here briefly introduced, but must confine our remarks to the duty
which is devolved on the wealthy Catholics of the United States by
these decisions of the rulers of the church, which, we take for
granted, they most cordially desire to have fully carried out in
practice. We said just now that they must bestir themselves in the
work of Catholic education. This applies to education in all its
various degrees, but we wish to speak more especially of colleges
for the higher grades of instruction. It is not enough for the
opulent parents whose sons are sent to college, to send them to a
Catholic college and pay a high price for their instruction. There
is a great difficulty in the way of maintaining and improving
our colleges which cannot be met in this manner. If our colleges
are to rely on a revenue derived from the pupils, the tuition
fees must be placed so high that all but the sons of the wealthy
are practically excluded from them. Officers of the army and
navy, lawyers, physicians, and others in similar positions, are
frequently embarrassed by the inadequacy of their incomes to meet
the expenses of a mode of life suited to their social rank. The
great cost of education makes it very nearly impossible for them to
send even one boy, much more several, to the schools and colleges
which are the most eligible. Besides, there are many other parents
in still more moderate circumstances, who have sons desiring, and
fitted for profiting by, the best education. The sons of the rich
are not ordinarily the most eager and diligent students, and, if
a college is exclusively or chiefly composed of youths of this
class, they themselves will degenerate into the most superficial
scholarship, and the college will fail of accomplishing the chief
part of the end for which it is established. Education ought to
be made cheap and accessible to boys and youths of all classes.
This cannot be done without large endowments and revenues. If the
task of earning the money necessary for the vast outlay which must
be made, is left on the shoulders of the clergy and religious
orders, they must necessarily demand a very high price for their
instruction, and thus become the teachers of the sons of the
rich almost exclusively. It follows from this, by strict logical
sequence, that the laity must bestir themselves to active efforts,
and take the burden off the shoulders of the clergy. It is unjust
that a body of men who have sacrificed their lives to the good of
the laity, and who give them the fruit of their talents, their
learning, and their labors, for no compensation beyond their modest
and single livelihood, should be forced to furnish or to beg the
means of buying the grounds, erecting the buildings, and carrying
on the operations of colleges and schools for the convenience of
the rich and leisured classes; and paying, besides, the expenses of
those youths who are without resources, that they may fill their
own places when they are worn out by work. It is the interest of
the laity to provide education for their children, and to provide
for filling up the ranks of the priesthood. The opulent and
influential laity are therefore bound to take an active part in the
work. And, as things are at present, we see no way of doing this
after an organized method, except by associations like that of the
“Catholic Union” of New York. We trust that this respectable body
will take up this matter in earnest, and we urge upon all those who
care for their posterity, their country, and their religion, to
co-operate generously and zealously with it in whatever enterprises
it may undertake, which will certainly be under the highest
ecclesiastical sanction, and managed by men of the greatest ability
and worth.
The topics so briefly discussed in the series of short articles
which we now bring to a close require, as we have already remarked,
volumes and not pages. We are glad to see that one volume, written
with the ability for which its author has already become renowned,
has already been published, which handles some of these topics
and others kindred to them. We allude to the _Sermons_ of F.
Harper, already briefly noticed in this magazine, and now strongly
recommended once more to all who have read our remarks on “The
Duties of the Rich” with interest. We trust that other writers will
follow F. Harper’s example, and that some of the valuable books on
the same class of subjects which exist in other languages will
be translated. It is not, however, by books and essays alone that
the minds and hearts of Catholics of the educated and leisured
classes in society can be sufficiently imbued with Catholic
principles and the Catholic spirit. It is by the living and
divinely commissioned teaching of the preachers of the Word of God,
in their parochial instructions, in the addresses which they have
the opportunity of making on extraordinary occasions, and in the
sermons and conferences of general missions and special retreats,
that the higher as well as the humbler members of the fold are most
efficaciously taught. Pius IX. has given the example and the model
of the preaching most necessary and useful for our times to all who
bear his commission, thus fulfilling in a most extraordinary way
the divine commandment to St. Peter--_Pasce oves meas, pasce agnos
meos_. By his personal teaching he has formed the _élite_ of the
Catholic laity of Europe on the model of their glorious ancestors
of the ages of faith, and not a few of our own countrymen have gone
to drink the pure water of life at the same fountain-head. Imbibed
at the fountain-head or at the rill, it is the only water that can
give health to nations or individuals. We can scarcely hope that F.
Burke’s fine apostrophe,[111] “Be it thine, O Columbia! to place
again the golden circlet of his temporal royalty on the brow of the
Vicar of Christ!” will be literally fulfilled. But we trust that
the spirit of it will not lack that accomplishment which will prove
that the eloquent son of St. Dominic has a sparkle of the prophetic
gift. It requires no inspiration, but only ordinary foresight, to
see the prospect of a rapid and almost measureless increase of
wealth, and of all that belongs to the splendor of a nation, in
the next half century of the United States. The Catholic Church
will largely share in it. And may those who enjoy this prosperity
be as true and loyal to the church and to God as their humble and
persecuted ancestors!
FOOTNOTES:
[109] 2 St. Peter ii. 9-20.
[110] _Dublin Review_, April, 1872, p. 413. _Month_, March-April,
1872, p. 179. See the entire article of F. O’Reilly, which is
admirable.
[111] In his lecture on _The Prisoner of the Vatican_, at St.
Paul’s Church, New York.
FAITH THE LIFE OF ART.
FROM AN ADDRESS BY CESARE CANTU BEFORE “THE ARCADIA.”
TRANSLATED FROM THE ITALIAN.
There is in man the memory of a perfection with which he was sent
forth from the hands of his Creator; and, sick of the tameness,
coarseness, and unseemliness which surround him, he feels a craving
to fashion himself after a picture of his imagination conformable
to the idea he possesses of the beautiful--a type which combines
the first and last excellence of being; which it is his to enjoy,
since he has a conception of it, and to which he ought to be able
to arrive, since he aspires towards it. Thus from remembrance
and the feeling of a hereafter is born poetry; is born art: the
realization of the ideal under sensible forms, wherein intellectual
beauty takes precedence over the physical beauty of nature. Both
speak a language which lifts us up to the absolute beauty--God;
of whom creation is an image and symbol. And, moreover, religion
discloses an ideal world which is not contained under external
phenomena.
Man in his fallen state built a wretched hut or scooped out a cave,
wherein to shelter his wife and little ones; but, when he wished to
give worship to the Deity, he erected an altar and decked it with
festoons: he roofed it in, and strengthened it with beams, which
he hastened to adorn, forming cupola, shaft, and capital. History
bears witness that the fine arts were born in the temple, not in
the hut of Vitruvius; that they owe their origin to the aspiration
of a faith, not to the mere fulfilment of a want.
The temple wherein is offered the perpetual sacrifice of the
victim of expiation is a visible profession of faith. The most
grand and characteristic expression of the architecture is
displayed in the imitation which man fabricates of that temple
of the universe which was built by the hands of God. And as its
solidity typifies the duration which every one attributes to true
religion, so it outlives the hands which raised it up. How much
of what antiquity has bequeathed us consists of temples, such as
the pile of Salsetta, the pagodas of Coromandel and Ellora, the
Propylæi, the colossi of granite and porphyry, the obelisks and
pyramids of Egypt--for sepulchres are religious--and the shrines
which were discovered in the millennial forests of America. This
great Rome, the capital of the universe, was a city of fanes and
altars, when Horace reproached it, as a cause of its decay, with
having neglected the worship of the gods. The more fully the idea
of a religion is capable of adapting to itself the forms of the
organic world, the more artistic will that religion become.[112]
The symbol, which is an outward and material exposition of an idea,
and the mystic representation of the divine essence, by means of
external objects to which it is linked by ties that are arbitrary
and remote analogies, ill accords with the beauty which is the
representation of a specific idea to which it corresponds.
Among the Hindoos, the Egyptians, and the Hebrews, the beauty
of form gave place to the requirements of the emblem. Thus art
stood still, being forced to reproduce fixed types; its object
was not to copy nature, but to inscribe ideas. The three-eyed
Siva, the four-headed Brama, the elephant-headed Ganesa, the
hundred-armed giants and hundred-breasted goddesses, can scarcely
be called beautiful. In the religion of the Greeks, where the
life of the deity was confused with the natural, and found its
perfection in man, art holds the first place. The symbol vanished
before the beautiful ideal, which was wrought after a rational
measurement. They cut down those colossi of other peoples to the
due proportions, and shaped their monstrous divinities into a human
likeness. Extricating themselves from hieroglyphics, the choice of
expression and attitude was left to the inspired imagination.
Corruption, ever widening since sin first broke the harmony
between the intellect, the will, and the power of action, created
a heaven of false gods, differing in form and in worship, and
filled the earth with their temples. This variety favored art,
and to it we owe those wonders of the Parthenon, the temple of
Theseus, Pallas Athene, Olympian Zeus, the Didimeon. And though
antiquity has handed down to us very few paintings, the greatest
part of the statues which enrich the museums are those of the
gods. Surely Phidias much have believed in “Zeus thundering in
heaven” when he wrought that statue before which Greece was struck
with wonder.[113] Hence with reason did Emericus David say that
archæology might be defined as the recognition of religion in its
connection with art.
Though the form grew more refined, the idea hidden beneath it grew
more and more corrupt, until it became a worship of force, animate
and animating, which had turned its back upon the Author of being,
and wasted that spiritual breath which is the soul of the statue.
Art materialized, like science, like life itself, called down the
mercy of an unknown God to appease offended justice.
In the fullness of time, humanity was lifted up from its lowliness
by God taking it to himself. Faith grew clear; hope, strong;
charity lived again. Christendom became civilized even by means
of its worship, when art and poetry united in rousing it to
faith and enthusiasm. No longer, as in a religion that allured
the senses, did art debase itself by flattering the passions and
fanning the instincts; its aim now was to curb and purify them;
not to multiply the enjoyments of the fortunate, but to comfort
the unhappy; to lift up to heaven eyes weighed down by suffering,
or dazzled by wealth, or wavering with doubt; to point out that
sublime eternity which hides itself under seeming dissolution or
waning beauty; to turn mind and action to that after-life wherein
alone the present finds its significance.
This regeneration of art began in the Catacombs, where the
persecuted children of Christ expressed, somewhat rudely perhaps,
their dogmas and their hopes; the exploits of the martyrs, whose
agony of shame and death they prepared themselves to imitate. There
the vermilion with which they painted the throne of God triumphant
signified “new conquests, and glory won after still greater trials.”
When from darkness it was able to step forth into the light of
day, art, restored to the temple of its birth, set the feeling
which produced above the mere beauty of the production. It lost in
harmony, but gained in expression, in lifting up human nature even
to the type of moral perfection, to the supreme ideal--God made man.
Then from every side, whatsoever had life came in answer to the
call to play its part in the grand drama of Christianity. And art,
aiming not merely at the beautiful, but at the true and the good,
united with the whole of civilization in expressing that aspiration
after perfection whose desire is never-failing but ever unfulfilled.
In the earliest artistic records which have reached us from the
Catacombs, such as mosaics, miniature paintings, and certain pieces
of sculpture, the idea is set above the form. There is a celestial
purity in them, as though, producing the beautiful instinctively,
they cared not to portray an enticing elegance of the members, the
force and posture of outward life, but rather the expression of the
soul, holiness of thought and deed, and
“That sweet light
Pointing the road which leads to heaven’s height.”[114]
Hence certain images of the saints and of Mary, rude in shape and
coloring, have won the veneration of the people, and inspired that
calm content which comes from God and lifts to God.
A bolder fancy produced the edifices, constructed at first on
the style of the basilicas, and then modified into that order of
architecture which from its planes or arches was called Roman or
Lombard, and finally Gothic.
He who can only admire the Greek and the Roman styles finds in
the Gothic merely ignorance of caprice; with its shafts tapering
aloft in slender grace, or short and heavy, or in clusters; its
capitals where the crude cabbage-leaf creeps in side by side with
the graceful acanthus; its members incoherent, and made out of
proportion; a crowd of small obelisks and tabernacles, buttresses
and enormous water-spouts; bracketed statues and windows of a dizzy
height, sometimes parted into two, sometimes curved into a rose or
twisted into a trefoil; and its figures of uneducated fancy, an
eyesore to the lover of classic harmony.
But in its variety reigns a system far above the order of the
Greeks; derived in part from the basilicas, in part from mystic
allegory. Its ornaments are the productions of our climate, the
strawberry, the parsley, the fig, the oak-tree; as the Arab
uses his palm, the Chinese his inverted coral. Its forms are
symbolic. The number three regulates even those portions of the
structure which are secondary. On the plan of a cross rises the
triangulation of the edifice; and a hundred obelisks, lifted up
equally to heaven, express the concordant homage of love and of
faith. In its dedication everything was allegoric of the origin
of true worship; of the mystic destiny of the church; of the fact
that it is not a building of stones but a living edifice, whose
corner-stone is Christ, whose members are the faithful, whose space
is filled by God, like the universe of which it is an image.
In this association of the real with the symbolic world, of the
fitness of parts in themselves foreign with the united expression
of Christianity, the middle ages produced what those of Leo X., of
Louis XIV., of Napoleon, could not produce: they created a novelty.
Architecture was sacred as in its opening, and those wonders of a
beauty most sublime and spiritual were not wrought at the decrees
of princes, but at the inspiration of faith and charity.
The Gothic made its first grand essay in the holy time of St.
Francis of Assisi, and this became the chosen order of the
Franciscans, as the Basilican was of the Benedictines, and the
mixed architecture of a later date of the Jesuits. St. Francis and
his children, with that greatness which inheres in simplicity,
accompanied by an ascetic spirit, came to imitate nature and true
men rather than to copy types or antique art. But in those days,
the whole of society was animated by faith, and built upon the
dogma of the expiation. The laical body was in harmony with the
ecclesiastical; prayer mingled with warlike exploits; the home
was at peace with the church; the banner bore the same device as
the altar. The plastic art, side by side with poetry, penetrated
every turn of life. Religion was the universal and, as it were,
only inspirer of the artist. Theophilus dedicated his “Lombard
Tract” to holy pictures, missals, vases, the window-panes of the
church, and, step by step, he elevated the mind of the artist
to the God from whom _art emanates_. The artistic confraternity
proposed in their constitutions the purity and independence of
art. That of the Siennese painters, of 1355, said: “By the grace
of God, we are to rude men, who know not letters, manifestors of
the miraculous things worked by the virtue and in the virtue of
the holy faith, and our faith is founded principally in adoring
and believing one God in the Trinity, and in God infinite power
and infinite wisdom, and infinite love and mercy.” In a like sense
says Bufalmacca: “We aim at naught else than to make saints by our
frescoes and pictures, and by so doing, in spite of the devils,
to make men more devout and better.” Philarete designed a city on
the conception of the “Nisi Dominus Ædificaverit,” wherein the
church founded on the cross should be superior to the palace of the
prince, rich with pictures, religious, symbolic, allegorical, and
historic. There was a portico devoted to sacred history; close by
were memorial monuments of heroic Christians, namely, the churches
of St. Francis, St. Dominic, St. Augustine, St. Benedict. There
was a gymnasium wherein to educate the youth, chiefly with prayer,
fasting, and the holy sacraments. Without the fortifications,
the city had an advanced guard, to wit, holy hermits, who should
watch it with the mightiest of arms--prayer. And Brunelleschi
said of Santa Maria del Fiore: “Recollecting that this temple
is sacred to God and the Virgin, I trust that in erecting it in
memory of them it will not cease to infuse knowledge where there is
need of it, and to aid by power and wisdom and wit whoever shall
accomplish such work.” In like manner, Giovanni Villani inscribed
his _Chronicles_ “to the reverence of God and of Blessed St.
John, in commendation of our city of Florence.” How often has the
painter given us his own portrait on his knees, or with some verse
recommended himself to God and the saints! Beneath a picture in the
Venetian gallery we read:
“Gentile Bellino, with filial love of the most holy cross,
painted this.”
And beneath another picture of Gian Bellino:
“Sure Gate of Heaven, lead my mind, guide my life:
All the works which I perform are committed to thy care.”
We may perceive a like inspiration in Giotto, Mino da Fiesole,
Benedetto da Majano, Boninsegna da Siena, Simon Memmi, L’Orgagna,
the Pisani, Franco Bolognese, and other spiritual artists, who
attained a perfection to which the moderns in vain aspire. On the
tomb of Blessed Angelico was written:
“Let me not be honored because I was a second Apelles,
But because I distributed all my gains among thy poor, O Christ!”
I leave it to others to decide with what justice that period
styled itself the Renaissance when men passed from originality to
an imitation of the classic schools--not by divining and catching
their inspiration, but by following in their footsteps. And so we
find in passing from Dante to Polizanio and Sannazzaro, from Giotto
to Dello, the metamorphoses of Ovid accomplished! In this study of
the classics, what they gained in form they lost in conception. The
Medici mixed up portraits with Venuses and Pallases, mythological
subjects with scenes drawn from nature. Lorenzo the Magnificent
caused Pollajolo to represent the strong limbs of Hercules,
Signorelli to paint nude divinities, and public beauties were
taken as the models of saints. At such profanation, Fra Girolamo
Savonarola was struck with grief and horror; and, as well to mend
manners as to disinfect literature, he sought to regenerate art by
restoring it to the bosom of God.
The spirit that he inspired outlived his funeral pyre: and Luca
della Robbia, Lorenzo di Credi, Verocchio, Cronaca, Baccio della
Porta, painted from chaste images and devout subjects. Ghirlandajo,
Pinturicchio, the renowned Masaccio, held faith in the religious
mission of art, as did that Umbrian school which spake to the heart
rather than the senses, beneath the wing of the neighboring Assisi.
From Gentile di Fabriano came Perugino and Raphael, and the first
Venetians, among whom it is no longer a scandal to say that Gentile
Bellino was not inferior to Titian.
Raphael has been called the most marvellous union of all the
qualities which make the others severally great: design, color,
power of chiaroscuro, perspective effect, imagination, style; above
all, expression, and that grace which is the beautiful of beauties.
Not only were his first essays, when still a faithful disciple
of the Umbrian school, works of faith; but also those which he
wrought in his zenith, such as the Attila, Heliodorus, and the
miracle of Bolsena. His delight was in symbolic subjects, theology,
jurisprudence, philosophy, poetry, representing ideas in his
figures. When he preferred to follow his imagination and models to
tradition, he strayed away, as in the commissions of Chigi, and the
beautiful story of Psyche; but later on, when he fled from Rome,
he turned himself to the grand Transfiguration, from the midst of
which he passed to behold it in heaven.
And Michael Angelo? Others have been loud in their praises of the
strength of his joints, the relief and play of his muscles, the
foreshortening, the anatomic fidelity, the expression diffused
through the whole person; but I can never cease wondering how in
the Sistine Chapel he has portrayed the two extreme points of the
life of the human race--the creation and the last judgment; and
that indefinable of melancholy and veneration in the Moses which
sought no model and has found no rival. It is natural; for, from
the Bible, the _Divine Comedy_, and ascetic meditation, he drank in
the inspiration wherewith to ennoble human nature.
Their school passed away in the conceits of the licentious age
which came after--in the figures caught in the very act of standing
to be copied; in flimsy drapery, substituted for the old garments
majestically simple; the infinity of shallow conceptions, frivolous
allegories, and wanderings from the practical road of Vasari; in
the immense pictures of Cortona, Arpino, Lanfranco, the frenzies of
Luca Giordano, and convulsed attitudes of Fiammingo, Spinazzi, and
the genius, erratically great, of Lorenzo Bernini--such things as
these they preferred, I will not say to nature, to which they shut
their eyes, but to so many noble exemplars. They were seized with
the mania of novelty, of surprises, with the idolatry of the form
at the cost of the conception. So they turned from poetic beauty to
what is so inferior--the merely symmetrical.
The most renowned works of the great masters were inspired by
religion: the delicate cherubini of Angelico, the gates of
Ghiberti, the Moses and the Pietà of Buonarotti, the Last Supper of
Leonardo, the Assumption of Titian, the marvellous improvisations
of Tintoretto. From religion Raphael drew those epics which compose
the Vatican galleries and the library at Sienna. To it Correggio
devoted his cupolas, with all their grace and force of chiaroscuro.
Therein Annibale Caracci found his Communion of St. Jerome, and
Domenichino his, which is one of the three great paintings in Rome,
and that Madonna del Rosario where he more clearly displays his
intention of contrasting the sorrows of earth with the joys of
heaven. The Christ of Carlo Dolce and the Madonnas of Sassoferrato
and Murillo are in every household. Maratta was called Carlo of the
Madonnas. And in my own province[115] particularly, the paintings
of Luino, Cesare da Sesto, Gaudenzio Ferrari, Andrea Solaro,
Salaino, Marco d’Oggiono Moretto, the Procaccini, the Campi, and
that Borgagnone, as great as he is little known, are marked by a
religious unction and devout simplicity.
The churches are indeed galleries, or rather harbors from the
vandalism of would-be restorers and the robbery which is according
to law. In them we find the best models of architecture; and since
the unknown authors of the greater cathedrals, and the whole
families of the Campiani at Milan, Bregno and Lombardi at Venice,
Pedoni at Cremona, Rodari at Coma, Pellegrini of Tibaldo, we have
no design better than the sanctuaries of Rho and Caravaggio, the
Fontana in the chapel of the Presepio, the Sanmicheli in the
cathedral of Montefiascone, the Palladio in the Church of the
Redeemer at Venice.
But besides the finish of the sculpture, the glass was stained
with historic subjects, the pulpits and windows marvellously
adorned, the goldsmith’s art was displayed in the ornamentation of
candlesticks, lamps, busts, and canopies, which brought into play
the art of engraving.
The care of recording on tombs the nothingness of human
greatness makes them the truest portraits of the character of
each age. In those of the middle ages the figures are austere,
with hands crossed on the breast, awaiting the trumpet-call of
the resurrection; in the sixteenth century they are pompous,
inappropriate, even immodest.
The cloisters were built upon the most beautiful heights, where
the soul, absorbed in the admiration of nature, was of itself
lifted up to chant the praises of the God who created it. The
porticos were vast tableaux worked by the greatest artists. And
here, while you would suggest to me the John Baptists of the
Discalced Friars, and the Filippo Benizzi in the Annunciation at
Florence by Andrea the faultless, the Holy Solitude, the Camaldoli,
Carthusian monasteries, Alvernia, Vallombrosa, and the sublimity
of Grottaferrata, let me call to your minds our own Lombardy the
sanctuaries of Saronno by Luini, of Varallo by Gaudenzio, the Holy
Mount by Mancalvo, the Carthusian monastery of Garignano by the
great Daniel Crespi, before which Byron was struck with wonder and
with fear. In fine, even in the delirium of art in the sixteenth
century, which are the greatest monuments of sculpture? The St.
Bibiana of Bernini, the St. Cecilia of Maderno, the Susanna of
Fiammingo, the St. Bruno of Houton, from which number we must not
omit the Attila of Algardi. The Assumption of Forli by Cignani
still remains the noblest work of the past age. Since it is a
far easier thing to copy a form than to create a conception,
many have reduced art to imitation. And we see it said that the
type of the Eternal Father is taken from Jove, the Saviour from
Antinous, from Niobe the Mother of Sorrows, and from the Farnese
Flora and the terra cotta Faun, St. Cecilia and St. Joachim; and
it appears equally ridiculous to call one of these imitators a new
Phidias or new Apelles, as for Angelo Mazza to entitle himself
Homer Redivivus. Winckelmann praised Raphael for a head of Christ
“which set forth the beauty of a heroic youth without beard,”
while he criticises Michael Angelo “for having taken his figures
of the Saviour from the barbarous productions of the middle ages.”
With equal discrimination Vasari, of all the wonders of Giotto
at Assisi, can only admire “the very great and truly marvellous
effect of one who drinks standing, but bent down to the earth,
at a fountain.” Very little have these advanced the theories of
Cicognara and Giuseppe Bossi, and the icy grandeur of David,
Gerard, Girodet, and the other imperialists, followed here by
Benvenuti, Cammuccini, Bossi, Diotti, and their like. Fabre, the
French painter, was discussing with Alfieri on a crucifixion which
he was about to paint. After speaking for some time on the type
he ought to choose, he concluded: “Do you know what? I will paint
the head of the Belvedere Apollo, give him a beard, and behold it
done.” Alfieri had the good sense to reply: “If you would succeed
in that, paint a dying Apollo, but not a God who redeemed us.”
After Battoni, the last painter of note of the mixed school, Mengs,
went back to the antique with a mediocrity at once pedantic and
fastidious. But Traballeschi and certain artists of second name,
such as De Maria, Franchi, Ferrari, Torretti, and of higher mark,
Andrea Appiani in the cupola of San Celso at Milan, were the men
who paved the way for the regeneration. Canova[116] undertook to
regenerate art chiefly with classic models, but at least with
enthusiasm. But how far do his Venus, Perseus, Theseus, and even
Psyche, fall behind the Magdalen, and the mausoleums of Maria
Christina, Ganganelli, Rezzonico, and Pius VI.?
Bartolini, a more careful observer of nature, gave an impulse
to the new art, nor is the fault his if he plunged from the
conventionalities of the academy into a prosaic realism. But,
restricting myself among a multitude of sculptors, to the notice
of one or two, who has not admired the Dolorosa and Triumph of the
Cross of Duprè, the Archangel of Finelli, the Deposition from the
Cross, and the tomb at Castelfidardo of Tenerani? These men opened
up a new era, where the worship of ideas prevailed over that of
mere form, combating the servility of the past and the materialism
of the present, aiming at a beauty not at variance with morality--a
beauty perceptible to the reason. I confine myself to the Italians,
but what a pleasure it would be to me to touch upon Munich and the
school of Düsseldorf, and that of Berlin; and Cornelius, Schadow,
the Bohemian Fuhrich, and the Frenchmen Lehmann, Pradier, Flandrin,
and a noble band of others like to them.
So likewise I confine myself to the plastic arts; but were we to
treat of poetry, we could say something of Tasso, crowned in
death, of Perfetti, the laureate of Benedict XII., and Corilla of
Pius VI. Or of music, born also in the church and there perfected
before it went to amuse the court and theatre, whence it returned
with profanity into the church; so that there was nothing left but
to abandon it, if Palestrina had not shown how to wed reverence of
speech with harmony, and reconcile devotion with art. Do you know
of aught more wonderful than the Moses and Stabat of Rossini, the
Crucifixus of Bellini, or the Ave Maria of Donizetti?
And hence you will conclude that where art has ever been welcomed
and cherished, was under the care of the Popes, in this Rome of
ours, which, in the words of Petrarch, is
“The symbol of the heavens and the earth,
The Saviour’s image, by all men revered.”
Perhaps there has not been a Pope who has not raised some edifice
or given rise to some sculpture or painting.
Eugenius IV. wished to consecrate Fra Angelico bishop; Julius II.,
who secured his splendid dominions from the Po to the Garigliano,
was ever in the company of Bramante, Michael Angelo, Perugino,
Giulio Romano, and commenced the Vatican Museum by placing there
the Apollo, the Laocoon, the Ariadne and the Torso. What shall I
say of Leo X., who seemed to wish by the triumph of art to “give
the lie” to Germany, which accuses Catholics of ignorance and
dearth of civilization? The German reformer on his arrival in
the midst of the artistic wealth of Rome, only perceived therein
profanity, idols, and as it were an absence of reason, and a Pope
making an ostentatious pomp of religion and pretending to the
austerity of Paul and Hilarion in the time of the Farnese and
the Medici. Adrian VI. seemed like a prodigy, a monstrosity, so
accustomed were the minds of men to connect the idea of a pope with
that of a Mecænas of the arts.
They have ever made their palaces a sanctuary of the arts, and
as it were a harbor from the wrecks of time and the greed of
speculators and kings, who paused at the threshold of the Vatican,
resounding with the prayers of all the ages and the blasphemy of
this.
With still greater intelligence, the pontiffs of the past age
collected together the masterpieces, and the Museo Pio Clementino,
and the illustrations of it executed by Winckelmann and Ennius
Quirinus Visconti, became the envy and the model of all foreigners.
Rome, relying on the veneration which the nations entertained
for her, and which kings felt they owed her as the fount of all
authority, set her face against a new age, wherein might alone is
right, and reason speaks on the side of vast battalions and by the
mouth of artillery. What was the outrage which most of all grieved
the Romans? The spoliation of the museums; for the people were
disgusted with kings, nobles, and prelates, but not with the arts.
But the end of injustice is never far removed, and, as victory
had borne them away, victory restored to Rome her popes and
her monuments. Pius VII. who had filled the post left bare by
spoliation, after his return, among other works, built the new wing
across the Belvedere gallery. He left to us the Museo Chiaramonti,
a gallery of paintings, few in number, but each a masterpiece,
and the long gallery of antique inscriptions, arranged after the
manner of the great Morcelli. Gregory XVI. gave us the Christian,
Egyptian, and Etruscan museums, filled with the contents of the
mysterious vaults of Latium, and the numerous vases, so wondrous,
of Etruria and the Campagna, which had just come to light. He
commenced the rebuilding of St. Paul’s, restored the Coliseum,
excavated the Basilica Julia, refitted the Lateran Palace. Poletti
the architect assisted him, aided by Agricola, Paoletti, Finelli,
Tadolini, Botti, Tajetti, Sabatelli, Serani, Minardi, Coghetti,
Bengoni. And as at first, Poussin, Mignard, Ponget, Claude
Lorraine, Le Gros, Valedier, Quesnoy, Laboureur, Monot, Brill,
Agincourt, etc., so afterward came the illustrious foreigners,
Ingres, Thorwaldsen, Gibson, Pettrich, Frederick Overbeck, Voigt
the engraver. From here were taken the statues of Hiram Powers
for the Capitol of Washington, not to mention the objects of art
carried away by the 80,000 foreigners who flock hither from all
parts every year to gaze on the wonders of Rome. A Prussian society
took up its quarters here, to illustrate the new and antique
relics, in rivalry with our Archæological Academy. And the names of
Fea, Nibby, Canina, Bartolomeo Borghese, Visconti, win reverence
from the whole scientific world.
What can I say of Pius IX. that is not known to the whole world?
Let me call to your minds what took place in the midst of the
acclamations which greeted his accession. A deputation from the
Society for the Propagation of the Faith being presented to him,
when among the deputies he found the name of Overbeck, the most
faithful representative of Christian art, he called him to himself,
and gave him his special benediction, accompanied by words of
holy affection. At his wish the court of the Quirinal, where Pius
VII. was arrested, was painted; there is Overbeck’s Christ at the
moment when the Jews thought to cast him from the mountain, and he
escaped from their midst: thus representing at once the perils
which are past and those which are to come.[117] Nor can I forget
the emotion with which the Holy Father lamented to me the deaths,
so close upon each other, of Poletti, Tenerani, Overbeck, and
Minardi; nor the pleasure with which I recall the rearrangement he
effected in the entire museum of the Vatican, and the marvellous
statue of Augustus from the Villa of Livy with which he endowed it,
and the metal colossus of Hercules, purchased with his own money,
the Claudius of Lanuvius, and the Apoxiomenos in Parian marble,
restored by Tenerani, and placed in the Vatican in 1851. There he
placed also the Pomponia Azzia, found in the Appian Way, and the
Ceres disinterred at Ostia, which he substituted for a poor Diana.
It was the time when at his simple summons all the bishops
of the world hastened to the Vatican council. Magnificent
spectacle!--which Rome alone can offer to the world, of all the
representatives of the church united to discuss freely the truth
which the Pontiff should proclaim infallibly. Those prelates, in
the moments of their repose, were wont to admire on all sides the
care which Pius IX. had lavished upon art. Here the circus of
Caracalla restored, and the portico of Octavia disinterred; there,
in the Roman forum, the portico of the _Dii Majores_ and the apsis
of the Basilica of Constantine. In another spot the Basilica of St.
Paul is restored, the arena of the greatest artists in painting,
sculpture, stained glass, and mosaics. He opened the confessions
with their wealth of marbles and metals, in the two patriarchal
basilicas, the Lateran and Liberian. He restored the mausoleums of
St. Constantia, St. Clement on the side of Celio, St. Agnes, St.
Cecilia, Santa Maria in Trastevere, St. Lorenzo without the walls,
with the paintings of Fracassini, Mariani, and Grandi. Mariani
painted St. Lucy of the Banner and Santa Maria in Aquiro, and
Gugliari St. Augustine. Podesti and Consoni drew for the Vatican
Palace the portraits of the most famous ecclesiastics of ancient or
modern times; among which stand out the Martyrs of Fracassini, who
has painted but too little. All these works gave rise not only to
the ancient use of medals, but also to public monuments, such as
the column of the Immacolata, the works of Poletti, and the statue
cast from cannon by De Rossi.
In 1852 was formed a commission of archæology to chiefly examine
the Christian monuments,[118] and explore the Catacombs, the
theatre of those scenes of sacrifice, love, and resignation wherein
society was regenerated, and where now De Rossi convinces us that
scholarship and wit are not enough for speech, but that piety has
a secret of its own to touch on things which are better felt than
described.
The Egyptian Museum was increased by the monuments collected
by Clot Bey. To the Etruscan were added statues, candelabra,
sarcophagi from Bolsena, Tarquinia, and Viterbo. The Christian
Museum of the Lateran was founded, to which the reopened Ostia sent
mosaics, sarcophagi, and epigraphs. The Nomentian and Appian Ways
were excavated still further, as far as Bovilla. And the emporium
of marbles, the site of the seven cohorts of Virgil at Monte Fiore,
and the ruins of the Palatine--which the Pontiff himself visited
suddenly, giving an unexpected joy to the workmen, in the month
of the celebration of Rome’s birth--attest how inexhaustible are
the riches of this city, which, not to mention the seven great
galleries, is indeed one vast gallery. And these excavations,
whether designed or accidental, disclose a wealth ever beyond
expectation, as is seen in the piazza of the Holy Apostles, the
grove of the brothers Arvali, especially in the Church Della Pace,
the piazza Navona, on the Monte Luziale, and in the new cemetery of
the Jews.
That the Pontiff has not been behindhand in works of practical
utility, we see in the Acqua Pia, in the palace of the house of
reform, the military and civil hospitals, and that of peace,
the tobacco manufactory, the adornments of the Pincio, the
penitentiary, the bridges over the Tiber, the Piazza Pia and
elementary school, and a new city commenced on the Viminal and
Esquiline.
And while on this point, we see in the Exposition of the Baths of
Diocletian, which Michael Angelo repaired with a respect not always
shown by his followers, an example of a character which Rome alone
of all the world can produce; and this collection of the objects
of Catholic worship was the most beautiful hymn which the Pontiff
raised against the blasphemy which precedes violence. This was a
thought of the Pontiff’s. It was executed by his command, and at
his own expense. He inaugurated it, closed it in person, and with
his own hand distributed the prizes. Just indeed was the homage
which the artists of every nation then represented in Rome paid
to Pius IX., in the jubilee of his pontificate, the expression of
which he left exposed for many days in the gallery of Raphael,
where Mantovani, Consoni, and Galli at this day emulate the
wondrous decorations of Sanzio and Giovanni da Udine.
The popes and ministers of the church have watched over art with
special care, lest this chosen daughter of God should be sacrificed
to his enemy. And now, what is left? In the face of these glories,
how much misery saddens us! All the manifestations of the supremacy
of materialism over what is spiritual are multiplied, and hence
so many edifices purely industrial. The fever of making and
unmaking on the spur of the moment, the race for life without the
enjoyment of the least repose, have reduced art, which at first
was an enthusiasm, afterwards a taste, now to a fashion and a
luxury, bereft of the mighty force of our ancient community and the
great-minded and holy faith of our fathers. What the romance is to
history, the novel to the epic poem, the drama to the tragedy, the
portrait and its kind are to the great artistic works and historic
paintings, lost in common and epigrammatic subjects, and tortured
with minutiæ.
And this is not the end. He who preserves a sense of shame, of
charity, of faith, must either behold with loathing, or close his
eyes, when he sees the pencil of the lithographer and even the pure
light of heaven prostituted to dishonor whatever he has held most
holy in faith and life, to tempt the senses with foulness that
Sodom would have denounced. As they have made poison distil from
their inkstands, so, with vile ignorance or hateful forethought,
they have made art a pander for impurity and a school for the
barricades and petroleum. From such frenzy, which terrifies the
most daring and causes the most thoughtless to reflect, we hope
that men will return to conscience; and in a world which, in order
to cherish a better faith in its own greatness will believe no
longer in God, this hope is sustained by seeing the Martyrs, of
Giovanni Ferrari; the Angels above the Dead Christ, of Tabacchi;
the Christian Martyr, of Argenti; the Assumption, of Morelli and
Grigioletti; the Saint Joseph, of Bertini; the Saint Clair, of
Mancinelli; the Saint Lucian in Prison, of Ceccarini; the Ecce
Ancilla Domini, of Brioschi.
And you, as many of you as have authority and dignity, labor hard
with the pen, the voice, example, and precept to prevent the youth
not yet contaminated with this new licentiousness, nor yet drunk
with that perfume which lulls before it suffocates, from turning
renegades to the spirituality of art. Make them improve the feeling
rather than the style of their productions. Make them disavow the
causes whose effects we groan under, and which Providence has
allowed so long to afflict us. Make them rise above the prejudices
of the journals and the abjectness of officials, as well as the
mercenary motives of a utilitarian world and from practices which
make a trade of art. Let them never forget the lofty mission of
art, and that the form is merely a garb and outfit to clothe the
moral idea. For beauty is the perfection of being, perceived by the
spirit, felt in the heart, and its handmaid is truth, represented
with love. And, without doubt, for him whose aim is truth, the
best way of finding it is in subjects and deeds of religion. Let
us banish, then, indifference, which slays love and genius alike,
and that cold calculation which smothers trustful faith. The time,
the people, the man best fitted for the culture of art, will be
those whose life, at once profound and active, shall not be bound
down, but indeed lifted up by beliefs that are fixed and by customs
that are right; who combine fidelity to nature with the impulse
of enthusiasm; retaining power over matter, with due regard to
historical and moral proprieties; exciting that emotion which is
not unaccompanied by pleasure, but pleasure mingled with admiration.
Restore, I entreat you, art to its great principles! Fill life
again with those sweet illusions and great delights, making a
language of the deepest thoughts of a civilization ever more
refined, and so accustom us to realize the ideal, to ennoble
humanity! Give it back to its great office, to bear witness to
right belief, and to give joy to the little ones, who are our
brethren in Christ!
FOOTNOTES:
[112]
God’s writ unto our weakness bendeth down,
And with an inner meaning hands and feet
On him bestows whose being knows no bounds.
So holy church an aspect human gives
To Michael and to Gabriel and him
Who made Tobias whole.
Dante’s _Paradiso_, iv.
[113] Cicero (_De Oratore_) says that Phidias, when sculpturing a
Jove or Minerva, had no model from whom to copy. But in his own
mind he set up a certain wondrous type of beauty which came to him
by intuition, and, enwrapt in its contemplation, urged art and hand
to produce its likeness. It is precisely “that fixed idea which
comes into my mind” that Raphael spoke of.
[114] Petrarch.
[115] Lombardy.
[116] Canova made the observation to Napoleon that the artistic
monuments of Rome are religious, or placed under the guardianship
of religion. Religion had saved the treasures of antiquity in the
time of the barbarians, and multiplied them anew in later days.
[117] Overbeck’s principal work, perhaps, is the great piece in the
Frankfort Museum, where he has represented the triumph of religion
in art. He himself has explained it in a little book.
[118] A foreign artist said to me that in his archæological
researches he did not stop at Rome, because there there was nothing
mediæval. Didron, in his _Archæological Bulletin_, counts here
fifty Gothic constructions, and declared that in monuments of the
middle ages Rome was no less rich than Rouen, the most Gothic city
in France.
MAX MÜLLER’S “CHIPS.”[119]
Mr. Max Müller, the learned German professor, and Fellow of All
Souls’ College, Oxford, wrote, and in 1868 published, a collection
of essays on the science of religion which he calls _Chips from a
German Workshop_. He tells us this title was given him by the late
Chevalier Bunsen, who, on advising him to undertake the translation
of the Sacred Book of the Brahmins, the _Rig-Veda_, bade him give,
from time to time, to the public some chips from his workshop. The
intensely absorbing and delightful nature of his studies is to be
seen very clearly by these specimens. They embrace two of the most
important and most attractive branches of human science--that of
the varied forms of human thought in its relations to God; and
that of the multifold languages of the earth, and their mutual
relations. Prof. Müller’s philological investigations are confined
chiefly to the Indo-Germanic family, and confirm beyond possibility
of cavil the intimate connection between the many branches of
that family--the Sanskrit, the Brahmanic language in use at
present, the Persian, the Greek, the Latin with its offshoots, the
Italian, the French, and the Spanish, the Celtic and the English.
In exemplifying what he says on this subject, he speaks of the
meaning of the word _Veda_. Rig-Veda, he tells us, means praise of
knowledge or wisdom--_Rig_ or _Rich_ signifying _praise_ or _hymn_,
and _Veda knowledge_ or _wisdom_. He calls our attention to this
word _Veda_ in support of the theory of the connection of the Aryan
or Indo-Germanic group of languages. The root of it, or the word
deprived of its final vowel--_Ved_--is to be seen by substituting
the interchanging consonants in the English words _wit_, _wot_,
the German _weiss_, Gothic _vait_, Anglo-Saxon _wat_, Greek οἶδα,
to which may be added the Latin word _video_, _to see_, evidently
closely connected with this Sanskrit word signifying to know, for
knowledge is intellectual vision.
What impresses us most, at first sight, is the practical conclusion
to be drawn from the advanced state of philological studies. We
have here a striking proof of the unity of the race of man. Max
Müller speaks of this proof in favor of the unity of the Aryan
races as beyond gainsaying; words are there to establish the truth.
Now, if we see such differently constituted peoples--such as the
English and the Hindoo, the French and the Persian, the Celt and
the Italian--all members of one family, can any one be so rash
as to wish to exclude from fellowship with that family the tawny
Arab, the swarthy Malay, or the dark son of Africa, simply because
they are to be classed under the heads of Semitic and Turanian? It
is well known among physiologists that the differences of facial
angles and cranial thickness constitute nothing essential; while
the investigations of national thought and customs, hitherto veiled
by unintelligible languages, tend continually to demonstrate
and confirm the unity of man, to show that all men are of one
common stock, of one man and of one woman, all made after the one
type--that which exists, as the Bible tells us, in God. So far,
in fact, is real science from doing harm to revelation, that when
it attains its perfection it confirms the truths that have been
revealed. Whence we may draw this conclusion: that men who are wise
will take care to have revelation for their guide, even in science;
they will, it is clear, be saved from going astray, since their
ultimate examinations confirm its truth. It is not unfrequently
the case that the eager scientific man, by a logical process,
draws his conclusion without the slightest suspicion of error in
his premises. It is no wonder he is tenacious of his conclusion;
but how often are his ideas overthrown by “chance,” that strange
discoverer of more than one great treasure of the human race! And
how often sober, thoughtful men, meeting to determine the basis on
which they stand, have to say, as did the Geological Congress of
Paris in 1867: “_The state of the science is not such as to enable
us to make deductions wholly free from danger of error_”! or,
certainly it is most just that we should love science and follow it
faithfully, but always with an eye to that old and familiar adage,
“It is human to err.” There is really nothing after all that saves
a man from mistakes and confusion so much as a proper estimate
of his own conclusions, and a readiness to have them corrected
by others. It is a habit of mind that distinguishes really great
men, like the sounder portion of the Prehistorical Congress of
Bologna, in the autumn of 1871: “There is nothing in prehistorical
discoveries that is in contradiction with revelation.” Bacon has
bid us all put aside the _idola_, and thus free our minds from
prejudice. We should begin by banishing the idol of _self_, the
reliance on our own judgment, so as to be ready at once to abandon
cherished ideas, and to look on the principles of science as more
or less liable to be one day, by further investigation, shown to be
other than we think them. This is all the more important because
_false_ principles always do practical harm, and, if nothing else,
they retard the attainment of what we are searching for, in putting
us on the wrong path. We do not wish to be thought to condemn all
scientific principles as one day liable to be proven false. There
are some, the essential agreement of whose subject and predicate
absolutely excludes all danger of error, others which the constant
experience of the human race has shown to be true, such as, for
instance, the mathematical, and many of those that form the basis
of natural science. These do not contradict revelation, and will
never be proven false. The history of the past, however, is too
full of the _débris_ of systems of every kind that any one of
solid information should not take warning from them, and be on
his guard against looking on any proposition in natural science
as irrefragable which the concordant testimony of men since the
enunciation of it has not shown to be so. The Ptolemean system,
after an undisputed sway, yielded before the assaults of Copernicus
and Galileo, and its solid spheres, whose music filled the poet’s
mind with delight, and charmed the privileged spirits to whom it
was given to hear it, came down in awful ruin, and their sounds
were hushed for ever. Then those whose years did not begin with
the century can recall how eagerly they drank in the doctrine of
the imponderable principles; and lo! what has become of them? The
progress of the age has substituted for it the teaching of the
unity of forces, and motion answers for them all. The solidity of
the sun and its dark spots, under the telescope and the combined
investigations of astronomers, have disappeared, and gaseous
substance and interruption in its continuity have taken the place
of both. And in the recent brilliant discoveries in regard to
the constituent gases of the sun, who is to make us sure that the
lines in the spectrum, by which we profess to know the existence
in the sun of certain determinate objects, may not be produced
by other causes of which we know nothing? All these theories, we
grant, have great probability in their favor, and we do not cite
them with any intent to discredit the labors of the gifted men who
have formed them; but it is wise not to look on them as the end
of all investigation and beyond all controversy. As we think of
these vicissitudes of science, there occur to us, though not in a
spirit of disregard for true science, the words written long ago:
“I have seen the trouble which God hath given the sons of men to be
exercised in it. He hath made all things good in their time, and
hath delivered the world to their consideration, so that man cannot
find out the work which God hath made from the beginning to the
end.” (Eccles. iii. 10, 11.) This, however, is a digression; let us
return to our _Chips_.
By far the most important topic treated of by Prof. Müller is the
knowledge of God existing among the varied nations of men. He gives
great weight, and deservedly, to the result of his observation
in this respect, and we can readily understand why he should lay
so much stress on the importance of the study of the “science of
religion,” or the comparative study of the different religions of
the earth. As a matter of erudition, it must always be a subject
of the greatest interest, not only in itself, but also because it
serves to illustrate the words of the Apostle to the Romans, ch. i.
18-20: “For the wrath of God is revealed from heaven against all
ungodliness and injustice of those men that detain the truth of God
in injustice: because that which is capable of being known[120] of
God is manifest in them: for God hath manifested it unto them. For
the invisible things of him, from the creation of the world, are
clearly seen, being understood by the things that are made; his
eternal power also, and divinity, so that they are inexcusable.” We
shall have occasion to return to these words. Here we may remark
that this knowledge of God that transpires in all the citations
the learned Orientalist has laid before us, is nothing more than
what as Christians we expected to hear. But in this connection we
have to say that the contrary effect is produced to that intended
by Prof. Müller. This corroboration of the words of St. Paul,
uttered more than eighteen centuries ago, and proclaimed long
before by the author of the Book of Wisdom, ch. xiii., proves that,
so far from the religions of the earth meriting praise for their
reference to a Supreme Being, they deserve to be censured because
they detained the truth in darkness--in injustice. The words of the
Professor are: “We shall learn [from this comparative study] that
there is hardly one religion which does not contain some important
truth; truth sufficient to enable those who seek the Lord, and
feel after him, to find him in the hour of their need.” The first
portion of this assertion is true; the second is incorrect in its
expression, and dangerous in its tendency. It is incorrect in its
expression, inasmuch as it attributes to these religions, as such,
the possession of truth--not all, to be sure, but some truth. We
say, on the contrary, that the truth contained in these various
religious systems is the common inheritance of the human mind.
The light of Almighty God’s countenance shines on us all, no matter
who we are. The Psalmist asks: “_Quis ostendet nobis bona?_” and he
answers: “_Signatum est super nos lumen vultus tui Domine!_” It is
wrong, therefore, to give credit to a false system for the truth it
has enveloped in darkness. And the reason of this is palpable. If
we turn to the words of the apostle, as given above, do we find him
giving credit to the false religions of mankind for the truth they
contain? Anything but this. He says: “The invisible things of him,
from the creation of the world, are clearly seen, being understood
by the things that are made; his eternal power also, and divinity,
so that they are inexcusable. Because, when they knew God, they
did not glorify him as God.... And they changed the glory of the
incorruptible God into the likeness of the image of a corruptible
man, and of birds and four-footed beasts, and of creeping things.”
Here we have a sentence pronounced against these very religions our
author speaks of as containing sufficient truth to enable those who
seek the Lord and feel after him, to find him in the hour of their
need. The apostle condemns them because “they detained the truth of
God in injustice.”
This is to be said of these false religions even at their best.
But what is to be said of them when we take into consideration the
immense majority of those among the heathen do not attain to any
refined spirituality, but are engrossed in the material, sensual
forms of idolatry, like the conservative Parsees, so graphically
described in the book before us? We must therefore conclude that,
granting Prof. Müller intended to refer to man’s natural knowledge
or his reason as a means of knowing God, to which the apostle bears
witness, he has used an incorrect form of speech in attributing
to these religions efficacy in finding God. It would have been in
every way better to write that, in spite of the errors of these
various systems, there was still light enough left to man, through
his reason, to lead him to God--a truth not only substantiated by
the teaching of theologians, but, as we have seen, expressly laid
down in Holy Writ.
We have said the assertion of our author is not only incorrect in
its form, but dangerous in its tendency. That tendency, with all
respect to Prof. Müller’s expressed opinions, is latitudinarian;
it would lead one to think that, after all, the heathen and all
professing a false religion are in a comparatively safe state. If
this be so, why do we find the apostle assaulting those systems so
uncompromisingly, and asserting that the heathen are inexcusable?
And how do we reconcile with this theory the words of the Gospel,
“Unless ye be born again of water and the Holy Ghost, ye shall not
enter into the kingdom of heaven”? True, there is the _baptisma
flaminis_, the resource of those who have not the blessing of the
actual sacrament; but even this requires a rejection, absolute or
implied, of the false system, and the act of faith in the true
God, accompanied by a firm will of doing whatever it may be known
he asks of a sincere soul. The language of the great theologians
is certainly not in any way favorable to the safety of those who
follow a false religion. They tell us that those who among the
pagans of old were saved, were justified by their faith in a true
God and in the Redeemer to come. The doctor of grace, the great
St. Augustine, whose intellect was one of the most remarkable of
any age, says in _Serm. 3 on the 36th Ps._, “All who were just,
from the beginning of the world, have Christ as their head. For
they believed he was to come, whom we believe to have come already;
by faith in him they were saved, as we are.” Then, in the _Comm.
on the 128th Ps._, he writes: “Has the church only existed now?
The church is of old; from the time the saints were called the
church is on earth. Once it existed only in Abel, and was warred
against by a wicked and perfidious brother, Cain. Once the church
was only in Enoch, and he was taken away from the wicked. Once the
church was only in Noah’s house, and it suffered from all those
who perished by the flood, and only the ark floated on the waters
and escaped to the dry land. Once the church was only in Abraham,
and we know how much he suffered from the wicked. The church
existed only in Lot, and in his house in Sodom, and he bore with
the iniquity and perversity of the Sodomites, until the Lord freed
him from them. The church began to exist in the people of Israel,
and it suffered at the hands of Pharaoh and the Egyptians. And in
the very church itself, amid the people of Israel, there began to
flourish a number of holy souls: Moses and other saints suffered
from the wicked Jews. We come at last to our Lord Jesus Christ; the
Gospel has been preached, and he has said in the Psalms: ‘I have
brought the tidings, and I have spoken, and they are multiplied
beyond number.’” (See also the writings of the same father against
the Donatists.) The same idea of the necessity of faith in Christ
is found constantly in the teaching of the church and in the
writings of the fathers.
We ask after this, who deserve most credit as exponents of the
essential requisites of salvation--the early fathers of the
church, who explain the words of the apostle, “Without faith it
is impossible to please God,” in the sense we have here in St.
Augustine, and which too is had in the ancient Athanasian Creed;
or gentlemen like our author, whose ideas of Christianity, even
when they express them clearly, differ so widely from what was
once held as revealed truth, and who moreover cannot come to an
understanding among themselves as to what the truth of Christ is?
And if we must give the preference to the former, what are we
to say of an _opinion_ that serves to lull people into a false
security regarding that which is, of all things, the most vital in
its importance and consequences?
Prof. Müller rightly says that the knowledge of the false religions
of the world makes us appreciate more the Christian religion. Had
he taken the view we have given, he would have had a vastly greater
appreciation of it. He would not have put it in comparison with
other religions, as differing from them by a superior degree of
excellence, but would have shown that they differed essentially,
as right differs from wrong, as truth from error, and therefore
he would, while speaking charitably of individuals and leaving
them to the judgment of God, infinitely just, have condemned and
rejected these false systems of worship as the curse of the unhappy
race of Adam. As we have said before, we are not inclined to
charge Prof. Müller with the full consequences of his assertions,
since in several places of his work he gives his unqualified
acknowledgment of the claims of Christianity. Still we cannot but
look on his loose assertions as the result of the rationalistic
spirit that has begun so rapidly to pervade the most conservative
of English universities. Only a few years ago, when called to give
his testimony before the Board of Inquiry of the House of Lords
regarding the state of the universities, Canon Liddon said that
this tendency to rationalism had come in with the change in the
system of studies and the introduction of the higher philosophical
branches, and that it was making headway among the students in a
marked manner. Nor, when we see those at the head of the university
decide, as they did lately, that the Thirty-nine Articles are not
to be insisted on for examination except in case of those who
are candidates for the honorary degrees, and when we hear in our
own country a board of Anglican bishops declare that the word
“regeneration” in the formula of infant baptism does not imply
any moral change in the one baptized--it does not seem to us that
we are doing Prof. Müller injustice in thinking that he, a lay
professor in the university directed by the Anglican Church, has,
it may be unconsciously, taken in not a little of the leaven of
rationalism.
To this may be referred his translation of the text of St. Justin,
_Ap._ i., § 46, when he makes this Christian philosopher say,
“Christ is the first begotten of God, and we have already proved
him to be the very Logos (or _universal Reason_) of which mankind
are all partakers.” In the Edit. of the Congr. of St. Maurus of
the _Works of St. Justin_, this word universal does not occur; the
Greek text has simply the accusative “Logon,” and the Latin simply
“Rationem.” Certainly all Catholic theologians hold this doctrine
of St. Justin, and teach that the _Logos_ or _Verbum_ or _Ratio_
is the definite wisdom of the Godhead, by which God understands
himself and all things in himself, and that all created wisdom or
reason is but a participation of that Infinite Reason or Word. But
in these days, when the locutions, _universal soul_, _universal
intellect_, _universal being_, are used so much in a pantheistical
sense, we think an author can hardly find fault with those who very
probably misunderstand him when he uses expressions so liable to be
misinterpreted, and charge him with some tendency which he seems
in other places to disclaim. It seems to us the learned professor
should have taken all the greater care in his translation, as St.
Justin (in his _Ap._ ii. § 7) disclaims expressly all pantheistic
teaching, which he declares to be “foreign to all sound thought,
reason and mind.”
To show we do not wish to be unfair to this distinguished scholar,
we will do him the justice to cite his condemnation of the
pantheistic spirit of the times. He is speaking of Barthélemy St.
Hilaire’s _History of Buddhism_, and he quotes the words of the
preface of that writer:
“This book may offer one other advantage, and I regret to
say that at present it may seem to come opportunely. It is the
misfortune of our times that the same doctrines which form
the foundation of Buddhism meet at the hands of some of our
philosophers with a favor which they ill deserve. For some
years we have seen systems arising in which metempsychosis
and transmigration are highly spoken of, and attempts are
made to explain the world and man without either a God or a
Providence, exactly as Buddha did. A future life is refused to
the yearnings of mankind, and the immortality of the soul is
replaced by the immortality of works. God is dethroned, and in
his place they substitute man, the only being, we are told, in
which the Infinite becomes conscious of itself. These theories
are recommended to us sometimes in the name of science, or of
history, or philology, or even of metaphysics; and though they
are neither new nor very original, yet they can do much injury to
feeble hearts.”
And a few lines further on:
“It would be useful, however, if the authors of these modern
systems would just cast a glance at the theories and destinies
of Buddhism. It is not philosophy in the sense in which we
understand this great name, nor is it religion in the sense
of ancient paganism, of Christianity, or of Mohammedanism;
but it contains elements of all worked up into a perfectly
independent doctrine; acknowledges nothing in the universe but
man, and obstinately refuses to recognize anything else, though
confounding man with nature in the midst of which he lives. Hence
all those aberrations of Buddhism, which ought to be a warning to
others.” (P. 203, vol. i.)
We have one other charge against the learned professor for what,
though savoring a little of rationalism, more particularly
regards the Catholic Church. He says that “as the Oriental creeds
degenerated into grosser forms, so Christianity degenerates into
Jesuitism and Mormonism” (p. 185). We grant that the author is
striving to be fair to the pagans, and shows an unwillingness to
condemn them as a whole on account of the corrupt practices of a
portion of them. But in doing so he has shown himself most unjust
to a distinguished Order in the Catholic Church, whose piety,
virtue, and learning claim for them everywhere from Christians a
tribute of respect and gratitude, and nowhere more so than in our
own free land. It is really lamentable to see what we must call a
total want of knowledge in a person of such extensive information
and real ability as Prof. Müller. ’Tis strange that it did not
occur to him that there was a great incongruity in coupling the
Society of Jesus with the corrupt and sensual community of the
Mormons, and it is only another lesson to put us on our guard
against prejudice, which has so wonderful a power in perverting the
judgments of men so worthy of respect for their zeal in the cause
of truth.
This undeserved condemnation of the Jesuit Fathers is not the
only error into which Prof. Müller’s dislike of Catholicity has
betrayed him. On page 190, he speaks of the Buddhist ceremonies,
and in a foot-note refers to the work of the Abbé Huc in which he
describes his travels in China and Thibet, and remarks the curious
coincidence between the rites of the religion of the Grand Lama and
the forms of Catholic worship. Our author tells us that the Abbé
Huc pointed out the similarities between the Buddhist and Roman
Catholic ceremonials with such _naïveté_ that, to his surprise, he
found his delightful _Travels in Thibet_ placed on the _Index_. We
confess our surprise at this information. We never heard of the
abbé’s work having been signed with “the black mark of Peter,” but
we have heard the book very highly praised by persons who would
hardly have praised it had there been anything in it to merit the
censures of the church. We have too at hand a copy of the _Index_
coming down to six years after the publication of the _Travels in
Thibet_, but after a careful search have not been able to find
in it the name either of Abbé Huc or of this work. Moreover, it
strikes us as very unlikely that this writer should have suffered
for what has been stated pointedly by authors of the church from
the first ages down to our time. Had Prof. Müller turned his
attention to Tertullian’s book, _De Præscriptione Hæreticorum_, he
would have found at § 40 the following passage:
“Who is to interpret the sense of what may further heresy?
The devil, forsooth, whose office it is to distort the truth;
who rivals by the mysteries of the idols the very actions of
the divine sacraments. He too baptizes some as believers and
faithful; he promises the putting off of sin by the laver;
and, if I remember aright, Mithras there signs his soldiers
on the forehead, celebrates the offering of bread, and uses
the image of the resurrection, and gains the crown through the
sword (martyrdom). What shall I say more? that he destines his
high-priest for the nuptials of but one (wife)? that he has
his virgins? that he has his celibates? But if we consider the
superstitions of Numa Pompilius, if the priestly duties, emblems,
and privileges, the sacrificial service and instruments, and the
vessels of sacrifice, and the strangeness of their expiations
and votive gifts, has not the devil manifestly imitated the
observances of the Jewish law?”
In the seventeenth century Natalis Alexander, in his
_Ecclesiastical History_ (vol. ii. diss. iii. art. 3, § 3, No.
vii.) replying to the objections of Spencer, in his Dissertation
No. 3 on the _Ritual Laws of the Hebrews_, says: “It is far more
probable that the devil, the rival of God, inspired the heathen
to use in the rites of their divinities, or to carry about with
solemn pomp, arks or mystic vases containing something hidden
(arcanum),” than that the Israelites took their idea from them;
and further on: “Who does not see that the conclusion can be
drawn by just and better right? Therefore, the beaten vases had
their origin in the rivalry of the evil spirit seizing on all
that was splendid in the worship of God, and turning it to his
own worship.” There are besides several rites well known to have
existed among the heathen after the coming of Christ that bear so
close a resemblance to Christian and Jewish forms, that we are
warranted in following those archæologists who attribute them to
imitation of the usages of revealed religion. Take, for instance,
the taurobolium or criobolium, or baptism by the blood of a bull
or goat. In this ceremony the person undergoing it was placed in
a pit with a kind of sieve over his head, through which the fresh
blood of the animal was made to fall upon his whole body. What
is this but the corruption of baptism, the idea of redemption
through blood, and of the sprinkling with blood that took place
by divine command in the old law? It stands to reason that as the
Christian religion gained influence, paganism would, by seizing on
what was marked in it and perverting it to its own uses, strive to
regain its credit by an imitation which in some way would deceive
the ignorant. Prof. Müller can see from this that Catholics are
not unaccustomed to making such contrasts, and that they are far
from fearing them. And as for the case in point, history tells us
that St. Thomas evangelized India and very probably the countries
adjacent to it, while we know that St. Francis Xavier, as narrated
in his life, found decided traces of Christianity among some of
the Indians, though they had not the priesthood. This being the
case, we can readily comprehend how the followers of Buddha should
have adopted many of the forms in use among Christians, even the
recitation of psalms, which we know from the New Testament to have
been in use among the apostles, who, we are told, “went out from
the supper-room after reciting a hymn with their Master.”
Such are the remarks we have thought well to make in the interest
of truth in regard to these volumes of Prof. Müller, which, aside
from these objectionable features, are full of learning and of
interesting information, imparted in an easy and elegant style.
They will be of value to the scholar, especially to those whose
occupations do not allow them to consecrate much time to researches
such as those in which the professor is engaged. They will have the
effect of confirming the believer in the truth of Christianity, and
of making him thankful for the gift of a faith that has saved him
from such fearful enthralment of mind and body as he beholds his
fellow-men condemned to in the many forms of Eastern paganism. It
is true those who are not favorable to positive religious teaching
will wrest not a little of what is said to their own damage--a
danger we have tried to point out. Still, the learned author will,
after all, be justified in remarking that, if such be the case, it
is but another exemplification of the fact that the serpent draws
poison from the same plant from which the bee sips its honey.
FOOTNOTES:
[119] _Chips from a German Workshop._ By Max Müller. New York:
Scribner & Co.
[120] See Kühner’s _Gr. Grammar_, translated by Messrs. Edwards
and Taylor, London and New York, 1859, § 234 (i.), with regard to
the force of the verbal adjective. The word in the Greek text of
Tischendorf, _Ed. Sept._, is γνωστὸv.
TO WORDSWORTH.
Great poet, I have tasted and admired
These many years, but _known_ thee only now--
With nine-and-twenty winters on my brow,
And much beside that oft thy page inspired.
I find in thee a freshness long desired:
And take thy song as migrant bird a lake,
Which first she shunn’d, yet could not all forsake,
Till, last, she nests there--never to be tired.
To nature I have ever turn’d with love,
But now more fondly, from the world of men.
’Twas erst for sympathy: with Byron then:
But now, with thee, religiously--to prove
The sweets of contemplation, and emove
In other minds high thought and holy ken.
MAY, 1872.
TRUE GREATNESS.
There is a singular power in that pithy summons of the exordium
to the preface of the Mass--“Sursum Corda.” It stirs the deepest
feelings of the human heart. Human nature is keenly sensitive to
every appeal addressed to her true instincts. Man needs not to
be told that he possesses the _power_ of fixing his thoughts on
things superhuman, educing from them principles of action, and
shaping thereby his manifold relations with society. It is in
stimulating this latent energy, and lovingly decoying it up to its
most congenial atmosphere, that we experience the tender force of
“Sursum Corda” as a touching address to our innermost self.
Axioms are beyond demonstration. But man, no less than science,
has his own living first principles, and their evidence is of such
a clearness as to be but obscured by ratiocination. For instance,
it is always agreeable to our better nature to give praise where
praise is due. Heathen wisdom has beautifully witnessed to this
homely truth: “Palmam qui meruit ferat.”[121] The inspired son
of Sirach makes it an imperative duty: “Let us now praise men
of renown, and our fathers in their generation.... Let the
people show forth their wisdom, and the church declare their
praise.”[122] If we should be asked to expound the philosophy of
this noble instinct, we should be obliged, we apprehend, either
to mystify what is self-evident, or super-illustrate it by the
equally undemonstrable fact that greatness of character challenges
universal admiration. It is like the golden sunset of Italy,
or the many-tinted beauty of the rainbow. We feel, one and all,
impelled to do it unsolicited homage.
Further, we secretly covet and thirst after it. For, by a cardinal
law of our being, we fain would appropriate and monopolize
whatsoever we deem worthy of admiration. Concerning the particular
qualities of which true greatness is made up, there may be some
difference of opinion. What is indisputable is that its attainment
is the result of sustained effort; that that effort is itself a
fertile source of pleasure; and that in proportion as we loiter
in listless indolence, and shrink from making it, our life is
retrogressive and self-condemned.
Artists, in aiming at eminence copy the great masters. They seek
to touch their lips to the primal fount of inspiration. Now, it
is rather matter of history than abstract speculation or ascetic
predilection, that the very best models of greatness of character
have been the saints. With their deep piety, lengthened vigils, and
extraordinary ecstasies, we are not now concerned. It is as simple
men and women we view them. We are dealing rather with effects than
with causes. Aside from the supernatural aims whereupon they ever
bent and concentrated all their energies, and whereby they daily
renewed their youth, and whereat they ceaselessly imbibed fresh
draughts of vitalizing nectar, they are the highest types on record
of individual excellence. Those fine traits of character which men
are agreed in admiring shine out more conspicuously in the saints
than in any other class of men. On the other hand, human frailties,
social incongruities, personal imperfections, find little or no
place in their history.
Only true men love solitude. Not that anybody positively hates it,
but that most people prefer, instead of soaring alone with the
eagle, to fly low with the herd of the feathered tribe. Hence they
hold, with Aristotle, that he who loves solitude must be either a
wild beast or a god. It is indeed a godlike love, but it was the
cherished heritage of the saints. They were “never less alone than
when alone.”
Independence wins the respect of all. Not that reckless thrusting
of ourselves against all established usages which borders on
silliness, nor yet that waspish spirit of antagonism by which
littleness would, in distinguishing and gainsaying anything, fain
assume the garb of greatness. Christian independence, which is ever
both manly and modest, lies between rashness and sycophancy, but
partakes of the nature of neither. The harebrained truant is but
little further removed from the saint than the fawning parasite.
The kingly prophet of Israel makes frequent and beautiful allusions
to independence, as: “Dominus illuminatis mea et salus mea: quem
timebo?” And again: “Expecta Dominum, viriliter age, confortetur
cor tuum, et sustine Dominum.”[123] If a moral chemist were to
analyze independence, he would most likely discover that its seed
and stem is love of principle. Men have at all times been found
who smiled upon the frowns of fortune, and cheerfully welcomed
adversity, simply because principle still survived in unimpaired
integrity, though all else had perished. There was yet one rich
germ of abiding felicity. Of such it has been well said that “they
need not flatter the vain, nor be tried with the impertinent, nor
stand to the courtesy of knavery and folly. They need not dance
after the caprice of a humorist, nor take part in the extravagance
of another.” Perhaps no one sentence in the writings of the
illustrious Archbishop Hughes furnishes a true key-note to his
character better than this: “I have never had a patron in church
or state.” Few are able to pen such words, and, in doing so, defy
any impeachment of their veracity. A wholesome disregard for the
opinions of others or indifference to human respect is the synonym
of independence. It is, indeed, under the latter name we find
independence mentioned in hagiology and ascetic theology; and it
is one of the insidious poisons which the saints seem most to have
feared. They considered the world so whimsical that, do what they
might, they never could satisfy it. They everywhere saw good reason
for pondering the old argument: “John came neither eating nor
drinking, and you say: He hath a devil. The Son of Man is come both
eating and drinking, and you say: Behold a man that is a glutton
and a drinker of wine.”[124] There is a remarkable instance of
independence in the life of St. Thomas à Becket, and it shows how
utterly irreconcilable are human respect and love of principle.
It was clear to the chancellor that one of two things needs must
come to pass. Either he should be allowed to remain chancellor,
and continue in kindly relations with Henry, or he should be
constrained to accept the archbishopric, and, by denouncing
Henry’s conduct, cease to be the friend of the king. The latter
would have saints for friends at the cost of principle; he would
have precedence given to the crown over conscience; he would have a
courtier prelate with elastic convictions; he would have reconciled
anomalies and “harmonized impossibilities.” But the independence
of conscience is inflexible; and hence the memorable collision
between a powerful monarch, whose fraudulence time has unveiled,
and a prelate of unsullied integrity, whose glorious martyrdom is
one of the great triumphs of the church. A beautiful writer[125]
lays down a simple rule whereby men of vacillating character, in
matters of conscience and duty, may meet those who would shake
their independence with a sort of _argumentum ad hominem_: “Since
worldlings look upon us as foolish, let us regard them in the same
light.”
Closely akin to independence is steadfastness, or firmness of
resolve. Not a mulish obstinacy which spurns counsel, and, by
magnifying ourselves above all others, teaches us only to unlearn
ourselves. Such a spirit betrays utter want of self-knowledge;
for few suffice for themselves, and fewer still see themselves as
they are seen by others. Whoever would attain to greatness should
avoid the fickle and the inconstant. “He that toucheth pitch shall
be defiled therewith.” And as instability in the convictions of
the mind and affections of the heart extends to men’s relations
and occupations in life, branding them in all things as volatile,
supercilious, and untrustworthy, so we should study to be immovably
firm in retaining and acting upon principles which we know to be
based upon truth and justice. In pursuing any course of action
maturely planned, and followed up from commendable motives, we must
courteously but firmly resist all attacks materially affecting
the nature of our resolve. It is common with the giddy and the
irresolute to seek to bring down men of unbending firmness to their
own contemptible level. Whoever lacks the courage to be singular,
lacks the first element of greatness, is wanting in a source of
solid happiness, and can scarcely be a true Christian. To give up a
tried and disinterested friend, to relinquish a line of conduct in
itself good and deliberately entered upon--unless from motives far
more overpowering than those which had hitherto swayed you--besides
furnishing clear evidence of fickleness, inflicts upon the will an
incurable wound.
If steadfastness be the twin-sister of independence, fortitude
is its eldest daughter. It has various manifestations; but it is
best evidenced in danger and in time of difficulty. Opposition is
its touchstone, elicits its latent powers, displays them in their
modest and unborrowed beauty, making us regard their possessor
with feelings akin to those with which we behold a gallant ship
that has just ridden out a violent tempest, or the conqueror who,
having waded, in calm courage, through a sea of blood, conducts his
triumphant legions through the captured provinces to survey the
rich spoils of victory. Fortitude may be considered the lion-virtue
of the human breast. It is the shield of all the other virtues,
rising in earnest promptness at the signal of approaching combat,
and waiting, with giant force, to crush, if it cannot repel,
the invader. Sydney Smith would compare no pleasure to that of
conversation with a man of well-stored mind and communicative
disposition. It seems to us there is no sight more beautiful to
contemplate than that of a brave man in the midst of danger.
If aught could enhance its thrilling interest, it would be the
elevating assurance that the invincible hero wars with bitter
reluctance, and solely for the sacred interests of truth and
justice. Yet such, in all instances, has been the struggle of the
saints and the eminent servants of the church, in which her history
so copiously abounds. Such, in these latter days, was the attitude
of Dr. Doyle, before the lords and commons of Britain, disdainfully
repelling their calumnies against the Catholics of Ireland,
scattering a serried phalanx of Oxford’s ablest champions, and
submitting his very examiners to an unexpected ordeal of scrutiny.
A still more beautiful instance of quiet courage is that evinced
by St. Paul before the judgment-seat of Festus: “Neither against
the law of the Jews, nor against the temple, nor against Cæsar,
have I offended in anything. But Festus, willing to show the Jews a
pleasure, answering Paul, said: Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem, and
there be judged of these things before me? Then Paul said: I stand
at Cæsar’s judgment-seat where I ought to be judged. To the Jews
I have done no injury, as thou very well knowest. For if I have
injured them, or have committed anything worthy of death, I refuse
not to die. But if there be none of these things whereof they
accuse me, no man may deliver me to them: I appeal to Cæsar.”[126]
It was not only a fearless assertion of the civil rights and
liberty of the subject, but also the stirring rebuke to the
perfidious judge for that he sought to transgress the limits of the
constitution. St. Chrysostom’s reply to the courtier who brought
him the intimation of the Empress Eudoxia’s intention to banish him
from his see, breathes the spirit of conscious fortitude: “Is there
any place she can send me where God will not be with me?”
There are few things we more admire in others than energy of
character. Indolence is the weightiest of burdens. It has been
well said, “People that have nothing to do are quickly tired of
their own company.” Sluggishness is the paralysis of the mind,
and the grave of physical health. The intellectual faculties
of the sluggard are like pearls in the depths of the sea, or
ingots of priceless ore in an undiscovered gold-field. They are
a lost treasure. But they are more. Their loss entails life-long
death. “Desires kill the slothful, for his hands have refused to
work.”[127] The most miserable of men is the idler. Pleasure he
cannot enjoy. Food without an appetite is worse than useless; it
is positively noxious. A keen relish for delightful pastime is the
fruit of healthy industry. But from this the sluggard revolts, as
do children from ghosts and hobgoblins. For him there needs no
demon to tempt; he is the direst of tempters to himself. Sloth is
the couch of Lucifer. Moreover, it stifles self-respect, awakening
in its stead a rancorous spirit of hostility to those of opposite
character. The loudest grumblers are idlers. Being out of sorts
with themselves, they can ill brook the conflicting influences of
those who relish labor. When positive and negative electricity
conflict, lightning is the result. And when the magic charms of
ceaseless industry shine like sunbeams on the stagnant, marshy
nature of the do-nothing, there is generated a brood of vipers
which thrive by diffusing poison.
It is not wonderful that the saints should one and all have
declared unceasing war against sloth. They were prodigies of
industry. The mighty feats of labor which they successively
undertook, and, in most instances, amid harassing embarrassment,
carried to speedy completion, astonish the most energetic. It
would seem as if their bodies had been recast in some unearthly
mould, whence they came forth purged from all animal properties.
It was not so much that they acted in harmonious concert with
the will, as that they appear instinctively to have in some sort
anticipated its behests, outrunning it in the race of industry.
And as the sluggard, imperceptibly, becomes so besotted as to
seem denaturalized, so, on the other hand, the quickened energies
of the saints assumed an unflagging elasticity, second only to
the miraculous gift of bilocation, whereby, at sundry intervals,
they were empowered to be simultaneously present in different
localities. If it be true that no great enterprise has ever
been accomplished without sustained effort, and that before the
levelling force of persistent determination the most appalling
difficulties soon disappear, it is no less certain that by none
more than by the saints has this cheering truth been realized. In
a just appreciation of the value and dignity of labor, and the
refreshing streams of pleasure that flow from it, their history
shows them to have excelled: nor is it too much to say that on
this one ground alone they would be entitled to the gratitude and
veneration of mankind.
Hence the uniform cheerfulness which characterized them, and which
they ungrudgingly seized every means of imparting to others. It is
among the balmiest comforts which this shifting world can bestow
to hold constant, or even frequent, intercourse with men of happy
and contented minds. They make life a cloudless sunshine, beneath
whose genial warmth the chilling shadows of sorrow and depression
must needs melt rapidly away. The happiest of men were the saints.
Descrying in nature’s tiniest product but a feebly reflected beam
of uncreated beauty, they could sing with the Florentine bard:
“La gloria di colui che tutto muove
Per l’universo penetra, e risplende
In una parte più, e meno altrove.
* * * * *
O gloriose stelle, o lume pregno
Di gran virtù, del quale io riconosco
Tutto, qual che si sia, il mio ingegno.”[128]
If to murmur or grumble was with them a sin, to be blithe and
cheerful was the lightest of duties. Hours of sadness they indeed
had, when their own and the world’s sins were present to their
piercing minds. But through those passing eclipses there evermore
shone out a radiant smile--glittering sparks, issuing from the
glowing furnace of the heart within, where constantly burned the
loving recollection of promises sure to be redeemed and favors
graciously vouchsafed.
“Sweet intercourse
Of looks and smiles; for smiles from reason flow--
To brute denied, and are of love the food.”
There are, it seems to us, but few more desirable fortunes than
a state of perpetual cheerfulness. It is one which is not to be
purchased with gold. Its roots must be cast in the “eternal hills.”
The saints understood this. They held not in fiefdom from men their
changeless buoyancy of spirits. It was not with them a vortical
flux and reflux. It was not a checkered alternation of rapturous
mirth and gloomy dejection. Such is the ephemeral gladness of the
shallow humorist or the surfeited _bon vivant_. The cheerfulness
of the saints had nothing of the spasmodic. It was not a rushing
avalanche of fitfully majestic grandeur. It was a calm, stilly
lake of perennial transparency, lying in a hushed valley of mossy
verdure, fringed by a redolent clustering of midsummer’s fairest
flowers, reflecting the many-colored beauty of a rich autumnal
foliage, and resounding to the blessed harmonies of nature’s
feathered choristers. It was a fixed and permanent habit of mind,
sustaining the faculties in even security, keeping the emotions
of the will poised in rational equilibrium, dispelling all care,
all discontent, all overweening solitude, and diffusing throughout
their being a moral odor of sweet and undying fragrance.
One of the most evident results of such a state of mind is a spirit
of disinterestedness. This rare gift is, we consider, the strongest
proof of solid virtue. It is also the most winning attraction
observable in Christian character; and this, doubtless, is why
it is so frequently counterfeited, and employed as a subterfuge
to disguise the petty artifices of selfishness. It was not from
disinterestedness, but to be rid of the anxiety attendant upon
wealth, that the Grecian philosopher cast his gold into the
sea. He was the founder of a numerous school, whose adherents,
lacking true greatness of soul, comfort themselves, and seek to
hoodwink others, by aping excellence which they do not possess.
Disinterestedness, if it implies not sacrifice _in actu_, at least
supposes a readiness to submit, as often as need be, to the loss
of private interest. It seeks to eradicate, root and branch, all
narrow self-seeking. Herein lies the secret of its power in evoking
sympathy. It subdues the sternest enemy, wins plaudits from the
most callous observer, captivates all well-regulated minds, and
goes straight to every true, tender, and impressible heart. Knaves
are well aware of its popularity; conceal under its lambkin-like
guilelessness their wolfish cunning; and frequently glide, upon
its unerring prestige, into sudden and unmerited fortune. But only
with the saints--except in instances so rare as but to confirm the
rule--has disinterestedness attained its full growth. Riches, high
position, the esteem of the great ones of this world, such things
they deem it a luxury to be able to despise. But they stopped not
here, for this is but the threshold of disinterestedness. A stilly
and breathless contentment with the existing state of things; an
ever-vigilant eagerness to keep self-interest in the background,
giving due prominence to all things else; a prompt readiness to
be ignored rather than exalted; to be tossed to and fro upon the
sea of life, yet ever be buoyed to the surface by uncomplaining
indifference; to be all to all and dead to self--such is the point
they sedulously strove to reach. It was this beautiful quality
which so much endeared St. Francis de Sales to all with whom he
held intercourse. There went out from him that which distinctly
assured them that they stood in the presence of a superior being.
His sovereign once declared that there was more true nobility
in Francis than in any king he had ever read of, and that he
regarded his lofty virtue as something far more to be coveted
than the throne and sceptre of France. Having been requested by
a distinguished personage to accept a purse of gold, he declined
for the memorable reason that “he really knew not what to do with
it.” Centuries before, Saul of Tharsus spoke in similarly unselfish
strains to the citizens of Corinth: “Behold now the third time I am
ready to come to you; and I will not be burthensome unto you. For I
seek not the things that are yours, but _you_.”[129]
Disinterestedness finds vent in generosity without limit, and in
sympathy which admits of no distinction. Greatness embodies these
ministering angels of succor, and calls them her almoners and
handmaids. Heroes and conquerors have been bravest in their deeds
of magnanimity--most honored in their tender considerateness.
“Cæsar dando, sublevando, ignoscendo, gloriam sibi adeptus
est.”[130] It is said of Napoleon the First that, walking one
day on the coast of Calais, and meditating the ruin of the
British empire, he descried an English lad furtively launching a
tiny skiff, with a view to escaping from the navy of France and
revisiting his native land. There was too much of precocious daring
in the act not to stir the feelings of a soldier who had conquered
everything but his cool contempt for danger. The emperor gave
orders that a vessel of the line should be despatched to bear the
young Saxon to the shores of Britain. The achievements of human
generosity and sympathy fade into insignificance beside the heroism
of the saints. Nothing was with them too sacred to be transformed
into instruments of sympathy--into healing balsam to staunch the
wounds of sorrow and distress. The sacred vessels of the altar
were converted into money; the revenues of the church were made the
patrimony of the poor; and asylums of mercy went up to meet the
ravages of sudden epidemic, wherein the princely blood and fine
feelings of a St. Charles Borromeo and the genius of a Bellarmine
were happiest and most at home in bending over the pestilential
couch of smitten wretchedness. It is written of the “Seraph of
Assisi” that, on learning of a dearth of provisions among a horde
of banditti, he furnished them with an abundant supply, went in
person and publicly embraced the bandit chief, and soon saw them
exchange their career of plunder for a life of edifying industry.
To the hair-splitting sciolist, he would appear to have travelled
beyond the bounds of orthodoxy and sanctioned highway robbery; but
to the closer student of the Gospel, he will rather resemble him
who, going out from Gethsemani, kissed the worst of robbers, and
with his dying breath gave paradise to a public malefactor.
We have thus far indicated a few of those leading characteristics
which, if they be not, in the aggregate, true moral greatness
itself, are recognized as among its special and essential
ingredients. We cannot take leave of this subject without
repeating what at the outset we intimated, namely, that it is in
the lives of the saints those lofty traits of character are most
commonly and most endearingly illustrated. What share grace and
nature respectively have had in the formation and development of
each individual one, it has not been our object to investigate.
“Facienti quod in se est Deus nunquam denigat gratiam.”[131] One
thing only the saints sought at the hands of men--to be denied a
place in their memory. While here below, their wish was for the
most part realized to the fullest. They were of all others the
least understood and most abused. Their lowliness is now fittingly
exalted, and, while their bodies rest in peace, their names shall
be honored from generation to generation. Nor can we conceive
any means whereby men may more easily or more surely attain true
greatness, even in the natural order, than by striving, however
imperfectly, to rival those great men and women, once the earthly
gems of our ransomed humanity, now the sharers of its glorified
dignity and beauty, whom the church, in the progressive march of
time, steadily reproduces to our notice, to strengthen our faith,
to vivify our hopes, and intensify our undivided love for the
Creator in the first instance, and then for our fellow-creature,
without limit or distinction.
FOOTNOTES:
[121] “Let him receive the palm who has deserved it.”
[122] Ecclus. xliv. 1, 15.
[123] “The Lord is my light and my salvation: whom shall I fear?...
Wait on the Lord, act bravely, let thy heart be strengthened, and
wait for the Lord.”
[124] Luke vii. 33.
[125] St. Francis de Sales, _Introduction_, part iv. chap. 1.
[126] Acts xxv.
[127] Prov. xxi. 25.
[128] _La Divina Commedia_, _Paradiso_, canti i., xxii.
“The glory of him who gives life and motion to all things,
penetrates the universe, and shines forth with more splendor in one
part, and with less in another.
* * * * *
“O glorious stars! O light impregnate with powerful virtues! to
which I am indebted for all my genius, such as it is.”
The above rendering is taken from the admirable prose translation
of the Rev. E. O’Donnell.
[129] 2 Cor. xii. 14.
[130] “Cæsar gained glory for himself, by giving, by raising up, by
pardoning.”
[131] “God never denies grace to one who does what he can.”
RELIGIOUS PROCESSIONS IN BELGIUM.
In Belgium the patronal feasts of the churches and towns are
celebrated with great pomp and splendor. Each church, on its feast,
is adorned in the richest style, the streets and houses of the
parish are decorated with green branches and banners; high and low,
rich and poor, unite to do honor to the Blessed Sacrament, that
is carried in procession on the Sunday during the octave, within
the limits of the parish. From the houses of the nobles hang the
banners, and oriflammes emblazoned with their armorial bearings;
one common bond of sympathy and love unites all ranks, one common
desire to show homage and reverence to the dear Lord and Master,
who is to be borne in triumph in their midst.
Catholicity has so thoroughly moulded the habits and customs of
the people, the festivals of the church make the festivals of
the people; consequently, the feast of the church is also the
_Kermesse_, as it is called, of the people. The parish feast is
the _Petite Kermesse_; the patronal feast of the city the _Grande
Kermesse_, when all business is suspended, and universal rejoicing
prevails.
Bruges celebrates the _Grande Kermesse_ on the 6th of May, in honor
of the Precious Blood, which is on that day carried in procession
from the chapel of _Le Saint Sang_ to the cathedral. In the chapel
of _Le Saint Sang_, the oldest Christian building in Belgium, is
preserved the holiest of relics, the precious blood of our Lord,
which was expressed from the sponge with which his sacred body was
washed after the descent from the cross. It was brought from the
Holy Land by Comte Thierry d’Alsace, one of the first and most
distinguished of the early crusaders, and presented to the bishop
of his native city, Bruges; where it has ever since remained, the
object of the most faithful love and veneration.
Every year, on the 6th of May, the Bishop of Bruges and the canons
of the cathedral go in procession to the chapel of _Le Saint Sang_,
carry the relic, which is inclosed in a shrine of inestimable
value, to the cathedral; high mass is sung, benediction given,
and then the procession returns to the chapel, where, during the
octave, the precious relic is exposed to the veneration of the
faithful.
Bruges is one of the oldest and most Gothic of the Belgian towns;
in the middle ages it was the great commercial _entrepôt_, canals
intersect it in every direction, but trade has moved off to Antwerp
and other cities, and Bruges is left with only the traditions of
its former importance. It is, too, one of the quaintest of places;
grass grows in the streets, and, ordinarily, it is the quietest
of towns; consequently, the English affect it a great deal,
particularly converts. In the most retired part of the town is the
great convent of the _Dames Anglaises_; the chapel is magnificent;
around the walls are tablets with the names of the Talbots,
Giffords, Somersets, Middletons, and others who have died in the
convent, and were its benefactors. The habit is beautiful, pure
white with black veil; they follow the rule of St. Augustine, and
are principally English; nothing can be more calm and peaceful than
their retreat.
The Hôpital St. Jean is also well worth seeing, as its gallery of
paintings contains many of the gems of Memling and other masters of
the Flemish school. The hospital is under the charge of the _Sœurs
Hospitalières_, who are also Augustinians, dress in white like the
_Dames Anglaises_, but are not quite so elegantly picturesque.
The Palais de Justice, the beautiful little Hôtel de Ville, and the
Chapel of the Saint Sang, surround the Grande Place. It was the eve
of the _Grande Kermesse_ when we arrived in Bruges, and all the
country and adjoining towns had emptied into it; the streets and
Places were crowded with peasants in every imaginable costume;
women in round caps, pointed caps, peaks on top and wings on the
side; every age and style was represented. Near the Grand Place
is a belfry, immensely high, called the Carillon, with the most
delicious chime of bells, which made music all the afternoon and
evening. The bells of Bruges are the most famous in Belgium.
In the Grand Place two or three gymnasiums were in full operation;
at all the _Kermesses_ there are machines called _moulins_, like
enormous rotary engines, with chariots for the girls and women,
and horses for the boys and men, decorated with red and gold in
the most fantastic manner. Some of the carriages were red, others
blue, then yellow, and so on; round and round they went, the bands
of music playing, the children screaming with enjoyment, the
women waving their handkerchiefs; the people around looking on
delightedly, some smoking, some drinking, all enjoying themselves.
In another place, a circus was performing in broad daylight, clowns
jumping and turning somersaults, boys standing on men’s heads,
girls poised on the shoulders of other muscular individuals. The
chimes were ringing their merriest, and the great bells of the
cathedral and Notre Dame joined their loud voices to the chorus to
celebrate the eve of the great festival.
Early on the morning of the feast we visited the Chapel of the
Saint Sang, ascended the staircase; a priest sat behind a little
altar, holding the precious reliquary; we kissed the relic, saw
with our own eyes the crimson life-blood of our Blessed Redeemer,
shed for us on Calvary; passed down the other side; and descended
into the subterranean crypt, the oldest church in Flanders. Then
we visited the cathedral and Notre Dame, looked at the beautiful
pictures that adorn the walls, and meditated by the tombs of the
bishops and old dukes of Burgundy. In Notre Dame are the tombs of
Charles the Bold and Maria of Burgundy.
At ten, the high mass commenced in the cathedral; the Bishop of
Bruges sang the mass, the Nuncio’s throne was opposite, and on the
right of the Bishop of Bruges the Bishops of Ghent, Liège, and
Tournai occupied the first of the canons’ stalls, crimson velvet
hangings being thrown over the carved oak in honor of their rank.
The canons were in their stalls; the seminarians and the rest of
the clergy had the good places directly in front of the screen. In
the cathedral of Bruges the high altar is divided from the rest of
the church by great marble walls, on top of which were splendid
hangings of Gobelin tapestry; and all that could be seen was to be
done by peeping through the railing of the doors.
We left at the benediction, and made our way out, so as to see the
procession, which would pass the Hôtel de Flandre. The lancers
were drawn up in front of the cathedral, the streets were lined
with soldiers, flags and streamers floated in the breeze. We had
barely reached our window when we heard the approaching music,
the splendid band of the lancers. After the cavalry, that opened
the way and made the line, came the infantry; then the different
parishes, headed by the banners, the boys in cassocks and surplices
chanting, the girls in white veils and flowers--all that was
beautiful. The women came out from the houses and strewed flowers
and green leaves, so that the street looked like a carpet. In
nearly every detachment was a girl dressed like the Blessed
Virgin; in one, it was the Queen of Heaven--white dress, studded
with stars, mantle and train of blue velvet, gemmed with golden
stars, diadem and sceptre. In another, the Comfortress of the
Afflicted; in another, the Mother of God; again, the Mater Dolorosa.
Then came one of the most beautiful divisions: boys dressed to
represent the different saints of the city and churches--St. James;
St. Sebastian, with his bow and arrows; one, St. Charles Borromeo,
was perfect, mitre on the head, superb cross and chain, the crosier
in his hand--the little fellow marched with as much dignity and
grace as the five bishops who followed.
Immediately before the relic was borne a splendid statue of
the Mother of Sorrows, in purple velvet, surrounded by the
confraternity, dressed in purple, covered with large black lace
veils, followed by the “Three Marys.” Some artist must have dressed
and grouped them. The Blessed Virgin’s face was most exquisitely
pure and sorrowful, her blue mantle and dress fell around her with
perfect grace; the Magdalene supported her on one side, a beautiful
girl, with long flowing hair, superbly dressed, her arms covered
with splendid bracelets; on the other side was the third Mary, her
arm thrown around the Blessed Virgin to support her.
Last of all came the clergy of the cathedral, the seminarians
flinging clouds of incense, the canons in procession. The shrine
was carried in turn by different canons; immediately after walked
the Bishop of Bruges, giving his benediction, his train borne by
three boys; then the three other bishops, and the Nuncio, in a
superb cape and mitre, who likewise blessed the people. It was
beautiful; the white dresses of the children, the red and gold
vestments of the priests (all the vestments, of course, were red in
honor of the Precious Blood), the splendid banners, the magnificent
music, and the picturesque crowd, made an ensemble not easily
forgotten.
In Ghent, the great procession of St. Macaire, which only takes
place once in a century, was celebrated May 19, 1867, with
extraordinary splendor, to implore his intercession for the
preservation of Belgium from pestilence, the cholera, the typhus
fever, and the cattle disease, which so desolated the country the
previous year. The Cardinal of Malines, all the Bishops of Belgium,
the Nuncio, and Bishop Mermillod, of Geneva, who preached the
Jubilee, assisted. The city was crowded; over 100,000 strangers
from all parts, even from France and Germany.
The Cathedral of St. Bavon is very old, dates from 940, and was
in its gala dress. The shrine of St. Macaire, of solid silver, a
present from the city of Mons two hundred years ago, was placed
upon a temporary altar, erected in the middle of the transept,
surrounded by thousands of lights, a canopy of evergreens and
flowers overshadowed it, and the church was decorated with garlands
of flowers that hung from the ceiling in immense festoons; hundreds
of pennants suspended from the arched roof fluttered above our
heads; and the _coup d’œil_ from the lower part of the church, or
from behind the main altar, was surpassingly beautiful.
The mass was sung by the Nuncio, in the presence of the cardinal
and the other bishops. After the mass we looked at the paintings
in all the chapels, saw the font where Charles V. was made a
Christian, and by making the most of being strangers persuaded a
polite young gentleman to show us the famous statue of Duquesnoy.
Duquesnoy was one of the greatest sculptors of his day; we had seen
the beautiful statue of St. Ursula in the mortuary chapel of the
Princes of Tour and Taxis, in the church of the Sablon in Brussels,
and were anxious to see the still more famous _chef-d’œuvre_ in the
Cathedral of Ghent.
Duquesnoy, unfortunately, was as wicked as he was talented, and for
some great crime was condemned to be executed. While in prison he
finished his last great work, the recumbent figure of one of the
bishops of Ghent. He devoted his best energies to the task, hoping
by that means to obtain his pardon; the result was a grand success;
he had surpassed all his former efforts; but even the great triumph
could not obtain grace for him; the law was inexorable; he must
die. He asked to see once more his beloved statue, upon which he
had devoted his lonely prison life; he was taken before it, and
in despair and rage he seized a hammer and broke off the fingers
of the right hand. Before he could inflict further damage he was
hurried off, and burnt before the church of St. Nicholas.
We rambled around the cathedral in every direction, looking
perseveringly at the right hands of all the statues, but all the
fingers were perfect; where was Duquesnoy’s? Men were going round
clattering the keys, pushing the people out, priests were in all
corners, telling everybody the church must be cleared to make ready
for the procession. We made a beseeching appeal to a priest, who
stood upon the steps leading to the choir, that we were strangers,
probably never would be in Ghent again in our lives--couldn’t we
see the statue? He gave a wink to one of the ushers, and the young
gentleman responded by inviting us up the steps, and into the
choir we hurried.
There were three thrones, two on the epistle side for the Cardinal
and Nuncio, one on the gospel side for the Bishop of Ghent; the
other bishops had crimson velvet chairs and _pries-dieu_. Behind
the throne of the Bishop was the famous statue; the fingers have
been repaired, but the line is visible where the unfortunate wretch
wreaked his vengeance. Not only did we see the statue well, but our
polite guide insisted upon our examining closely the shrine of St.
Macaire; so we had a chance of admiring the beautiful chasing of
the repository of the relics.
After dinner, we took possession of our window, and at five the
procession came in sight. First, the lancers to make the line;
then the charitable associations of Ghent, the _confréries_ of St.
Francis Xavier, free schools, etc., each headed by superb banners.
The gem of this part was the Jesuit College of St. Barbe, forming
a group--the Triumph of St. Aloysius of Gonzaga. The choirboys
led the van, then the three cardinals--Borromeo, Bellarmin, and
Gonzaga, preceded by pages bearing their escutcheons, followed by
others carrying their trains; the statue of St. Aloysius, followed
by his brother Rudolph, Duke of Mantua, preceded by heralds bearing
the arms of the house of Gonzaga; the young nobles walked behind,
and the avenue was formed by halberdiers in the dress of the time.
The dressing of this group was gorgeous; the sons of the first
families of Flanders arrayed in the most magnificent style. We have
never seen it equalled on the stage.
Then followed in endless succession the religious orders of women,
the Sisters of Charity with the deaf and dumb; the Sisters of the
Visitation with their free schools; the Sisters of St. Joseph;
the Black Sisters, who nurse the sick; the Beguines from the Petit
and Grand Beguinage with their free schools; each division bearing
patron saints decorated in the most beautiful manner, and arranged
in the most artistic style.
The parishes were in full force; each parish was a grand procession
by itself; the schools and _confréries_ of each church with its
insignia. The Living Rosary was exquisite; bands of young girls
reciting the rosary; the Five Joyful Mysteries in white, with white
roses and ribbons; the Five Sorrowful, white and violet; the Five
Glorious, white and red--all with gorgeous banners and streamers.
The parish of St. John the Baptist was distinguished by a group
of the church militant, suffering, and triumphant. The church
militant, young girls dressed in white, green wreaths, ribbons,
and gauze veils floating around, indicating the immortal hopes of
the church; some bearing on velvet cushions the triple crown of
the Pope and the emblems of episcopal authority; the cross borne
aloft, crowned with garlands, and the words, in blazing letters,
“Portæ inferorum non prævalebunt contra te!” The church suffering,
girls in white, purple sashes and wreaths, covered with black lace
veils, bearing the instruments of the Passion, the inscription on
the cross, “Ave crux, spes unica!” The church triumphant, girls in
white, veils of cloth-of-gold, dresses studded with golden stars,
some bearing the banners of the Blessed Sacrament, others golden
palms of victory; the cross golden, with the legend, surrounded by
a halo of glory, “In hoc signo vinces!”
And so passed on the different parishes, each followed by the
clergy of the church in the richest vestments. The religious
orders of men came next, and lastly the parish of the cathedral
of St. Bavon with the precious relics of St. Macaire; the free
schools, the _confréries_, the congregation, and the most exquisite
historical group, representing the courts of the King of France and
the Comte de Flandre as they assisted at the translation of the
relics of St. Macaire in 1067--the soldiers, archers, chaplains,
standard-bearers, and pages in the most accurate costumes. The King
and Queen of France and the Comte de Flandre were magnificently
dressed; no tinsel, but superb diadems and robes of velvet and gold.
The “Slaves of Mary” formed a beautiful group; a lovely statue of
the Blessed Virgin, borne aloft, from which hung golden chains,
carried by young ladies, dressed in white, enveloped in white
lace veils, the chains binding them together. It was difficult to
choose where all was so beautiful, but we were almost tempted to
say it was the gem. Add to this magnificence the streets adorned
with flags, houses covered with green branches and flowers,
balconies with blue, crimson, and yellow velvet hangings glittering
with gold, and some idea may be formed of the uniquely beautiful
spectacle.
The seminary, the curés in surplice and ermine hanging from the
left arm, the deans in copes, the canons of the cathedral, the
bishops of Namur, Liège, Bruges, Tournai, Geneva, and Ghent in
mitre and cope, preceding the shrine of St. Macaire, borne by
priests, surrounded by lights; then the Nuncio; and, last of all,
the Cardinal of Malines--all the bishops giving the episcopal
benediction, the people blessing themselves in the most earnest,
reverential manner.
Well may Ghent have been proud of her procession! The Cardinal of
Malines said it could not have been seen anywhere but in Belgium,
and nowhere in Belgium but in Ghent. It was two hours passing our
window, and five hours going from the Chateau des Espagnols, the
old Abbey of St. Bavon, to the cathedral.
The _Grande Kermesse_ of Brussels is in July, the first Sunday
after the 13th, the anniversary of the translation of the
_Très-Saint-Sacrement de Miracle_ from St. Catharine’s to the
beautiful collegiate church of St. Gudule. In the fourteenth
century, in the year 1370, sixteen hosts were stolen by the Jews
from the tabernacle of St. Catharine, carried to their synagogue,
and on Good Friday they assembled to gratify their hate; they
placed them upon a table, stabbed them--blood flowed. Shocked at
what they had done, but not converted, even by what they had seen,
they tried to get rid of them, and induced a woman to carry them to
their brethren in Cologne. The woman had been recently converted,
and although, from love of gold, she consented to conceal the
crime, she determined to reveal all to the priest who had received
her into the church. She carried them to him, avowing the part she
had taken in the whole affair; the authorities arrested the Jews,
the guilty ones were executed, the rest banished from Brussels, and
their property confiscated.
St. Catharine’s was a chapel of St. Gudule’s; so the clergy went in
grand procession, followed by the reigning sovereigns, nobility,
and dignitaries, to bring them to St. Gudule’s. The Jews had
destroyed some of them; there only remained three, which are the
especial objects of veneration in Brussels. The synagogue where the
outrage was committed was bought by Comte de Salagar, and converted
into a chapel; but as it was small, a beautiful _chapelle
expiatoire_, designed by Pugin, has been erected adjoining.
Attached to it is a community of ladies, semi-religious, who
perpetually adore the Blessed Sacrament in the spot where it was
profaned; besides their office of perpetual adoration, they devote
themselves to good works pertaining to the Blessed Sacrament; they
make vestments for poor churches and missions, instruct children
for the first communion, visit the sick, and prepare the dying for
the holy viaticum.
Where once the most cruel hate was shown, now the most ardent love
is manifested. The sanctuary is always perfumed with the choicest
flowers, the altar blazes with light, and the incense of prayer and
adoration is ever offered, to atone for the awful insult. On Holy
Thursday, the ladies of Brussels send their richest jewels to adorn
the repository, which is always in the old synagogue; and when one
glances from the tablet, which tells that on this spot the shocking
deed was perpetrated, he beholds, enthroned on high, the holy of
holies, surrounded by diamonds, rubies, sapphires, emeralds, and
pearls.
The _Très-Saint-Sacrement de Miracle_ is preserved in St. Gudule’s;
Charles V. built the beautiful chapel of the Blessed Sacrament,
and the superb windows were presented by his royal sisters, the
Queens of Portugal and Hungary, his brother, Ferdinand, King of
the Romans, and Francis I. of France. The sanctuary is surrounded
by a cordon of lamps, always burning, and the monstrance presented
by the Duc d’Arenberg is ablaze with jewels. When the Pays Bas
were under the rule of Austria, the Austrian sovereigns lavished
upon this chapel every mark of affection; the most superb laces,
worth thousands of francs, and jewels; and the unfortunate Marie
Antoinette sent her wedding-necklace of diamonds to be suspended
around the monstrance.
The week before the festival, a retreat is always given in the
Chapelle Expiatoire, and during the octave there are sermons by
some famous preacher every day at St. Gudule’s. One year the
retreat was given by Père Hermann, in religion Frère Augustin
Marie du Très-Saint-Sacrement, a converted Jew, then a bare-footed
Carmelite. He was a great artist, Liszt’s best pupil, the idol of
the salons of Paris, Vienna, Brussels, and all the capitals of
Europe, and was converted by the Blessed Sacrament in a miraculous
manner. He told us the history of his conversion. Said he: “I was
invited to play the organ in a church in Paris for some great
charity. I consented. I played. At the benediction I ceased, I
looked on; when in an instant I felt that I knew that God was in
the Blessed Sacrament. I fell on my knees. I adored, and for some
time was insensible to all around. But, although convinced, I was
not converted. For three months I continued my artist-life, when,
one day in St. Gudule’s, in the chapel of the Blessed Sacrament,
I received my _coup de grâce_. I resisted no longer; I became a
Catholic; and you see me now before you, a Carmelite.” We asked
him if it was true that he had been such a great artist. “Yes,” he
answered; “that is, in the history of music Liszt considered me
his best pupil; as such, I accompanied him in his tours, and he
presented me to all the crowned heads as his future successor.” His
preaching was wonderful, always on the Blessed Sacrament, and when
he turned to the tabernacle his countenance was inflamed with love.
The grand procession leaves St. Gudule’s after the High Mass,
winds its way through the streets, adorned in the most gorgeous
manner--military music, soldiers, the different parishes with their
respective clergy, children strewing flowers, and priests swinging
censers before the Très-Saint-Sacrement de Miracle, which is borne
under a magnificent canopy by the deacon and sub-deacon of the
Mass, followed by the dean. Through the kneeling crowds they march
until they reach the picturesque Grande Place, and there, on an
altar ornamented with the national colors, the Blessed Sacrament is
exposed for adoration.
At that moment it is superb; the military form the square, the
beautifully dressed children kneel in the centre, the clergy are
ranged on the high flight of steps leading up to the altar--incense
is burning from huge urns; the dean intones the Tantum Ergo, it is
taken up by hundreds--and then the bell rings, the drums roll, the
soldiers present arms, the dean raises the Très-Saint-Sacrement de
Miracle, and gives the benediction to the Hôtel de Ville, and in
blessing that hall blesses the city.