Section 2.

Nature in the aspect which she presented to a Greek philosopher

of the fourth century before Christ is not easily reproduced to

modern eyes. The associations of mythology and poetry have to be

added, and the unconscious influence of science has to be

subtracted, before we can behold the heavens or the earth as they

appeared to the Greek. The philosopher himself was a child and

also a man—a child in the range of his attainments, but also a

great intelligence having an insight into nature, and often

anticipations of the truth. He was full of original thoughts, and

yet liable to be imposed upon by the most obvious fallacies. He

occasionally confused numbers with ideas, and atoms with numbers;

his a priori notions were out of all proportion to his

experience. He was ready to explain the phenomena of the heavens

by the most trivial analogies of earth. The experiments which

nature worked for him he sometimes accepted, but he never tried

experiments for himself which would either prove or disprove his

theories. His knowledge was unequal; while in some branches, such

as medicine and astronomy, he had made considerable proficiency,

there were others, such as chemistry, electricity, mechanics, of

which the very names were unknown to him. He was the natural

enemy of mythology, and yet mythological ideas still retained

their hold over him. He was endeavouring to form a conception of

principles, but these principles or ideas were regarded by him as

real powers or entities, to which the world had been subjected.

He was always tending to argue from what was near to what was

remote, from what was known to what was unknown, from man to the

universe, and back again from the universe to man. While he was

arranging the world, he was arranging the forms of thought in his

own mind; and the light from within and the light from without

often crossed and helped to confuse one another. He might be

compared to a builder engaged in some great design, who could

only dig with his hands because he was unprovided with common

tools; or to some poet or musician, like Tynnichus (Ion), obliged

to accommodate his lyric raptures to the limits of the tetrachord

or of the flute.

The Hesiodic and Orphic cosmogonies were a phase of thought

intermediate between mythology and philosophy and had a great

influence on the beginnings of knowledge. There was nothing

behind them; they were to physical science what the poems of

Homer were to early Greek history. They made men think of the

world as a whole; they carried the mind back into the infinity of

past time; they suggested the first observation of the effects of

fire and water on the earth’s surface. To the ancient physics

they stood much in the same relation which geology does to modern

science. But the Greek was not, like the enquirer of the last

generation, confined to a period of six thousand years; he was

able to speculate freely on the effects of infinite ages in the

production of physical phenomena. He could imagine cities which

had existed time out of mind (States.; Laws), laws or forms of

art and music which had lasted, ‘not in word only, but in very

truth, for ten thousand years’ (Laws); he was aware that natural

phenomena like the Delta of the Nile might have slowly

accumulated in long periods of time (Hdt.). But he seems to have

supposed that the course of events was recurring rather than

progressive. To this he was probably led by the fixedness of

Egyptian customs and the general observation that there were

other civilisations in the world more ancient than that of

Hellas.

The ancient philosophers found in mythology many ideas which, if

not originally derived from nature, were easily transferred to

her—such, for example, as love or hate, corresponding to

attraction or repulsion; or the conception of necessity allied

both to the regularity and irregularity of nature; or of chance,

the nameless or unknown cause; or of justice, symbolizing the law

of compensation; are of the Fates and Furies, typifying the fixed

order or the extraordinary convulsions of nature. Their own

interpretations of Homer and the poets were supposed by them to

be the original meaning. Musing in themselves on the phenomena of

nature, they were relieved at being able to utter the thoughts of

their hearts in figures of speech which to them were not figures,

and were already consecrated by tradition. Hesiod and the Orphic

poets moved in a region of half-personification in which the

meaning or principle appeared through the person. In their vaster

conceptions of Chaos, Erebus, Aether, Night, and the like, the

first rude attempts at generalization are dimly seen. The Gods

themselves, especially the greater Gods, such as Zeus, Poseidon,

Apollo, Athene, are universals as well as individuals. They were

gradually becoming lost in a common conception of mind or God.

They continued to exist for the purposes of ritual or of art; but

from the sixth century onwards or even earlier there arose and

gained strength in the minds of men the notion of ‘one God,

greatest among Gods and men, who was all sight, all hearing, all

knowing’ (Xenophanes).

Under the influence of such ideas, perhaps also deriving from the

traditions of their own or of other nations scraps of medicine

and astronomy, men came to the observation of nature. The Greek

philosopher looked at the blue circle of the heavens and it

flashed upon him that all things were one; the tumult of sense

abated, and the mind found repose in the thought which former

generations had been striving to realize. The first expression of

this was some element, rarefied by degrees into a pure

abstraction, and purged from any tincture of sense. Soon an inner

world of ideas began to be unfolded, more absorbing, more

overpowering, more abiding than the brightest of visible objects,

which to the eye of the philosopher looking inward, seemed to

pale before them, retaining only a faint and precarious

existence. At the same time, the minds of men parted into the two

great divisions of those who saw only a principle of motion, and

of those who saw only a principle of rest, in nature and in

themselves; there were born Heracliteans or Eleatics, as there

have been in later ages born Aristotelians or Platonists. Like

some philosophers in modern times, who are accused of making a

theory first and finding their facts afterwards, the advocates of

either opinion never thought of applying either to themselves or

to their adversaries the criterion of fact. They were mastered by

their ideas and not masters of them. Like the Heraclitean

fanatics whom Plato has ridiculed in the Theaetetus, they were

incapable of giving a reason of the faith that was in them, and

had all the animosities of a religious sect. Yet, doubtless,

there was some first impression derived from external nature,

which, as in mythology, so also in philosophy, worked upon the

minds of the first thinkers. Though incapable of induction or

generalization in the modern sense, they caught an inspiration

from the external world. The most general facts or appearances of

nature, the circle of the universe, the nutritive power of water,

the air which is the breath of life, the destructive force of

fire, the seeming regularity of the greater part of nature and

the irregularity of a remnant, the recurrence of day and night

and of the seasons, the solid earth and the impalpable aether,

were always present to them.

The great source of error and also the beginning of truth to them

was reasoning from analogy; they could see resemblances, but not

differences; and they were incapable of distinguishing

illustration from argument. Analogy in modern times only points

the way, and is immediately verified by experiment. The dreams

and visions, which pass through the philosopher’s mind, of

resemblances between different classes of substances, or between

the animal and vegetable world, are put into the refiner’s fire,

and the dross and other elements which adhere to them are purged

away. But the contemporary of Plato and Socrates was incapable of

resisting the power of any analogy which occurred to him, and was

drawn into any consequences which seemed to follow. He had no

methods of difference or of concomitant variations, by the use of

which he could distinguish the accidental from the essential. He

could not isolate phenomena, and he was helpless against the

influence of any word which had an equivocal or double sense.

Yet without this crude use of analogy the ancient physical

philosopher would have stood still; he could not have made even

‘one guess among many’ without comparison. The course of natural

phenomena would have passed unheeded before his eyes, like fair

sights or musical sounds before the eyes and ears of an animal.

Even the fetichism of the savage is the beginning of reasoning;

the assumption of the most fanciful of causes indicates a higher

mental state than the absence of all enquiry about them. The

tendency to argue from the higher to the lower, from man to the

world, has led to many errors, but has also had an elevating

influence on philosophy. The conception of the world as a whole,

a person, an animal, has been the source of hasty

generalizations; yet this general grasp of nature led also to a

spirit of comprehensiveness in early philosophy, which has not

increased, but rather diminished, as the fields of knowledge have

become more divided. The modern physicist confines himself to one

or perhaps two branches of science. But he comparatively seldom

rises above his own department, and often falls under the

narrowing influence which any single branch, when pursued to the

exclusion of every other, has over the mind. Language, two,

exercised a spell over the beginnings of physical philosophy,

leading to error and sometimes to truth; for many thoughts were

suggested by the double meanings of words (Greek), and the

accidental distinctions of words sometimes led the ancient

philosopher to make corresponding differences in things (Greek).

‘If they are the same, why have they different names; or if they

are different, why have they the same name?’—is an argument not

easily answered in the infancy of knowledge. The modern

philosopher has always been taught the lesson which he still

imperfectly learns, that he must disengage himself from the

influence of words. Nor are there wanting in Plato, who was

himself too often the victim of them, impressive admonitions that

we should regard not words but things (States.). But upon the

whole, the ancients, though not entirely dominated by them, were

much more subject to the influence of words than the moderns.

They had no clear divisions of colours or substances; even the

four elements were undefined; the fields of knowledge were not

parted off. They were bringing order out of disorder, having a

small grain of experience mingled in a confused heap of a priori

notions. And yet, probably, their first impressions, the

illusions and mirages of their fancy, created a greater

intellectual activity and made a nearer approach to the truth

than any patient investigation of isolated facts, for which the

time had not yet come, could have accomplished.

There was one more illusion to which the ancient philosophers

were subject, and against which Plato in his later dialogues

seems to be struggling—the tendency to mere abstractions; not

perceiving that pure abstraction is only negation, they thought

that the greater the abstraction the greater the truth. Behind

any pair of ideas a new idea which comprehended them—the (Greek),

as it was technically termed—began at once to appear. Two are

truer than three, one than two. The words ‘being,’ or ‘unity,’ or

essence,’ or ‘good,’ became sacred to them. They did not see that

they had a word only, and in one sense the most unmeaning of

words. They did not understand that the content of notions is in

inverse proportion to their universality—the element which is the

most widely diffused is also the thinnest; or, in the language of

the common logic, the greater the extension the less the

comprehension. But this vacant idea of a whole without parts, of

a subject without predicates, a rest without motion, has been

also the most fruitful of all ideas. It is the beginning of a

priori thought, and indeed of thinking at all. Men were led to

conceive it, not by a love of hasty generalization, but by a

divine instinct, a dialectical enthusiasm, in which the human

faculties seemed to yearn for enlargement. We know that ‘being’

is only the verb of existence, the copula, the most general

symbol of relation, the first and most meagre of abstractions;

but to some of the ancient philosophers this little word appeared

to attain divine proportions, and to comprehend all truth. Being

or essence, and similar words, represented to them a supreme or

divine being, in which they thought that they found the

containing and continuing principle of the universe. In a few

years the human mind was peopled with abstractions; a new world

was called into existence to give law and order to the old. But

between them there was still a gulf, and no one could pass from

the one to the other.

Number and figure were the greatest instruments of thought which

were possessed by the Greek philosopher; having the same power

over the mind which was exerted by abstract ideas, they were also

capable of practical application. Many curious and, to the early

thinker, mysterious properties of them came to light when they

were compared with one another. They admitted of infinite

multiplication and construction; in Pythagorean triangles or in

proportions of 1:2:4:8 and 1:3:9:27, or compounds of them, the

laws of the world seemed to be more than half revealed. They were

also capable of infinite subdivision—a wonder and also a puzzle

to the ancient thinker (Rep.). They were not, like being or

essence, mere vacant abstractions, but admitted of progress and

growth, while at the same time they confirmed a higher sentiment

of the mind, that there was order in the universe. And so there

began to be a real sympathy between the world within and the

world without. The numbers and figures which were present to the

mind’s eye became visible to the eye of sense; the truth of

nature was mathematics; the other properties of objects seemed to

reappear only in the light of number. Law and morality also found

a natural expression in number and figure. Instruments of such

power and elasticity could not fail to be ‘a most gracious

assistance’ to the first efforts of human intelligence.

There was another reason why numbers had so great an influence

over the minds of early thinkers—they were verified by

experience. Every use of them, even the most trivial, assured men

of their truth; they were everywhere to be found, in the least

things and the greatest alike. One, two, three, counted on the

fingers was a ‘trivial matter (Rep.), a little instrument out of

which to create a world; but from these and by the help of these

all our knowledge of nature has been developed. They were the

measure of all things, and seemed to give law to all things;

nature was rescued from chaos and confusion by their power; the

notes of music, the motions of the stars, the forms of atoms, the

evolution and recurrence of days, months, years, the military

divisions of an army, the civil divisions of a state, seemed to

afford a ‘present witness’ of them—what would have become of man

or of the world if deprived of number (Rep.)? The mystery of

number and the mystery of music were akin. There was a music of

rhythm and of harmonious motion everywhere; and to the real

connexion which existed between music and number, a fanciful or

imaginary relation was superadded. There was a music of the

spheres as well as of the notes of the lyre. If in all things

seen there was number and figure, why should they not also

pervade the unseen world, with which by their wonderful and

unchangeable nature they seemed to hold communion?

Two other points strike us in the use which the ancient

philosophers made of numbers. First, they applied to external

nature the relations of them which they found in their own minds;

and where nature seemed to be at variance with number, as for

example in the case of fractions, they protested against her

(Rep.; Arist. Metaph.). Having long meditated on the properties

of 1:2:4:8, or 1:3:9:27, or of 3, 4, 5, they discovered in them

many curious correspondences and were disposed to find in them

the secret of the universe. Secondly, they applied number and

figure equally to those parts of physics, such as astronomy or

mechanics, in which the modern philosopher expects to find them,

and to those in which he would never think of looking for them,

such as physiology and psychology. For the sciences were not yet

divided, and there was nothing really irrational in arguing that

the same laws which regulated the heavenly bodies were partially

applied to the erring limbs or brain of man. Astrology was the

form which the lively fancy of ancient thinkers almost

necessarily gave to astronomy. The observation that the lower

principle, e.g. mechanics, is always seen in the higher, e.g. in

the phenomena of life, further tended to perplex them. Plato’s

doctrine of the same and the other ruling the courses of the

heavens and of the human body is not a mere vagary, but is a

natural result of the state of knowledge and thought at which he

had arrived.

When in modern times we contemplate the heavens, a certain amount

of scientific truth imperceptibly blends, even with the cursory

glance of an unscientific person. He knows that the earth is

revolving round the sun, and not the sun around the earth. He

does not imagine the earth to be the centre of the universe, and

he has some conception of chemistry and the cognate sciences. A

very different aspect of nature would have been present to the

mind of the early Greek philosopher. He would have beheld the

earth a surface only, not mirrored, however faintly, in the glass

of science, but indissolubly connected with some theory of one,

two, or more elements. He would have seen the world pervaded by

number and figure, animated by a principle of motion, immanent in

a principle of rest. He would have tried to construct the

universe on a quantitative principle, seeming to find in endless

combinations of geometrical figures or in the infinite variety of

their sizes a sufficient account of the multiplicity of

phenomena. To these a priori speculations he would add a rude

conception of matter and his own immediate experience of health

and disease. His cosmos would necessarily be imperfect and

unequal, being the first attempt to impress form and order on the

primaeval chaos of human knowledge. He would see all things as in

a dream.

The ancient physical philosophers have been charged by Dr.

Whewell and others with wasting their fine intelligences in wrong

methods of enquiry; and their progress in moral and political

philosophy has been sometimes contrasted with their supposed

failure in physical investigations. ‘They had plenty of ideas,’

says Dr. Whewell, ‘and plenty of facts; but their ideas did not

accurately represent the facts with which they were acquainted.’

This is a very crude and misleading way of describing ancient

science. It is the mistake of an uneducated person—uneducated,

that is, in the higher sense of the word—who imagines every one

else to be like himself and explains every other age by his own.

No doubt the ancients often fell into strange and fanciful

errors: the time had not yet arrived for the slower and surer

path of the modern inductive philosophy. But it remains to be

shown that they could have done more in their age and country; or

that the contributions which they made to the sciences with which

they were acquainted are not as great upon the whole as those

made by their successors. There is no single step in astronomy as

great as that of the nameless Pythagorean who first conceived the

world to be a body moving round the sun in space: there is no

truer or more comprehensive principle than the application of

mathematics alike to the heavenly bodies, and to the particles of

matter. The ancients had not the instruments which would have

enabled them to correct or verify their anticipations, and their

opportunities of observation were limited. Plato probably did

more for physical science by asserting the supremacy of

mathematics than Aristotle or his disciples by their collections

of facts. When the thinkers of modern times, following Bacon,

undervalue or disparage the speculations of ancient philosophers,

they seem wholly to forget the conditions of the world and of the

human mind, under which they carried on their investigations.

When we accuse them of being under the influence of words, do we

suppose that we are altogether free from this illusion? When we

remark that Greek physics soon became stationary or extinct, may

we not observe also that there have been and may be again periods

in the history of modern philosophy which have been barren and

unproductive? We might as well maintain that Greek art was not

real or great, because it had nihil simile aut secundum, as say

that Greek physics were a failure because they admire no

subsequent progress.

The charge of premature generalization which is often urged

against ancient philosophers is really an anachronism. For they

can hardly be said to have generalized at all. They may be said

more truly to have cleared up and defined by the help of

experience ideas which they already possessed. The beginnings of

thought about nature must always have this character. A true

method is the result of many ages of experiment and observation,

and is ever going on and enlarging with the progress of science

and knowledge. At first men personify nature, then they form

impressions of nature, at last they conceive ‘measure’ or laws of

nature. They pass out of mythology into philosophy. Early science

is not a process of discovery in the modern sense; but rather a

process of correcting by observation, and to a certain extent

only, the first impressions of nature, which mankind, when they

began to think, had received from poetry or language or

unintelligent sense. Of all scientific truths the greatest and

simplest is the uniformity of nature; this was expressed by the

ancients in many ways, as fate, or necessity, or measure, or

limit. Unexpected events, of which the cause was unknown to them,

they attributed to chance (Thucyd.). But their conception of

nature was never that of law interrupted by exceptions,—a

somewhat unfortunate metaphysical invention of modern times,

which is at variance with facts and has failed to satisfy the

requirements of thought.

Timaeus · 第 2 / 9 章