islands, where Kruzenstern had decided to stop and lay
in a store of fresh provisions, which he had been unable to do at his
last anchorage, where seven pigs were all he could get.
This plan fell through, however. The natives of Owhyhee, or Hawaii,
brought but a very few provisions to the vessels lying off their
south-west coast, and even these they would only exchange for cloth,
which Kruzenstern could not give them. He therefore set sail for
Kamtchatka and Japan, leaving the _Neva_ off the island of Karakakoua,
where Captain Lisianskoi relied upon being able to revictual.
[Illustration: New Zealanders. (Fac-simile of early engraving.)]
On the 11th July, the _Nadiejeda_ arrived off Petropaulovski, the
capital of Kamtchatka, where the crew obtained the rest and fresh
provisions they had so well earned. On the 30th August, the Russians
put to sea again.
Overtaken by thick fogs and violent storms, Kruzenstern now hunted in
vain for some islands marked on a map found on a Spanish gallion
captured by Anson, and the existence of which had been alternately
accepted and rejected by different cartographers, though they appear in
La Billardiere's map of his voyage.
The navigator now passed between the large island of Kiushiu and
Tanega-Sima, by way of Van Diemen Strait, till then very inaccurately
defined, rectified the position of the Liu-Kiu archipelago, which the
English had placed north of the strait, and the French too far south,
and sailed down, surveyed and named the coast of the province of
Satsuma.
"This part of Satsuma," says Kruzenstern, "is particularly beautiful:
and as we sailed along at a very trifling distance from the land, we
had a distinct and perfect view of the various picturesque situations
that rapidly succeed each other. The whole country consists of high
pointed hills, at one time appearing in the form of pyramids, at others
of a globular or conical form, and seeming as it were under the
protection of some neighbouring mountain, such as Peak Homer, or
another lying north-by-west of it, and even a third farther inland.
Liberal as nature has been in the adornment of these parts, the
industry of the Japanese seems not a little to have contributed to
their beauty; for nothing indeed can equal the extraordinary degree of
cultivation everywhere apparent. That all the valleys upon this coast
should be most carefully cultivated would not so much have surprised
us, as in the countries of Europe, where agriculture is not despised,
it is seldom that any piece of land is left neglected; but we here saw
not only the mountains even to their summits, but the very tops of the
rocks which skirted the edge of the coast, adorned with the most
beautiful fields and plantations, forming a striking as well as
singular contrast, by the opposition of their dark grey and blue colour
to that of the most lively verdure. Another object that excited our
astonishment was an alley of high trees, stretching over hill and dale
along the coast, as far as the eye could reach, with arbours at certain
distances, probably for the weary traveller--for whom these alleys must
have been constructed,--to rest himself in, an attention which cannot
well be exceeded. These alleys are not uncommon in Japan, for we saw a
similar one in the vicinity of Nangasaky, and another in the island of
Meac-Sima."
[Illustration: Coast of Japan.]
The _Nadiejeda_ had hardly anchored at the entrance to Nagasaki harbour
before Kruzenstern saw several _daimios_ climb on board, who had come
to forbid him to advance further.
Now, although the Russians were aware of the policy of isolation
practised by the Japanese government, they had hoped that their
reception would have been less forbidding, as they had on board an
ambassador from the powerful neighbouring state of Russia. They had
relied on enjoying comparative liberty, of which they would have
availed themselves to collect information on a country hitherto so
little known and about which the only people admitted to it had taken a
vow of silence.
They were, however, disappointed in their expectations. Instead of
enjoying the same latitude as the Dutch, they were throughout their
stay harassed by a perpetual surveillance, as unceasing as it was
annoying. In a word, they were little better than prisoners.
Although the ambassador did obtain permission to land with his escort
"under arms," a favour never before accorded to any one, the sailors
were not allowed to get out of their boat, or when they did land the
restricted place where they were permitted to walk was surrounded by a
lofty palisading, and guarded by two companies of soldiers.
It was forbidden to write to Europe by way of Batavia, it was forbidden
to talk to the Dutch captains, the ambassador was forbidden to leave
his house--the word forbidden may be said to sum up the anything but
cordial reception given to their visitors by the Japanese.
Kruzenstern turned his long stay here to account by completely
overhauling and repairing his vessel. He had nearly finished this
operation when the approach was announced of an envoy from the Emperor,
of dignity so exalted that, in the words of the interpreter, "he dared
to look at the feet of his Imperial Majesty."
This personage began by refusing the Czar's presents, under pretence
that if they were accepted the Emperor would have to send back others
with an embassy, which would be contrary to the customs of the country;
and he then went on to speak of the law against the entry of any
vessels into the ports of Japan, and absolutely forbade the Russians to
buy anything, adding, however, at the same time, that the materials
already supplied for the refitting and revictualling the vessel would
be paid for out of the treasury of the Emperor of Japan. He further
inquired whether the repairs of the _Nadiejeda_ would soon be finished.
Kruzenstern understood what was meant as soon as his visitor began to
speak, and hurried on the preparations for his own departure.
Truly he had not much reason to congratulate himself on having waited
from October to April for such an answer as this. So little were the
chief results hoped for by his government achieved, that no Russian
vessel could ever again enter a Japanese port. A short-sighted, jealous
policy, resulting in the putting back for half a century the progress
of Japan.
On the 17th April the _Nadiejeda_ weighed anchor, and began a
hydrographic survey, which had the best results. La Perouse had been
the only navigator to traverse before Kruzenstern the seas between
Japan and the continent. The Russian explorer was therefore anxious to
connect his work with that of his predecessor, and to fill up the gaps
the latter had been compelled for want of time to leave in his charts
of these parts.
"To explore the north-west and south-west coasts of Japan," says
Kruzenstern, "to ascertain the situation of the Straits of Sangar, the
width of which in the best charts--Arrowsmith's 'South Sea Pilot' for
instance, and the atlas subjoined to La Perouse's Voyage--is laid down
as more than a hundred miles, while the Japanese merely estimated it to
be a Dutch mile; to examine the west coast of Yezo; to find out the
island of Karafuto, which in some new charts, compiled after a Japanese
one, is placed between Yezo and Sachalin, and the existence of which
appeared to me very probable; to explore this new strait and take an
accurate plan of the island of Sachalin, from Cape Crillon to the
north-west coast, from whence, if a good harbour were to be found
there, I could send out my long boat to examine the supposed passage
which divides Tartary from Sachalin; and, finally, to attempt a return
through a new passage between the Kuriles, north of the Canal de la
Boussole; all this came into my plan, and I have had the good fortune
to execute part of it."
Kruzenstern was destined almost entirely to carry out this detailed
plan, only the survey of the western coast of Japan and of the Strait
of Sangar, with that of the channel closing the Farakai Strait, could
not be accomplished by the Russian navigator, who had, sorely against
his will, to leave the completion of this important task to his
successors.
Kruzenstern now entered the Corea Channel, and determined the longitude
of Tsusima, obtaining a difference of thirty-six minutes from the
position assigned to that island by La Perouse. This difference was
subsequently confirmed by Dagelet, who can be fully relied upon.
The Russian explorer noticed, as La Perouse had done before him, that
the deviation of the magnetic needle is but little noticeable in these
latitudes.
The position of Sangar Strait, between Yezo and Niphon, being very
uncertain, Kruzenstern resolved to determine it. The mouth, situated
between Cape Sangar (N. lat. 41 degrees 16 minutes 30 seconds and W.
long. 219 degrees 46 minutes) and Cape Nadiejeda (N. lat. 41 degrees 25
minutes 10 seconds, W. long. 219 degrees 50 minutes 30 seconds), is
only nine miles wide; whereas La Perouse, who had relied, not upon
personal observation but upon the map of the Dutchman Vries, speaks of
it as ten miles across. Kruzenstern's was therefore an important
rectification.
Kruzenstern did not actually enter this strait. He was anxious to
verify the existence of a certain island, Karafonto, Tchoka, or Chicha
by name, set down as between Yezo and Saghalien in a map which appeared
at St. Petersburg in 1802, and was based on one brought to Russia by
the Japanese Koday. He then surveyed a small portion of the coast of
Yezo, naming the chief irregularities, and cast anchor near the
southernmost promontory of the island, at the entrance to the Straits
of La Perouse.
Here he learnt from the Japanese that Saghalien and Karafonto were one
and the same island.
On the 10th May, 1805, Kruzenstern landed at Yezo, and was surprised to
find the season but little advanced. The trees were not yet in leaf,
the snow still lay thick here and there, and the explorer had supposed
that it was only at Archangel that the temperature would be so severe
at this time of year. This phenomenon was to be explained later, when
more was known as to the direction taken by the polar current, which,
issuing from Behring Strait, washes the shores of Kamtchatka, the
Kurile Islands, and Yezo.
During his short stay here and at Saghalien, Kruzenstern was able to
make some observations on the Ainos, a race which probably occupied the
whole of Yezo before the advent of the Japanese, from whom--at least
from those who have been influenced by intercourse with China--they
differ entirely.
[Illustration: Typical Ainos. (Fac-simile of early engraving.)]
"Their figure," says Kruzenstern, "dress, appearance, and their
language, prove that they are the same people, as those of Saghalien;
and the captain of the _Castricum_, when he missed the Straits of La
Perouse, might imagine, as well in Aniwa as in Alkys, that he was but
in one island.... The Ainos are rather below the middle stature, being
at the most five feet two or four inches high, of a dark, nearly black
complexion, with a thick bushy beard, black rough hair, hanging
straight down; and excepting in the beard they have the appearance of
the Kamtschadales, only that their countenance is much more regular.
The women are sufficiently ugly; their colour, which is equally dark,
their coal black hair combed over their faces, blue painted lips, and
tattooed hands, added to no remarkable cleanliness in their clothing,
do not give them any great pretensions to loveliness.... However, I
must do them the justice to say, that they are modest in the highest
degree, and in this point form the completest contrast with the women
of Nukahiva and of Otaheite.... The characteristic quality of an Aino
is goodness of heart, which is expressed in the strongest manner in his
countenance; and so far as we were enabled to observe their actions,
they fully answered this expression.... The dress of the Ainos consists
chiefly of the skins of tame dogs and seals; but I have seen some in a
very different attire, which resembled the _Parkis_ of the
Kamtschadales, and is, properly speaking a white shirt worn over their
other clothes. In Aniwa Bay they were all clad in furs; their boots
were made of seal-skins, and in these likewise the women were
invariably clothed."
After passing through the Straits of La Perouse, Kruzenstern cast
anchor in Aniwa Bay, off the island of Saghalien. Here fish was then so
plentiful, that two Japanese firms alone employed 400 Ainos to catch
and dry it. It is never taken in nets, but buckets are used at
ebb-tide.
After having surveyed Patience Gulf, which had only been partially
examined by the Dutchman Vries, and at the bottom of which flows a
stream now named the Neva, Kruzenstern broke off his examination of
Saghalien to determine the position of the Kurile Islands, never yet
accurately laid down; and on the 5th June, 1805 he returned to
Petropaulovski, where he put on shore the ambassador and his suite.
In July, after crossing Nadiejeda Strait, between Matona and Rachona,
two of the Kurile Islands, Kruzenstern surveyed the eastern coast of
Saghalien, in the neighbourhood of Cape Patience, which presented a
very picturesque appearance, with the hills clothed with grass and
stunted trees and the shores with bushes. The scenery of the interior,
however, was somewhat monotonous, with its unbroken line of lofty
mountains.
The navigator skirted along the whole of this deserted and harbourless
coast to Capes Maria and Elizabeth, between which is a deep bay, with a
little village of thirty-seven houses nestling at the end, the only one
the Russians had seen since they left Providence Bay. It was not
inhabited by Ainos, but by Tartars, of which very decided proof was
obtained a few days later.
Kruzenstern next entered the channel separating Saghalien from Tartary,
but he was hardly six miles from the middle of the passage when his
soundings gave six fathoms only. It was useless to hope to penetrate
further. Orders were given to "'bout ship," whilst a boat was sent to
trace the coast-line on either side, and to explore the middle of the
strait until the soundings should give three fathoms only. A very
strong current had to be contended with, rendering this row very
difficult, and this current was rightly supposed to be due to the River
Amoor, the mouth of which was not far distant.
The advice given to Kruzenstern by the Governor of Kamtchatka, not to
approach the coast of Chinese Tartary, lest the jealous suspicions of
the Celestial Government should be aroused, prevented the explorer from
further prosecuting the work of surveying; and once more passing the
Kurile group, the _Nadiejeda_ returned to Petropaulovsky.
The Commander availed himself of his stay in this port to make some
necessary repairs in his vessel, and to confirm the statements of
Captain Clerke, who had succeeded Cook in the command of his last
expedition, and those of Delisle de la Croyere, the French astronomer,
who had been Behring's companion in 1741.
During this last sojourn at Petropaulovsky, Kruzenstern received an
autograph letter from the Emperor of Russia, enclosing the order of St.
Anne as a proof of his Majesty's satisfaction with the work done.
On the 4th October, 1805, the _Nadiejeda_ set sail for Europe;
exploring _en route_ the latitudes in which, according to the maps of
the day, were situated the islands of Rica-de-Plata, Guadalupas,
Malabrigos, St. Sebastian de Lobos, and San Juan.
Kruzenstern next identified the Farellon Islands of Anson's map, now
known as St. Alexander, St. Augustine, and Volcanos, and situated south
of the Bonin-Sima group. Then crossing the Formosa Channel, he arrived
at Macao on the 21st November.
He was a good deal surprised not to find the _Neva_ there, as he had
given instructions for it to bring a cargo of furs, the price of which
he proposed expending on Chinese merchandise. He decided to wait for
the arrival of the _Neva_.
Macao seemed to him to be falling rapidly into decay.
"Many fine buildings," he says, "are ranged in large squares,
surrounded by courtyards and gardens; but most of them uninhabited, the
number of Portuguese residents there having greatly decreased. The
chief private houses belong to the members of the Dutch and English
factories.... Twelve or fifteen thousand is said to be the number of
the inhabitants of Macao, most of whom, however, are Chinese, who have
so completely taken possession of the town, that it is rare to meet any
European in the streets, with the exception of priests and nuns. One of
the inhabitants said to me, 'We have more priests here than soldiers;'
a piece of raillery that was literally true, the number of soldiers
amounting only to 150, not one of whom is a European, the whole being
mulattos of Macao and Goa. Even the officers are not all Europeans.
With so small a garrison it is difficult to defend four large
fortresses; and the natural insolence of the Chinese finds a sufficient
motive in the weakness of the military, to heap insult upon insult."
Just as the _Nadiejeda_ was about to weigh anchor, the _Neva_ at last
appeared. It was now the 3rd November, and Kruzenstern went up the
coast in the newly arrived vessel as far as Whampoa, where he sold to
advantage his cargo of furs, after many prolonged discussions which his
firm but conciliating attitude, together with the intervention of
English merchants, brought to a successful issue.
On the 9th February, the two vessels once more together weighed anchor,
and resumed their voyage by way of the Sunda Isles. Beyond Christmas
Island they were again separated in cloudy weather, and did not meet
until the end of the trip. On the 4th May, the _Nadiejeda_ cast anchor
in St. Helena Bay, sixty days' voyage from the Sunda Isles and
seventy-nine from Macao.
"I know of no better place," says Kruzenstern, "to get supplies after a
long voyage than St. Helena. The road is perfectly safe, and at all
times more convenient than Table Bay or Simon's Bay, at the Cape. The
entrance, with the precaution of first getting near the land, is
perfectly easy; and on quitting the island nothing more is necessary
than to weigh anchor and stand out to sea. Every kind of provision may
be obtained here, particularly the best kinds of garden stuffs, and in
two or three days a ship may be provided with everything."
On the 21st April, Kruzenstern passed between the Shetland and Orkney
Islands, in order to avoid the English Channel, where he might have met
some French pirates, and after a good voyage he arrived at Cronstadt on
the 7th August, 1806.
Without taking first rank, like the expedition of Cook or that of La
Perouse, Kruzenstern's trip was not without interest. We owe no great
discovery to the Russian explorer, but he verified and rectified the
work of his predecessors. This was in fact what most of the navigators
of the nineteenth century had to do, the progress of science enabling
them to complete what had been begun by others.
Kruzenstern had taken with him in his voyage round the world the son of
the well-known dramatic author Kotzebue. The young Otto Kotzebue, who
was then a cadet, soon gained his promotion, and he was a naval
lieutenant when, in 1815 the command was given to him of the _Rurik_, a
new brig, with two guns, and a crew of no more than twenty-seven men,
equipped at the expense of Count Romantzoff. His task was to explore
the less-known parts of Oceania, and to cut a passage for his vessel
across the Frozen Ocean. Kotzebue left the port of Cronstadt on the
15th July, 1815, put in first at Copenhagen and Plymouth, and after a
very trying trip doubled Cape Horn, and entered the Pacific Ocean on
the 22nd January, 1816. After a halt at Talcahuano, on the coast of
Chili, he resumed his voyage; sighted the desert island of Salas of
Gomez, on the 26th March, and steered towards Easter Island, where he
hoped to meet with the same friendly reception as Cook and Perouse had
done before him.
The Russians had, however, hardly disembarked before they were
surrounded by a crowd eager to offer them fruit and roots, by whom they
were so shamelessly robbed that they were compelled to use their arms
in self-defence, and to re-embark as quickly as possible to avoid the
shower of stones flung at them by the natives.
The only observation they had time to make during this short visit, was
the overthrow of the numerous huge stone statues described, measured,
and drawn, by Cook and La Perouse.
On the 16th April, the Russian captain arrived at the Dog Island of
Schouten, which he called Doubtful Island, to mark the difference in
his estimate of its position and that attributed to it by earlier
navigators. Kotzebue gives it S. lat. 44 degrees 50 minutes and W.
long. 138 degrees 47 minutes.
During the ensuing days were discovered the desert island of
Romantzoff, so named in honour of the promoter of the expedition;
Spiridoff Island, with a lagoon in the centre; the Island Oura of the
Pomautou group, the Vliegen chain of islets, and the no less extended
group of the Kruzenstern Islands.
On the 28th April, the _Rurik_ was near the supposed site of Bauman's
Islands, but not a sign of them could be seen, and it appeared probable
that the group had in fact been one of those already visited.
As soon as he was safely out of the dangerous Pomautou archipelago
Kotzebue steered towards the group of islands sighted in 1788 by Sever,
who, without touching at them, gave them the name of Penrhyn. The
Russian explorer determined the position of the central group of islets
as S. lat. 9 degrees 1 minute 35 seconds and W. long. 157 degrees 44
minutes 32 seconds, characterizing them as very low, like those of the
Pomautou group, but inhabited for all that.
At the sight of the vessel a considerable fleet of canoes put off from
the shore, and the natives, palm branches in their hands, advanced with
the rhythmic sound of the paddles serving as a kind of solemn and
melancholy accompaniment to numerous singers. To guard against
surprise, Kotzebue made all the canoes draw up on one side of the
vessel, and bartering was done with a rope as the means of
communication. The natives had nothing to trade with but bits of iron
and fish-hooks made of mother-of-pearl. They were well made and
martial-looking, but wore no clothes beyond a kind of apron.
At first only noisy and very lively, the natives soon became
threatening. They thieved openly, and answered remonstrances with
undisguised taunts. Brandishing their spears above their heads, they
seemed to be urging each other on to an attack.
When Kotzebue felt that the moment had come to put an end to these
hostile demonstrations, he had one gun fired. In the twinkling of an
eye the canoes were empty, their terrified crews unpremeditatingly
flinging themselves into the water with one accord. Presently the heads
of the divers reappeared, and, a little calmed down by the warning
received, the natives returned to their canoes and their bartering.
Nails and pieces of iron were much sought after by these people, whom
Kotzebue likens to the natives of Noukha-Hiva. They do not exactly
tatoo themselves, but cover their bodies with large scars.
[Illustration: "In the twinkling of an eye the canoes were empty."]
A curious fashion not before noticed amongst the islanders of Oceania
prevails amongst them. Most of them wear the nails very long, and those
of the chief men in the canoes extended three inches beyond the end of
the finger.
Thirty-six boats, manned by 360 men, now surrounded the vessel, and
Kotzebue, judging that with his feeble resources and the small crew of
the _Rurik_ any attempt to land would be imprudent, set sail again
without being able to collect any more information on these wild and
warlike islanders.
Continuing his voyage towards Kamtchatka, the navigator sighted on the
21st May two groups of islands connected by a chain of coral reefs. He
named them Kutusoff and Suwaroff, determined their position, and made
up his mind to come back and examine them again. The natives in fleet
canoes approached the _Rurik_, but, in spite of the pressing invitation
of the Russians, would not trust themselves on board. They gazed at the
vessel in astonishment, talked to each other with a vivacity which
showed their intelligence, and flung on deck the fruit of the
pandanus-tree and cocoa-nuts.
Their lank black hair, with flowers fastened in it here and there, the
ornaments hung round their necks, their clothing of "two
curiously-woven coloured mats tied to the waist" and reaching below the
knee, but above all their frank and friendly countenances,
distinguished the natives of the Marshall archipelago from those of
Penrhyn.
On the 19th June the _Rurik_ put in at New Archangel, and for
twenty-eight days her crew were occupied in repairing her.
On the 15th July Kotzebue set sail again, and five days later
disembarked on Behring Island, the southern promontory of which he laid
down in N. lat. 55 degrees 17 minutes 18 seconds and W. long. 194
degrees 6 minutes 37 seconds.
The natives Kotzebue met with on this island, like those of the North
American coast, wore clothes made of seal-skin and the intestines of
the walrus. The lances used by them were pointed with the teeth of
these amphibious animals. Their food consisted of the flesh of whales
and seals, which they store in deep cellars dug in the earth. Their
boats were made of leather, and they had sledges drawn by dogs.
Their mode of salutation is strange enough, they first rub each other's
noses and then pass their hands over their own stomachs as if rejoicing
over the swallowing of some tid-bit. Lastly, when they want to be very
friendly indeed, they spit in their own palms and rub their friends'
faces with the spittle.
The captain, still keeping his northerly course along the American
coast, discovered Schichmareff Bay, Saritschiff Island, and lastly, an
extensive gulf, the existence of which was not previously known. At the
end of this gulf Kotzebue hoped to find a channel through which he
could reach the Arctic Ocean, but he was disappointed. He gave his own
name to the gulf, and that of Kruzenstern to the cape at the entrance.
Driven back by bad weather, the _Rurik_ reached Ounalashka on the 6th
September, halted for a few days at San Francisco, and reached the
Sandwich Islands, where some important surveys were made and some very
curious information collected.
On leaving the Sandwich Islands, Kotzebue steered for Suwaroff and
Kutusoff Islands, which he had discovered a few months before. On the
1st January, 1817, he sighted Miadi Island, to which he gave the name
of New Year's Island. Four days later he discovered a chain of little
low wooded islands set in a framework of reefs, through which the
vessel could scarcely make its way.
Just at first the natives ran away at the sight of Lieutenant
Schischmaroff, but they soon came back with branches in their hands,
shouting out the word _aidara_ (friend). The officer repeated this word
and gave them a few nails in return, for which the Russians received
the collars and flowers worn as neck-ornaments by the natives.
This exchange of courtesies emboldened the rest of the islanders to
appear, and throughout the stay of the Russians in this archipelago
these friendly demonstrations and enthusiastic but guarded greetings
were continued. One native, Rarik by name, was particularly cordial to
the Russians, whom he informed that the name of his island and of the
chain of islets and _attolls_[2] connected with it was Otdia. In
acknowledgment of the cordial reception of the natives, Kotzebue left
with them a cock and hen, and planted in a garden laid out under his
orders a quantity of seeds, in the hope that they would thrive; but in
this he did not make allowance for the number of rats which swarmed
upon these islands and wrought havoc in his plantations.
[Footnote 2: Attolls are coral islands like circular belts surrounding
a smooth lagoon.--_Trans._]
On the 6th February, after ascertaining from what he was told by a
chief named Languediak, that these sparsely populated islands were of
recent formation, Kotzebue put to sea again, having first christened
the archipelago Romantzoff.
The next day a group of islets, on which only three inhabitants were
found, had its name of Eregup changed to that of Tchitschakoff, and
then an enthusiastic reception was given to Kotzebue on the Kawen
Islands by the tamon or chief. Every native here feted the new-comers,
some by their silence--like the queen forbidden by etiquette to answer
the speeches made to her--some by their dances, cries, and songs, in
which the name of Totabou (Kotzebue) was constantly repeated. The chief
himself came to fetch Kotzebue in a canoe, and carried him on his
shoulders through the breakers to the beach.
In the Aur group the navigator noticed amongst a crowd of natives who
climbed on to the vessel, two natives whose faces and tattooing seemed
to mark them as of alien race. One of them, Kadu by name, especially
pleased the commander, who gave him some bits of iron, and Kotzebue was
surprised that he did not receive them with the same pleasure as his
companions. This was explained the same evening. When all the natives
were leaving the vessel, Kadu earnestly begged to be allowed to remain
on the _Rurik_, and never again to leave it. The commander only yielded
to his wishes after a great deal of persuasion.
"Kadu," says Kotzebue, "had scarcely obtained permission, when he
turned quickly to his comrades, who were waiting for him, declared to
them his intention of remaining on board the ship, and distributed his
iron among the chiefs. The astonishment in the boats was beyond
description: they tried in vain to shake his resolution; he was
immovable. At last his friend Edock came back, spoke long and seriously
to him, and when he found that his persuasion was of no avail, he
attempted to drag him by force; but Kadu now used the right of the
strongest, he pushed his friend from him, and the boats sailed off. His
resolution being inexplicable to me, I conceived a notion that he
perhaps intended to steal during the night, and privately to leave the
ship, and therefore had the night-watch doubled, and his bed made up
close to mine on the deck, where I slept, on account of the heat. Kadu
felt greatly honoured to sleep close to the tamon of the ship."
Born at Ulle, one of the Caroline Islands, more than 300 miles from the
group where he was now living, Kadu, with Edok and two other
fellow-countrymen, had been overtaken, when fishing, by a violent
storm. For eight months the poor fellows were at the mercy of the winds
and currents on a sea now smooth, now rough. They had never throughout
this time been without fish, but they had suffered the cruelest
tortures from thirst. When their stock of rain-water, which they had
used very sparingly, was exhausted, there was nothing left to them to
do but to fling themselves into the sea and try to obtain at the bottom
of the ocean some water less impregnated with salt, which they brought
to the surface in cocoa-nut shells pierced with a small opening. When
they reached the Aur Islands, even the sight of land and the immediate
prospect of safety did not rouse them from the state of prostration
into which they had sunk.
The sight of the iron instruments in the canoe of the strangers led the
people of Aur to decide on their massacre for the sake of their
treasures; but the tamon, Tigedien by name, took them under his
protection.
Three years had passed since this event, and the men from the Caroline
Islands, thanks to their more extended knowledge, soon acquired a
certain ascendancy over their hosts.
When the _Rurik_ appeared, Kadu was in the woods a long way from the
coast. He was sent for at once, as he was looked upon as a great
traveller, and he might perhaps be able to say what the great monster
approaching the island was. Now Kadu had more than once seen European
vessels, and he persuaded his friends to go and meet the strangers, and
to receive them kindly.
Such had been Kadu's adventures. He now remained on the _Rurik_,
identified the other islands of the Archipelago, and lost no time in
facilitating intercourse between the Russians and the natives. Dressed
in a yellow mantle, and wearing a red cap like a convict, Kadu looked
down upon his old friends, and seemed not to recognize them. When a
fine old man with a flowing beard, named Tigedien, came on board, Kadu
undertook to explain to him and his companions the working of the
vessel and the use of everything about the ship. Like many Europeans,
he made up for his ignorance by imperturbable assurance, and had an
answer ready for every question.
Interrogated on the subject of a little box from which a sailor took a
black powder and applied it to his nostrils, Kadu glibly told some most
extraordinary stories, and wound up with a practical illustration by
putting the box against his own nose. He then flung it from him,
sneezing violently and screaming so loud that his terrified friends
fled away on every side; but when the crisis was over he managed to
turn the incident to his own advantage.
Kadu gave Kotzebue some general information about the group of islands
then under examination, and the Russians spent a month in taking
surveys, &c. All these islands, which the natives call Radack, were
under the control of one tamon, a man named Lamary. A few years later
Dumont d'Urville gave the name of Marshall to the group. According to
Kadu, another chain of islets, attolls, and reefs was situated some
little distance off on the west.
Kotzebue had not time to identify them, and steering in a northerly
direction he reached Ounalashka on the 24th April, where he had to
repair the serious damage sustained by the _Rurik_ in two violent
storms. This done, he took on board some baidares (boats cased in skins
to make them water-tight), with fifteen natives of the Aleutian
Islands, who were used to the navigation of the Polar seas, and resumed
his exploration of Behring Strait.
Kotzebue had suffered very much from pain in his chest ever since when,
doubling Cape Horn, he had been knocked down by a huge wave and flung
overboard, an accident which would have cost him his life had he not
clung to some rope. The consequences were so serious to his health that
when, on the 10th July, he landed on the island of St. Lawrence, he was
obliged to give up the further prosecution of his researches.
On the 1st October the _Rurik_ made a second short halt at the Sandwich
Islands where seeds and animals were landed, and at the end of the
month the explorers landed at Otdia in the midst of the enthusiastic
acclamations of the natives. The cats brought by the visitors were
welcomed with special enthusiasm, for the island was infested with
immense numbers of rats, who worked havoc on the plantations. Great
also was the rejoicing over the return of Kadu, with whom the Russians
left an assortment of tools and weapons, which made their owner the
wealthiest inhabitant of the archipelago.
[Illustration: Interior of a house at Radak. (Fac-simile of early
engraving.)]
On the 4th November the _Rurik_ left the Radak Islands, after
identifying the Legiep group, and cast anchor off Guam, one of the
Marianne islands, where she remained until the end of the month. A halt
of some weeks at Manilla enabled the commander to collect some curious
information about the Philippine Islands, to which he would have to
return later.
After escaping from the violent storms encountered in doubling the Cape
of Good Hope, the _Rurik_ cast anchor on the 3rd August, 1818, in the
Neva, opposite Count Romantzoff's palace.
These three years of absence had been turned to good account by the
hardy navigators. In spite of the smallness of their number and the
poverty of their equipments, they had not been afraid to face the
terrors of the deep, to venture amongst all but unknown archipelagoes,
or to brave the rigours of the Arctic and Torrid zones. Important as
were their actual discoveries, their rectification of the errors of
their predecessors were of yet greater value. Two thousand five hundred
species of plants, one third of which were quite new, with numerous
details respecting the language, ethnography, religion, and customs of
the tribes visited, formed a rich harvest attesting the zeal, skill,
and knowledge of the captain as well as the intrepidity and endurance
of his crew.
When, therefore, the Russian government decided, in 1823, to send
reinforcements to Kamtchatka to put an end to the contraband trade
carried on in Russian America, the command of the expedition was given
to Kotzebue. A frigate called the _Predpriatie_ was placed at his
disposal, and he was left free to choose his own route both going and
returning.
Kotzebue had gone round the world as a midshipman with Kruzenstern, and
that explorer now entrusted to him his eldest son, as did also Moller,
the Minister of Marine, a proof of the great confidence both fathers
placed in him.
The expedition left Cronstadt on the 15th August, 1823, reached Rio
Janeiro in safety, doubled Cape Horn on the 15th January, 1824, and
steered for the Pomautou Archipelago, where Predpriatie Island was
discovered and the islands of Araktschejews, Romantzoff, Carlshoff, and
Palliser were identified. On the 14th March anchor was cast in the
harbour of Matavar, Otaheite.
[Illustration: View of Otaheite.]
Since Cook's stay in this archipelago a complete transformation had
taken place in the manners and customs of the inhabitants.
In 1799 some missionaries settled in Otaheite, where they remained for
ten years, unfortunately without making a single conversion, and we add
with regret without even winning the esteem or respect of the natives.
Compelled at the end of these ten years, in consequence of the
revolutions which convulsed Otaheite, to take refuge at Eimeo and other
islands of the same group, their efforts were there crowned with more
success. In 1817, Pomare, king of Otaheite, recalled the missionaries,
made them a grant of land, and declared himself a convert to
Christianity. His example was soon followed by a considerable number of
natives.
Kotzebue had heard of this change, but he was not prepared to find
European customs generally adopted.
At the sound of the discharge announcing the arrival of the Russians, a
boat, bearing the Otaheitian flag, put off from shore, bringing a pilot
to guide the _Predpriatie_ to its anchorage.
The next day, which happened to be Sunday, the Russians were surprised
at the religious silence which prevailed throughout the island when
they landed. This silence was only broken by the sound of canticles and
psalms sung by the natives in their huts.
The church, a plain, clean building of rectangular form, roofed with
reeds and approached by a long avenue of palms, was well filled with an
attentive, orderly congregation, the men sitting on one side, the women
on the other, all with prayer-books in their hands. The voices of the
neophytes often joined in the chant of the missionaries, unfortunately
with better will than correctness or appropriateness.
If the piety of the islanders was edifying, the costumes worn by these
strange converts were such as somewhat to distract the attention of the
visitors. A black coat or the waistcoat of an English uniform was the
only garment worn by some, whilst others contented themselves with a
jacket, a shirt, or a pair of trousers. The most fortunate were wrapped
in cloth mantles, and rich and poor alike dispensed with shoes and
stockings.
The women were no less grotesquely clad. Some wore men's shirts, white
or striped as the case might be, others a mere piece of cloth; but all
had European hats. The wives of the Areois[3] wore coloured robes, a
piece of great extravagance, but with them the dress formed the whole
costume.
[Footnote 3: The Areois are a curious vagrant set of people, who have
been found in these regions, who practise the singular and fatal custom
of killing their children at birth, because of a traditional law
binding them to do so.--_Trans._]
On the Monday a most imposing ceremony took place. This was the visit
to Kotzebue of the queen-mother and the royal family. These great
people were preceded by a master of ceremonies, who was a sort of court
fool wearing nothing but a red waistcoat, and with his legs tattooed to
represent striped trousers, whilst on the lower portion of his back was
described a quadrant divided into minute sections. He performed his
absurd capers, contortions, and grimaces with a gravity infinitely
amusing.
The queen regent carried the little king Pomare III. in her arms, and
beside her walked his sister, a pretty child of ten years old. The
royal infant was dressed in European style, like his subjects, and like
them, he wore nothing on his feet. At the request of the ministers and
great people of Otaheite, Kotzebue had a pair of boots made for him,
which he was to wear on the day of his coronation.
Great were the shouts of joy, the gestures of delight, and the envious
exclamations over the trifles distributed amongst the ladies of the
court, and fierce were the struggles for the smallest shreds of the
imitation gold lace given away.
What important matter could have brought so many men on to the deck of
the frigate, bearing with them quantities of fruits and figs? These
eager messengers were the husbands of the disappointed ladies of
Otaheite who had not been present at the division of the gold lace more
valuable in their eyes than rivers of diamonds in those of Europeans.
At the end of ten days, Kotzebue decided to leave this strange country,
where civilization and barbarism flourished side by side in a manner so
fraternal, and steered for the Samoa Archipelago, notorious for the
massacre of the companions of La Perouse.
How great was the difference between the Samoans and the Otaheitians!
Wild and fierce, suspicious and threatening, the natives of Rose Island
could scarcely be kept off the deck of the _Predpriatie_, and one of
them at the sight of the bare arm of a sailor made a savage and
eloquent gesture showing with what pleasure he could devour the firm
and doubtless savoury flesh displayed to view.
The insolence of the natives increased with the arrival of more canoes
from the shore, and they had to be beaten back with boathooks before
the _Predpriatie_ could get away from amongst the frail boats of the
ferocious islanders.
Upolu or Oyalava, Platte and Pola or Savai Islands, which with Rose
Island form part of the Navigator or Samoan group, were passed almost
as soon as they were sighted; and Kotzebue steered for the Radak
Islands, where he had been so kindly received on his first voyage. This
time, however, the natives were terrified at sight of the huge vessel,
and piled up their canoes or fled into the interior, whilst on the
beach a procession was formed, a number of islanders with palm branches
in their hands advancing to meet the intruders and beg for peace.
At this sight, Kotzebue flung himself into a boat with the surgeon
Eschscholtz, and rowing rapidly towards the shore, shouted: "Totabou
aidara" (Kotzebue, friend). An immediate change was the result; the
petitions the natives were going to address to the Russians were
converted into shouts and enthusiastic demonstrations of delight, some
rushing forwards to welcome their friend, others running over to
announce his arrival to their fellow-countrymen.
The commander was very pleased to find that Kadu was still living at
Aur, under the protection of Lamary, whose countenance he had secured
at the price of half his wealth.
Of all the animals left here by Kotzebue, the cats, now become wild
alone, had survived, and thus far they had not destroyed the legions of
rats with which the island was overrun.
The explorer remained several days with his friends, whom he
entertained with dramatic representations; and on the 6th May he made
for the Legiep group, the examination of which he had left uncompleted
on his last voyage. After surveying it, he intended to resume his
exploration of the Radak Islands, but bad weather prevented this, and
he had to set sail for Kamtchatka.
The crew here enjoyed the rest so fully earned, from the 7th June to
the 20th July, when Kotzebue set sail for New Archangel on the American
coast, where he cast anchor on the 7th August.
The frigate, which was here to take the place of the _Predpriatie_, was
not however ready for sea until the 1st March of the following year,
and Kotzebue turned the delay to account by visiting the Sandwich
Islands, where he cast anchor off Waihou in December, 1824.
The harbour of Hono-kourou or Honolulu is the safest of the
archipelago; a good many vessels therefore put in there even at this
early date, and the island of Waihou bid fair to become the most
important of the group, supplanting Hawaii or Owhyee. The appearance of
the town was already semi-European, stone houses replaced the primitive
native huts, regular streets with shops, cafe, public-houses, much
patronized by the sailors of whalers and fur-traders, together with a
fortress provided with cannon, were the most noteworthy signs of the
rapid transformation of the manners and customs of the natives.
Fifty years had now elapsed since the discovery of most of the islands
of Oceania, and everywhere changes had taken place as sudden as those
in the Sandwich Islands.
"The fur trade," says Desborough Cooley, carried on with the north-west
coast of America, "has effected a wonderful revolution in the Sandwich
Islands, which from their situation offered an advantageous shelter for
ships engaged in it. Among these islands the fur-traders wintered,
refitted their vessels, and replenished their stock of fresh
provisions; and, as summer approached, returned to complete their cargo
on the coast of America. Iron tools and, above all, guns were eagerly
sought for by the islanders in exchange for their provisions; and the
mercenery traders, regardless of consequences, readily gratified their
desires. Fire-arms and ammunition being the most profitable stock to
traffic with were supplied them in abundance. Hence the Sandwich
islanders soon became formidable to their visitors; they seized on
several small vessels, and displayed an energy tinctured at first with
barbarity, but indicating great capabilities of social improvement. At
this period, one of those extraordinary characters which seldom fail to
come forth when fate is charged with great events, completed the
revolution, which had its origin in the impulse of Europeans.
Tame-tame-hah, a chief, who had made himself conspicuous during the
last and unfortunate visit of Cook to those islands, usurped the
authority of king, subdued the neighbouring islands with an army of
16,000 men, and made his conquests subservient to his grand schemes of
improvement. He knew the superiority of Europeans, and was proud to
imitate them. Already, in 1796, when Captain Broughton visited those
islands, the usurper sent to ask him whether he should salute him with
great guns. He always kept Englishmen about him as ministers and
advisers. In 1817, he is said to have had an army of 7000 men, armed
with muskets, among whom were at least fifty Europeans. Tame-tame-hah,
who began his career in blood and usurpation, lived to gain the sincere
love and admiration of his subjects, who regarded him as more than
human, and mourned his death with tears of warmer affection than often
bedew the ashes of royalty."
[Illustration: One of the guard of the King of the Sandwich Islands.
(Fac-simile of early engraving.)]
Such was the state of things when the Russian expedition put in at
Waihou. The young king Rio-Rio was in England with his wife, and the
government of the archipelago was in the hands of the queen-mother,
Kaahou Manou.
Kotzebue took advantage of the latter and of the first minister both
being absent on a neighbouring island, to pay a visit to another wife
of Kamea-Mea.
"The apartment," says the traveller, "was furnished in the European
fashion, with chairs, tables, and looking-glasses. In one corner stood
an immensely large bed with silk curtains; the floor was covered with
fine mats, and on these, in the middle of the room, lay Nomahanna,
extended on her stomach, her head turned towards the door, and her arms
supported on a silk pillow.... Nomahanna, who appeared at the utmost
not more than forty years old, was exactly six feet two inches high,
and rather more than two ells in circumference.... Her coal-black hair
was neatly plaited, at the top of a head as round as a ball; her flat
nose and thick projecting lips were certainly not very handsome, yet
was her countenance on the whole prepossessing and agreeable."
The "good lady" remembered having seen Kotzebue ten years before. She,
therefore, received him graciously, but she could not speak of her
husband without tears in her eyes, and her grief did not appear to be
assumed. In order that the date of his death should be ever-present to
her mind she had had the inscription 6th May, 1819, branded on her arm.
A zealous Christian, like most of the population, the queen took
Kotzebue to the church, a vast but simple building, not nearly so
crowded as that at Otaheite. Nomahanna seemed to be very intelligent,
she knew how to read and was specially enthusiastic about writing, that
art which connects us with the absent. Being anxious to give the
commander a proof alike of her affection and of her acquirements she
sent him a letter by hand which it had taken her several weeks to
concoct.
The other ladies did not like to be outdone, and Kotzebue found himself
overwhelmed with documents. The only means to check this epistolatory
inundation was to weigh anchor, which the captain did without loss of
time.
Before his departure he received queen Nomahanna on board. Her Majesty
appeared in her robes of ceremony, consisting of a magnificent
peach-coloured silk dress embroidered with black, evidently originally
made for a European, and consequently too tight and too short for its
wearer. People could, therefore, see not only the feet, beside which
those of Charlemagne would have looked like a Chinaman's, and which
were cased in huge men's boots, but also a pair of fat, brown, naked
legs resembling the balustrades of a terrace. A collar of red and
yellow feathers, a garland of natural flowers, serving as a gorget, and
a hat of Leghorn straw, trimmed with artificial flowers, completed this
fine but absurd costume.
Nomahanna went over the ship, asking questions about everything, and at
last, worn out with seeing so many wonders, betook herself to the
captain's cabin, where a good collation was spread for her. The queen
flung herself upon a couch, but the fragile article of furniture was
unable to sustain so much majesty, and gave way beneath the weight of a
princess, whose _embonpoint_ had doubtless had a good deal to do with
her elevation to such high rank.
After this halt Kotzebue returned to New Archangel, where he remained
until the 30th July, 1825. He then paid another visit to the Sandwich
Islands a short time after Admiral Byron had brought back the remains
of the king and queen. The archipelago was then at peace, its
prosperity was continually on the increase, the influence of the
missionaries was confirmed, and the education of the young monarch was
in the hands of Missionary Bingham. The inhabitants were deeply touched
by the honours accorded by the English to the remains of their
sovereigns, and the day seemed to be not far distant when European
customs would completely supersede those of the natives.
Some provisions having been embarked at Waihou, the explorer made for
Radak Islands, identified the Pescadores, forming the southern
extremity of that chain, discovered the Eschscholtz group, a short
distance off, and touched at Guam on the 15th October. On the 23rd
January, 1826, he left Manilla after a stay of some months, during
which constant intercourse with the natives had enabled him to add
greatly to our knowledge of the geography and natural history of the
Philippine islands. A new Spanish governor had arrived with a large
reinforcement of troops, and had so completely crushed all agitation
that the colonists had quite given up their scheme of separating
themselves from Spain.
On the 10th July, 1826, the _Predpriatie_ returned to Cronstadt, after
a voyage extending over three years, during which she had visited the
north-west coast of America, the Aleutian Islands, Kamtchatka, and the
Sea of Oktoksh; surveyed minutely a great part of the Radak Islands,
and obtained fresh information on the changes through which the people
of Oceania were passing. Thanks to the ardour of Chamisso and Professor
Eschscholtz, many specimens of natural history had been collected, and
the latter published a description of more than 2000 animals, as well
as some curious details on the mode of formation of the Coral islands
in the South Seas.
The English government had now resumed with eagerness the study of the
tantalizing problem, the solution of which had been sought so long in
vain. We allude to the finding of the north-west passage. When Parry by
sea and Franklin by land were trying to reach Behring Strait, Captain
Frederick William Beechey received instructions to penetrate as far
north as possible by way of the same strait so as to meet the other
explorers, who would doubtless arrive in a state of exhaustion from
fatigue and privation.
The _Blossom_, Captain Beechey commander, set sail from Spithead on the
19th May, 1825, and after doubling Cape Horn on the 26th December,
entered the Pacific Ocean. After a short stay off the coast of Chili,
Beechey visited Easter Island, where the same incidents which had
marked Kotzebue's visit were repeated. The same eager reception on the
part of the natives, who swam to the _Blossom_ or brought their paltry
merchandise to it in canoes, and the same shower of stones and blows
from clubs when the English landed, repulsed, as in the Russian
explorer's time, with a rapid discharge of shot.
On the 4th December, Captain Beechey sighted an island completely
overgrown with vegetation. This was the spot famous for the discovery
on it of the descendants of the mutineers of the _Bounty_, who landed
on it after the enactment of a tragedy, which at the end of last
century had excited intense public interest in England.
In 1781 Lieutenant Bligh, one of the officers who had distinguished
himself under Cook, was appointed to the command of the _Bounty_, and
received orders to go to Otaheite, there to obtain specimens of the
breadfruit-tree and other of its vegetable productions for
transportation to the Antilles, then generally known amongst the
English as the Western Indies. After doubling Cape Horn, Bligh cast
anchor in the Bay of Matavai, where he shipped a cargo of
breadfruit-trees, proceeding thence to Ramouka, one of the Tonga Isles,
for more of the same valuable growth. Thus far no special incident
marked the course of the voyage, which seemed likely to end happily.
But the haughty character and stern, despotic manners of the commander
had alienated from him the affections of nearly the whole of his crew.
A plot was formed against him which was carried out before sunrise on
the 28th April, off Tofona.
Surprised by the mutineers whilst still in bed, Bligh was bound and
gagged before he could defend himself, and dragged on deck in his
night-shirt, and after a mock trial, presided over by Lieutenant
Christian Fletcher, he, with eighteen men who remained faithful to him,
was lowered into a boat containing a few provisions, and abandoned in
the open sea.
After enduring agonies of hunger and thirst, and escaping from terrible
storms and from the teeth of the savage natives of Tofona, Bligh
succeeded in reaching Timor Island, where he received an enthusiastic
welcome.
"I now desired my people to come on shore," says Bligh, "which was as
much as some of them could do, being scarce able to walk; they,
however, were helped to the house, and found tea with bread and butter
provided for their breakfast.... Our bodies were nothing but skin and
bones, our limbs were full of sores, and we were clothed in rags; in
this condition, with the tears of joy and gratitude flowing down our
cheeks, the people of Timor beheld us with a mixture of horror,
surprise, and pity.... Thus, through the assistance of Divine
Providence, we surmounted the difficulties and distresses of a most
perilous voyage."
Perilous, indeed, for it had lasted no less than forty-one days in
latitudes but little known, in an open boat, with insufficient food,
want and exposure causing infinite suffering. Yet in this voyage of
more than 1500 leagues but one man was lost, a sailor who fell a victim
at the beginning of the journey to the natives of Tofona.
The fate of the mutineers was strange, and more than one lesson may be
learnt from it.
They made for Otaheite, where provisions were obtained, and those who
had been least active in the mutiny were abandoned, and thence
Christian set sail with eight sailors, who elected to remain with him,
and some twenty-two natives, men and women from Otaheite and Toubonai.
Nothing more was heard of them!
As for those who remained at Otaheite, they were taken prisoners in
1791 by Captain Edwards of the _Pandora_, sent out by the English
Government in search of them and the other mutineers, with orders to
bring them to England. Of the ten who were brought home by the
_Pandora_, only three were condemned to death.
Twenty years passed by before the slightest light was thrown on the
fate of Christian and those he took with him.
In 1808 an American trading-vessel touched at Pitcairn, there to
complete her cargo of seal-skins. The captain imagined the island to be
uninhabited, but to his very great surprise a canoe presently
approached his ship manned by three young men of colour, who spoke
English very well. Greatly astonished, the commander questioned them,
and learnt that their father had served under Bligh.
The fate of the latter was now known to the whole world, and its
discussion had lightened the tedious hours in the forecastles of
vessels of every nationality, and the American captain, reminded by the
singular incident related above of the disappearance of so many of the
mutineers of the _Bounty_, landed on the island, where he met an
Englishman named Smith, who had belonged to the crew of that vessel,
and who made the following confession.
When he left Otaheite, Christian made direct for Pitcairn, attracted to
it by its lonely situation, south of the Pomautou Islands, and out of
the general track of vessels. After landing the provisions of the
_Bounty_ and taking away all the fittings which could be of any use,
the mutineers burnt the vessel not only with a view to removing all
trace of their whereabouts, but also to prevent the escape of any of
their number.
From the first the sight of the extensive marshes led them to believe
the island to be uninhabited, and they were soon convinced of the
justice of this opinion. Huts were built and land was cleared; but the
English charitably assigned to the natives, whom they had carried off
or who had elected to join them, the position of slaves. Two years
passed by without any serious dissensions arising, but at the end of
that time the natives laid a plot against the whites, of which,
however, the latter were informed by an Otaheitan woman, and the two
leaders paid for their abortive attempt with their lives.
Two more years of peace and tranquillity ensued, and then another plot
was laid, this time resulting in the massacre of Christian and five of
his comrades. The murder, however, was avenged by the native women, who
mourned for their English lovers and killed the surviving men of
Otaheite.
A little later the discovery of a plant, from which a kind of brandy
could be made, caused the death of one of the four Englishmen still
remaining, another was murdered by his companions, a third died a
natural death, and the last one, Smith, took the name of Adams and
lived on at the head of a community, consisting of ten women and
nineteen children, the eldest of whom were but seven or eight years
old.
This man, who had reflected on his errors and repented of them, now led
a new life, fulfilling the duties of father, priest, and sovereign, his
combined firmness and justice acquiring for him an all-powerful
influence over his motley subjects.
This strange teacher of morality, who in his youth had set all laws at
defiance, and to whom no obligation was sacred, now preached pity,
love, and sympathy, arranged regular marriages between the children of
different parents, his little community thriving lustily under the mild
yet firm control of one who had but lately turned from his own evil
ways.
Such at the time of Beechey's arrival was the state of the colony at
Pitcairn. The navigator, well received by the inhabitants, whose
virtuous conduct recalled the golden age, remained amongst them
eighteen days. The village consisted of clean, well-built huts,
surrounded by pandanus and cocoa-palms; the fields were well
cultivated, and under Adams' tuition the young people had made
implements of agriculture of really extraordinary excellence. The faces
of these half breeds were good-looking and pleasant in expression, and
their figures were well-proportioned, showing unusual muscular
development.
[Illustration: "The village consisted of clean, well-built huts."]
After leaving Pitcairn, Beechey visited Crescent, Gambier, Hood,
Clermont, Tonnerre, Serles, Whitsunday, Queen-Charlotte, Tehai, and the
Lancer Islands, all in the Pomautou group, and an islet to which he
gave the name of Byam-Martin.
Here the explorer met a native named Ton-Wari, who had been shipwrecked
in a storm. Having left Anaa with 500 fellow-countrymen in three canoes
to render homage to Pomare III., who had just ascended the throne,
Ton-Wari had been driven out of his course by westerly winds. These
were succeeded by variable breezes, and provisions were soon so
completely exhausted that the survivors had to feed on the bodies of
those who were the first to succumb. Finally Ton-Wari arrived at Barrow
Island in the centre of the Dangerous Archipelago, where he obtained a
small stock of provisions, and after a long delay, his canoe having
been stove in off Byam-Martin, once more put to sea.
Beechey yielded under considerable persuasion to Ton-Wari's entreaty to
be received on board with his wife and children and taken to Otaheite.
The next day, by one of those strange chances seldom occurring except
in fiction, Beechey stopped at Heion, where Ton-Wari met his brother,
who had supposed him to be long since dead. After the first transports
of delight and surprise the two natives sat down side by side, and
holding each others hands related their several adventures.
Beechey left Heion on the 10th February, sighted Melville and Croker
Islands, and cast anchor on the 18th off Otaheite, where he had some
difficulty in obtaining provisions. The natives now demanded good
Chilian dollars and European clothing, both of which were altogether
wanting on the _Blossom_.
After receiving a visit from the queen-mother, Beechey was invited to a
_soiree_ given in his honour in the palace at Papeiti. When the English
arrived, however, they found everybody sound asleep, the hostess having
forgotten all about her invitation, and gone to bed earlier than usual.
She received her guests none the less cordially however, and organized
a little dance in spite of the remonstrances of the missionaries; only
the _fete_ had to be conducted so to speak in silence, that the noise
might not reach the ears of the police on duty on the beach. From this
incident we can guess the amount of liberty the missionary Pritchard
allowed to the most exalted personages of Otaheite. What must the
discipline then have been for the common herd of the natives!
On the 3rd April the young king paid a visit to Beechey, who gave him,
on behalf of the Admiralty, a fine fowling-piece. Very friendly was the
intercourse which ensued, and the good influence the English
missionaries had obtained was strengthened by the cordiality and tact
of the ship's officers.
Leaving Otaheite on the 26th April, Beechey reached the Sandwich
Islands, where he remained some ten days, and then set sail for Behring
Strait and the Arctic Ocean. His instructions were to skirt along the
North American coast as far as the state of the ice would permit. The
_Blossom_ made a halt in Kotzebue Bay, a desolate, forbidding, and
inhospitable spot, where the English had several interviews with the
natives without obtaining any information about Franklin and his
people. At last Beechey sent forward one of the ship's boats, under
command of Lieutenant Elson, to seek the intrepid explorer. Elson was,
however, unable to pass Point Barrow (N. lat. 71 degrees 23 minutes)
and was compelled to return to the _Blossom_, which in her turn was
driven back to the entrance of the strait by the ice on the 13th
October, the weather being clear and the frost of extreme severity.
In order to turn to account the winter season, Beechey visited San
Francisco and cast anchor yet again off Honolulu in the Sandwich
Islands. Thanks to the liberal and enlightened policy of the
government, this archipelago was now rapidly growing in prosperity. The
number of houses had increased, the town was gradually acquiring a
European appearance, the harbour was frequented by numerous English and
American vessels, and a national navy numbering five brigs and eight
schooners had sprung into being. Agriculture was in a flourishing
condition; coffee, tea, spices, were cultivated in extensive
plantations, and efforts were being made to utilize the luxuriant
sugar-cane forests native to the archipelago.
After a stay in April at the mouth of the Canton River, the explorers
surveyed the Liu-Kiu archipelago, a chain of islands connecting Japan
with Formosa, and the Bonin-Sima group, districts in which no animals
were seen but big green turtles.
This exploration over, the _Blossom_ resumed her northerly course, but
the atmospheric conditions were less favourable than before, and it was
impossible this time to penetrate further than N. lat. 70 degrees 40
minutes. Beechey left provisions, clothes, and instructions on the
coast in this neighbourhood in case Parry or Franklin should get as
far. The explorer then cruised about until the 6th October, when he
decided with the greatest regret to return to England. He touched at
Monterey, San Francisco, San-Blas, and Valparaiso, doubled Cape Horn,
cast anchor at Rio de Janeiro, and finally arrived off Spithead on the
21st October.
[Illustration: A Morai at Kayakakoua. (Fac-simile of early engraving.)]
We must now give an account of the expedition of the Russian Captain
Lutke, which was fruitful of most important results. The explorer's own
relation of his adventures is written in a most amusing and spirited
style, and from it we shall therefore quote largely.
The _Seniavine_ and the _Moller_ were two transport ships built in
Russia, both of which were good sea-going boats. The latter, however,
was a very slow sailer, which unfortunately kept the two vessels apart
for the greater part of the voyage. Lutke commanded the _Seniavine_,
and Stanioukowitch the _Moller_.
The two vessels set sail from Cronstadt on the 1st September, 1828, and
touched at Copenhagen and Plymouth, where scientific instruments were
purchased. Hardly had they left the Channel before they were separated.
The _Seniavine_, whose movements we shall most particularly follow,
touched at Teneriffe, where Lutke hoped to meet his consort.
From the 4th to the 8th November, Teneriffe had been devastated by a
terrific storm such as had not been seen since the Conquest. Three
vessels had perished in the very roadstead of Santa Cruz, and two
others thrown upon the coast had gone to pieces. Torrents swollen by a
tremendous downpour had destroyed gardens, walls, and buildings, laid
waste plantations, all but demolished one fort, swept down a number of
houses in the town, and rendered several streets impassable. Three or
four hundred persons had met their deaths in this convulsion of nature,
and the damage done was estimated at several millions of piastres.
In January the two vessels met again at Rio de Janeiro, and kept
together as far as Cape Horn, where they encountered the usual storms
and fogs, and were again separated. The _Seniavine_ then made for
Conception.
"On the 15th May," says Lutke, "we were not more than eight miles from
the nearest coast, but a dense fog hid it from us. In the night this
fog lifted, and at daybreak a scene of indescribable grandeur and
magnificence met our eyes. The serrated chain of the Andes, with its
pointed peaks, stood out against an azure blue sky lit up by the first
rays of the morning sun. I will not add to the number of those who have
exhausted themselves in vain efforts to transmit to others their own
sensations at the first sight of such scenes. They are as indescribable
as the majesty of the scene itself. The variety of the colours, the
light, which as the sun rose gradually spread over the sky, and the
clouds were alike of inimitable beauty. To our great regret this
spectacle, like everything most sublime in nature, did not last long.
As the atmosphere became flooded with light the huge masses of clouds
seemed with one accord to plunge into the deep, and the sun, appearing
above the horizon, removed every trace of them."
Lutke's opinion of Conception does not agree with that of some of his
predecessors. He had not yet forgotten the exuberant richness of the
vegetation of the Bay of Rio de Janeiro, so that he found this new
coast poor. As far as he could judge, during a very short stay, the
inhabitants were more affable and civilized than the people of the same
class in many other countries.
When he reached Valparaiso, Lutke met the _Moller_ setting sail for
Kamtchatka. The crews bid each other good-bye, and thenceforth the two
vessels took different directions.
The first excursion of the officers and naturalists of Lutke's party
was to the celebrated "quebradas."
"These," says the explorer, "are ravines in the mountains, crowded so
to speak with the little huts containing the greater part of the people
of Valparaiso. The most densely populated of these 'quebradas' is that
rising at the south-west corner of the town. The granite, which is
there laid bare, serves as a strong foundation for the buildings, and
protects them from the destructive effects of earthquakes.
Communication between the town and the different houses is carried on
by means of narrow paths without supports or steps, which are carried
along the slopes of the rocks, and on which the children play and run
about like chamois. The few houses here belong to foreigners. Little
paths lead up to them, and some have steps, which the Chilians look
upon as a superfluous and altogether useless luxury. A staircase of
tiled or palm-branch roofs below and above an amphitheatre of gates and
gardens present a curious spectacle. At first I kept up with the
naturalists, but they presently brought me to a place where I could not
advance or retire a step, which decided me to return with one of my
officers, and to leave them there with a hearty wish that they might
bring their heads back safely to our lodgings. As for myself I expected
to lose mine a thousand times before I got down again."
On their return from an arduous excursion, a few leagues from
Valparaiso, the marines were astonished at being arrested as they rode
into the town, by a patrol, who in spite of their remonstrances
compelled them to dismount.
"It was Holy Thursday," says Lutke, "and from that day to Holy Saturday
no one is here permitted under pain of a severe penalty either to ride,
sing, dance, play on any instrument, or wear a hat. All business, work,
and amusement are strictly forbidden during that time. The hill in the
centre of the town with the theatre upon it is converted for the time
being into a Golgotha. In the centre of a railed-in space rises a
crucifix with numerous tapers and flowers about it and female figures
kneeling on either side representing the witnesses of the Passion of
our Lord. Pious souls come here to obtain absolution from their sins by
loud prayers. I saw none but female penitents, not a single man was
there amongst them. Most of them were doubtless very certain of
obtaining the divine favour, for they came up playing and laughing,
only assuming a contrite air when close to the object of their
devotion, before which they knelt for a few minutes, resuming their
pranks and laughter again directly they turned away."
The intolerance and superstition met with by the visitors at every turn
made the explorer reflect deeply. He regretted seeing so much force and
so many resources which might have promoted the intellectual progress
and material prosperity of the country wasted on perpetual revolutions.
To Lutke nothing less resembled a valley of Paradise than Valparaiso
and its environs: rugged mountains, broken by deep _quebradas_, a sandy
plain, in the centre of which rises the town, with the lofty heights of
the Andes in the background, do not, strictly speaking, form an Eden.
The traces of the terrible earthquake of 1823 were not yet entirely
effaced, and here and there large spaces covered with ruins were still
to be seen.
On the 15th April, the _Seniavine_ set sail for New Archangel, where
she arrived on the 24th June, after a voyage unmarked by any special
incident. The necessity for repairing the effects of the wear and tear
of a voyage of ten months, and of disembarking the provisions for the
company of which the _Seniavine_ was the bearer, detained Captain Lutke
in the Bay of Sitka for five weeks.
This part of the coast of North America presents a wild but picturesque
appearance. Lofty mountains clothed to their very peaks with dense and
gloomy forests form the background of the picture. At the entrance of
the bay rises Mount Edgecumbe, an extinct volcano 2800 feet above the
sea-level. On entering the bay the visitor finds himself in a labyrinth
of islands, behind which rise the fortress, towers, and church of New
Archangel, which consists of but one row of houses with gardens, a
hospital, a timber-yard, and outside the palisades a large village of
Kaloche Indians. At this time the population consisted of a mixture of
Russians, Creoles, and Aleutians, numbering some 800 altogether, of
whom three-eighths were in the service of the company. This population,
however, fluctuates very much according to the season. In the summer
almost every one is away at the chase, and no sooner does autumn bring
the people before they are all off again fishing.
New Archangel does not offer too many attractions in the way of
amusements. Truth to tell, it is one of the dullest places imaginable,
inexpressibly gloomy, where autumn seems to reign all through the year
except for three months, when snow falls continuously. All this,
however, does not of course affect the passing visitor, and for the
resident there is nothing to keep up his spirits but a good stock of
philosophy or a stern determination not to die of hunger. There is a
good deal of remunerative trade with California, the natives, and
foreign vessels.
The chief furs obtained by Aleutians who hunt for the Company are those
of the otter, the beaver, the fox, and the _souslic_. The natives also
hunt the walrus, seal, and whale, not to speak of the herring, the cod,
salmon, turbot, lote, perch, and tsouklis, a shell fish found in Queen
Charlotte's Islands, used by the Company as a medium of exchange with
the Americans.
As for these Americans they seem to be all of one race between the 46th
and 60th degrees of N. lat., such at least is the conclusion to which
we are led by the study of their manners, customs, and languages.
The Kaloches of Sitka claim a man of the name of Elkh as the founder of
their race, favoured by the protection of the raven, first cause of all
things.[4] Strange to say, this bird also plays an important part
amongst the Kadiaks, who are Esquimaux. According to Lutke, the
Kaloches have a tradition of a deluge and some fables which recall
those of the Greek mythology.
[Footnote 4: The raven was regarded by these races with superstitious
dread, as having the power of healing diseases, &c.--_Trans._]
Their religion is nothing more than a kind of Chamanism or belief in
the power of the Chamans or magicians to ward off diseases, &c. They do
not recognize a supreme God, but they believe in evil spirits, and in
sorcerers who foretell the future, heal the sick, and transmit their
office from father to son.
They believe the soul to be immortal, and that the spirits of their
chieftains do not mix with those of the common people. Slaves are
slaves still after death; the far from consolatory nature of this creed
is obvious. The government is patriarchal; the natives are divided into
tribes, the members of which have the figures of animals as signs,
after which they are also sometimes named. We meet for instance with
the wolf, the raven, the bear, the eagle, &c.
The slaves of the Kaloches are prisoners taken in war, and very
miserable is their lot. Their masters hold the power of life and death
over them. In some ceremonies, that on the death of a chief, for
instance, the slaves who are no longer of use are sacrificed, or else
their liberty is given to them.[5]
[Footnote 5: The aim being to give up the slaves as property, it was a
matter of indifference whether they were killed or set at
liberty.--_Trans._]
Suspicious and crafty, cruel and vindictive, the Kaloches are neither
better nor worse than the neighbouring tribes. Hardened to fatigue,
brave but idle, they leave all the housework to their wives, of whom
they have many, polygamy being an institution amongst them.
On leaving Sitka, Lutke made for Ounalashka. Ilioluk is the chief
trading establishment on that island, but it only contains some twelve
Russians and ten Aleutians of both sexes.
This island has a good many productions which tend to make life pass
pleasantly. It is rich in good pastures, and cattle-breeding is largely
carried on, but it is almost entirely wanting in timber, the
inhabitants being obliged to pick up the _debris_ flung up by the sea,
which sometimes includes whole trunks of cypress, camphor-trees, and a
kind of wood which smells like roses.
At the time of Lutke's visit the people of the Fox Islands had adopted
to a great extent Russian manners and costumes. They were all
Christians. The Aleutians are a hardy, kind-hearted, agile race, almost
living on the sea.
Since 1826 several eruptions of lava have caused terrible devastation
in these islands. In May, 1827, the Shishaldin volcano opened a new
crater, and vomited forth flames.
Lutke's instructions obliged him to explore St. Matthew's Island, which
Cook had called Gore Island. The hydrographical survey was successful
beyond the highest expectations, but the Russians could do nothing
towards learning anything of the natural history of the island, for
they were not allowed to land at all.
In the meantime the winter with its usual storms and fogs was rapidly
drawing on. It was of no use hoping to get to Behring Strait, and Lutke
therefore made for Kamtchatka after touching at Behring Island. He
remained three weeks at Petropaulovsky, which he employed in landing
his cargo and preparing for his winter campaign.
Lutke's instructions were now to spend the winter in the exploration of
the Caroline Islands. He decided to go first to Ualan Island, which had
been discovered by the French navigator Duperrey. Here a safe harbour
enabled him to make some experiments with the pendulum.
On his way Lutke sought in vain for Colonnas Island in N. lat. 26
degrees 9 minutes, W. long. 128 degrees. He was equally unsuccessful in
his search for Dexter and St. Bartholomew Islands, though he identified
the Brown coral group discovered by Butler in 1794 and arrived safely
off Ualan on the 4th December.
From the first the relations between the natives of this island and the
Russians were extremely satisfactory. Many of the former came on board,
and showed so much confidence in their visitors as to remain all night,
though the vessel was still in motion.
It was only with great difficulty that the _Seniavine_ entered Coquille
harbour. Following the example of Duperrey, who had set up his
observatory on the islet of Matanial, Lutke landed there and took his
observations, whilst his people traded with the natives, who were,
throughout his stay, peaceful, friendly, and civil. To check their
thieving propensities, however, a chief was kept as a hostage for a
couple of days, and one canoe was burnt, these new measures being
completely successful.
"We are glad to be able to declare in the face of the world," says
Lutke, "that our stay of three weeks at Ualan cost not a drop of human
blood, but that we were able to leave these friendly islanders without
enlightening them further on the use of our fire-arms, which they
looked upon as suitable only for the killing of birds. I don't think
there is another instance of the kind in the records of any previous
voyages in the South Seas."
[Illustration: Native of Ualan. (Fac-simile of early engraving.)]
After leaving Ualan, Lutke had a vain search for the Musgrave Islands,
marked on Kruzenstern's map, and soon discovered a large island,
surrounded by a coral reef, which had escaped the notice of Duperrey,
and is known as Puinipet, or Pornabi. Some very large and fine canoes,
each manned by fourteen men, and some smaller ones, worked by two
natives only, soon surrounded the vessel. Their inmates, with fierce
faces and blood-shot eyes, were noisy and blustering, and did a good
deal of shouting, gesticulating, and dancing before they could make up
their minds to trust themselves on board the _Seniavine_.
It would have been impossible to land, except by force, as the native
canoes completely surrounded the vessel, and when an attempt at
disembarkation was made, the savages surrounded the ship's boat, only
retiring before the warlike attitude of the sailors and a volley from
the guns of the _Seniavine_.
Lutke had not time to examine thoroughly his discovery, to which he
gave the name of the Seniavine Archipelago. The information he
collected on the people of the Puinipet Islands is, therefore, not very
trustworthy. According to him they do not belong to the same race as
those of Ualan, but resemble rather the Papuans, the nearest of whom
are those of New Ireland, seven hundred miles away.
After another vain search, this time for Saint Augustine's Island, he
sighted the Cora of Los Vaherites, also called Seven, or Raven Island,
discovered in 1773 by the Spaniard Felipe Tompson.
The navigator next saw the Mortlock Archipelago, the old Lugunor group,
known to Torres as the Lugullos, the people of which resemble those of
Ualan. He landed on the principal of these islands, which he found to
be one huge garden of cocoa palms and breadfruit-trees.
The natives enjoy a centre degree of civilization. They weave and dye
the fibres of the banana and cocoa-nut palms, as do those of Ualan and
Puinipet. Their fishing-tackle does credit to their inventive
faculties, especially a sort of case constructed of small sticks and
split bamboo-canes, which the fish cannot get out of when once in. They
also use nets of the shape of large wallets, lines, and harpoons.
Their canoes, in which they spend more than half their lives, are
wonderfully adapted to their requirements. The large ones, which are a
very great trouble to build, and which are kept in sheds constructed
specially for them, are twenty-six feet long, two and a half wide, and
four deep. They are furnished with gimbals, the cross-pieces being
connected by a rafter. On the other side there is a small platform,
four feet square, and furnished with a roof, under which they are
accustomed to keep their provisions. These pirogues have a triangular
sail, which is made of matting woven from bandanus leaves, and is
attached to two yards. In tacking about they drop the sail, and turn
the mast towards the other end of the canoe, to which, at the same
time, they have passed the fastening of the sail, so that the pirogue
moves forward by its other extremity.
Lutke next sighted the Namuluk group, the inhabitants of which do not
differ at all from the people of Lugunor, and he proved the identity of
Hogolu Island--already described by Duperrey--with Quirosa. He then
visited the Namnuito group, the first stratum of a number of islands,
or of one large island which will some day exist in this part of the
world.
Lutke, who was in want of biscuits and other articles, which he hoped
to obtain at Guam, or from vessels at anchor in that port, now set sail
for the Marianne Islands, where he counted upon being able to repeat
some new experiments with the pendulum, in which Freycinet had found an
important anomaly of gravitation.[6]
[Footnote 6: "From numerous experiments," says Freycinet, "with the
pendulum, collected at our observatory at Agagna, in lat. 13 degrees 27
minutes 511 seconds 5 N. ... at the level of the sea, and with the
thermometer at +20 degrees centig., we were shown that the pendulum
which, in the same circumstances, would make at Paris 86,400
oscillations in 24 mean solar hours would here make 86,295 ^osc .013 in
the same time."--_Trans._]
Great, however, was his surprise when he arrived to find not a sign of
life at Guam. No flags waved above the two ports, the silence of death
reigned everywhere, and but for the presence of a schooner at anchor in
the inner harbour, it might have been a desert island. There was hardly
anybody about on shore, and the few people there were were half savage,
from whom it was all but impossible to obtain the slightest
information. Fortunately, an English deserter came and offered his
services to Lutke, who sent him to the governor with a letter, which
elicited a satisfactory reply.
The governor was the same Medinella whose hospitality had been lauded
by Kotzebue and Freycinet. There was, therefore, no difficulty in
obtaining permission to set up an observatory, and to take to it the
necessary provisions. The stay at Guam was, however, saddened by an
accident to Lutke, who wounded himself severely in the thumb with his
own gun when hunting.
The repairing and refitting of the _Seniavine_, with the taking in of
wood and water, delayed the explorer at Guam until the 19th March.
During this time Lutke was able to verify the information collected ten
years ago by Freycinet in his stay of two months in the Governor's own
house. Things had not changed at all since the French traveller's
visit.
As it was not yet time to go north, Lutke made for the Caroline
Islands, _via_ the Swedes Islands. The inhabitants seemed to him to be
better made than their neighbours on the west, from whom, however, they
differ in no other particulars. The Faraulep, Ulie, Ifuluk, and Euripeg
Islands were successively examined, and on the 27th April the explorer
started for the Bonin Islands, where he learnt that his exploration of
that group had been anticipated by Beechey. He, therefore, took no
hydrographical surveys. Two of the crew of a whaling-vessel, which had
been shipwrecked on the coast, were still living at Bonin Sima.
Since the rise of the great fisheries, this Archipelago has been
frequented by numerous whalemen, who here find a safe port at all
seasons, plenty of wood and water, turtles for six months of the year,
fish, and immense quantities of anti-scorbutic plants, including the
delicious savoy cabbage.
"The majestic height and the vigour of the trees," says Lutke, "the
productions of the tropical and temperate zones, alternating with each
other, bear witness at once to the fertility of the soil and the
salubrity of the climate. Most of our vegetables and pot-herbs,
perhaps, indeed, all of them would certainly flourish well, as would
also wheat, rice, and maize, nor could a better climate be desired for
the cultivation of the vine. Domestic animals of every kind and bees
would multiply rapidly. In a word, a small and industrious colony would
shortly convert this little group into a fertile and flourishing
settlement."
On the 9th June, after a week's delay for want of wind, the _Seniavine_
entered Petropaulovsky, where it was retained taking in provisions
until the 26th. A whole series of surveys were taken during this
interval, of the coasts of Kamtchatka, and of the Kodiak and Tchouktchi
districts, interrupted, however, by visits to Karaghinsk Island, the
bay of St. Lawrence, and the gulf of Santa Cruz.
During one of these visits, the captain met with a strange adventure.
He had been for several days on a friendly footing with the
Tchouktchis, whose knowledge of the people and customs of Russia he
endeavoured to increase.
"These natives," he says, "were friendly and polite, and endeavoured to
pay back our jokes and tricks in our own coin. I softly patted the
cheek of a sturdy Tchouktchi as a sign of kindly feeling, and suddenly
received in return a box on the ear which knocked me down. Recovered
from my astonishment, there I saw my Tchouktchi with a laughing face,
looking like a man who has just given proof of his politeness and tact.
He too had meant to give me merely a gentle tap, but it was with a hand
only accustomed to deal with reindeer."
The travellers were also witnesses of some proofs of the skill of a
Tchouktchi conjurer, or chaman, who went behind a curtain, from which
his audience soon heard a voice like the howl of a wild beast,
accompanied by blows on a tambourine with a whale-bone. The curtain
then rose, revealing the sorcerer balancing himself, and accompanying
his own voice with blows on his drum, which he held close to his ear.
Presently he flung off his jacket, leaving himself naked to the waist,
took a polished stone, which he gave to Lutke to hold, took it away
again, and as he passed one hand over the other the stone disappeared.
Then showing a tumour on his shoulder, he pretended that the stone was
in it; turned over the tumour, extracted the stone from it, and
prophesied a favourable issue of the journey of the Russians.
The conjuror was congratulated on his skill, and a knife was given to
him as a token of gratitude. Taking this knife in his hand, he put out
his tongue, and began to cut it. His mouth became full of blood, and he
finally cut a piece of his tongue off, and held the piece out in his
hand. Here the curtain fell, probably because the skill of the
professor of legerdemain could go no further.
The people inhabiting the north-east corner of Asia are known under the
general name of Tchouktchis. This includes two races, one nomad, like
the Samoyedes, called the Reindeer Tchouktchis; the other, living in
fixed habitations, called the sedentary Tchouktchis. The mode of life,
the physiognomy, and the very language of these two races differ. The
idiom spoken by the sedentary Tchouktchis has great affinity with that
of the Esquimaux, whom they also resemble in their mode of building
their huts and leather boats, and in the instruments they use.
[Illustration: Sedentary Tchouktchis.]
Lutke did not see many Reindeer Tchouktchis, so that he could add
nothing to the information obtained by his predecessors. He was of
opinion, however, that they had been painted in unfairly gloomy
colours, and that their turbulence and wildness had been grossly
exaggerated.
The sedentary Tchouktchis, generally called Namollos, spend the winter
in sheds, and the summer in huts covered with skins. The latter usually
each serve for several families.
"The sons and their wives, the daughters and their husbands," says the
narrative, "live together with their parents, and _vice versa_. Each
family occupies one division of the back part of the hut, curtained off
from the others. The curtains are made of reindeer-skins, sewn into the
shape of a bell. They are fastened to the beams of the ceiling, and
reach to the ground. With the aid of the grease they burn in cold
weather, two, three, and sometimes more persons so warm the air with
their breath in these hermetically sealed positions that all clothing
is superfluous, even with the severest frost, but only Tchouktchi lungs
are fitted to respire in such an atmosphere. In the outer part of the
hut cooking-utensils, pottery, baskets, seal-skin trunks, &c., are
kept. Here too is the hearth, if we can so call the spot where burn a
few sticks of brushwood, painfully collected in the marsh, or when they
are not to be obtained, whale-bones floating in grease. Round about the
hut on wooden dryers, black and disgusting looking pieces of seal's
flesh are exposed to view." These people lead a miserable life. They
feed upon the half-raw flesh of seals and walruses hunted by
themselves, or on that of whales flung up by the waves on the beach.
The dog is the only domestic animal they possess, and they treat it
badly enough, although the poor creatures are very affectionate and
render them great services, now towing along their canoes, now dragging
their sledges over the snow.
After a second stay of five weeks at Petropaulovski, the _Seniavine_
left Kamtchatka, on the 10th of November, on its way back to Europe.
Before reaching Manilla, Lutke made a cruise in the northern part of
the Caroline Archipelago, which he had not had time to visit during the
preceding winter. He saw in succession the islands of Marileu, Falulu,
Faiu, Namuniuto, Magur, Faraulep, Eap, Mogmog, and found at Manilla the
sloop, the _Moller_ which was waiting his arrival.
The Caroline Archipelago embraces an immense space, and the Marianne
Islands, as well as the Radak group, might fitly be included in it, as
containing a population perfectly identical in race. For a long time
the old geographers had had for their guidance only the charts of
missionaries who, lacking alike the education and the appliances
necessary to estimate accurately the size, position, and relative
distance of all these archipelagoes, had attached notable importance to
them, and often fixed at a considerable number of degrees the extent of
a group which covered only a few miles.
Thus navigators accepted their guidance with wise caution. Freycinet
was the first to infuse a little order into this chaos, and, thanks to
his meeting with Kadu and Don Louis Torres, he was able to identify
later with earlier discoveries. Lutke did his part--and that not a
small part--in the settling of an accurate and scientific chart of an
archipelago which had long been the terror of navigators.
The learned Russian explorer is not of the same opinion as Lesson, one
of his predecessors, who connected all the inhabitants of the Caroline
group with the Mongolian race, under the name of the "Mongolo-Pelagian"
branch. He rather sees in them, as did Chamisso and Balbi, a branch of
the Malay family, which has peopled Eastern Polynesia. Whilst Lesson
compares the people of the Carolines with the Chinese and Japanese,
Lutke, on the other hand, finds in their great, projecting eyes, thick
lips, and _retrousse_ nose, a family likeness to the people of the
Sandwich and Tonga Islands. The language does not suggest the slightest
comparison with Japanese, whilst it shows a great resemblance to that
of the Tonga Islands.
Lutke spent the time of his sojourn at Manilla in laying in stores, and
repairing the sloop, and, on the 30th of January, he left that Spanish
possession for Russia, which he reached on the 6th of September, 1829,
casting anchor in the roads of Cronstadt.
It remains now to tell how it had fared with the sloop, the _Moller_,
after the separation at Valparaiso. Arriving at Kamtchatka from
Otaheite, she had left part of her cargo at Petropaulovski, and
thereafter--in August, 1827--had set sail for Ounalashka, where she had
remained for a month. After an examination of the west coast of
America, which was cut short by unfavourable weather, and a stay at
Honolulu, which extended to February, 1828, she had discovered the
island Moller, noted the Necker, Gardner, and Lisiansky Islands, and
marked, at a distance of six miles southwards, a very dangerous reef.
The sloop had then coasted the island of Cure, the French Frigate Shoal
the reef Maro, Pearl Island, and the Isle of Hermes; and, after having
made search for several islands marked upon Arrowsmith's charts, had at
length reached Kamtchatka. At the end of April, she had set sail for
Ounalashka and taken observations of the north coast of the Alaska
peninsula. In September the _Moller_ rejoined the _Seniavine_, and,
from that period until their return to Russia, they were no more
separated, save for brief intervals.
As one may judge from the sufficiently detailed account which has just
been given, this expedition did not fail to bring about results of
importance to geographical science. We must add that the different
branches of natural history, physics, and astronomy, owe to it equally
numerous and important additions.