[1] "This modest work, which does not pretend to be without mistakes,
and perhaps other flaws, has a special interest in that it treats of a
matter about which the historians of those islands had hardly occupied
themselves. The chronicles written by the laborious ecclesiastics, the
only books of history which may be consulted about the Philippines,
contain nothing but descriptions of the campaigns against the Dutch,
the wars against the infidels--in the Archipelago as well as on the
continent of Asia--the rebellions of the natives in some provinces,
so easily suppressed, the bloody encounters with the Chinese settled
in the islands, portentous miracles, progress of the missions in
China, Annam and Japan, famous conflicts between the ecclesiastical
jurisdiction and the civil power represented by the Governor General
and the Real Acuerdo, great crimes, other notable events of different
kinds and changes in the personnel and form of administration of
the country.
"But in all these works, though useful and important, there is
observed, among others, the absence of antecedents relative to
economic and mercantile legislation, the scarcity of data to show the
development of wealth of the country and of its commercial movement,
the lack of a critical analysis of the legal provisions concerning
such activities, and of their influence on the decadence or progress
of production and commerce." (Manuel Azcarraga y Palmero, Gobernador
civil cesante de Manila, Alcalde mayor que ha sido de Cagayan y de
Bulacan, Auditor honorario de Marina, etc., La Libertad de Comercio
en las Islas Filipinas.--Madrid, 1872, pp. 9-10.)
[2] " * * * The result is that Spanish writers, with them the
Filipinos, and to a great extent the writers of Philippine treatises
in other languages (drawing hastily upon Spanish sources), have over
emphasized the political history of this Philippine record. Of course,
in Spain and the Spanish countries long-standing habit makes it the
tendency to look to government for everything, and to think of all
amelioration of evils and all incitements to progress as coming from
above; while social and economic conditions in the Philippines are such
as to emphasize this tendency, the aristocracy of wealth and education
standing apart from the masses and being, to the latter, identified in
the main with the government, with the "powers above." Nevertheless, it
is to be insisted that social and economic progress in the Philippines
during the last half-century should be considered separately and
studied more practically than they have been thus far." (Le Roy's
Bibliographical Notes.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 52, 134.)
[3] For detailed discussion of this theory, see The Economic
Interpretation of History, by E. R. A. Seligman. Also, History
of Civilization in England, by H. T. Buckle, Vol. I, Chapter II,
Influence Exercised by Physical Laws over Organization of Society and
the Character of Individuals. This chapter is reprinted in Sociology
and Social Progress, by T. N. Carver.
[4] "In many ways the next decade of the history of the Philippines
may resemble the splendid development of the neighboring country
of Japan. Both countries have in past times been isolated more or
less from the life and thought of the modern world. Both are now
open to the full current of human affairs. Both countries promise
to play an important part in the politics and commerce of the Far
East. Geographically, the Philippines occupy the more central
and influential position, and the success of the institutions
of the Philippines may react upon the countries of southeastern
Asia and Malaysia to an extent that we cannot appreciate or
foresee." (Dr. D. P. Barrows, A History of the Philippines, pp. 9-10.)
"Manila was also the commercial center of the Far East, and the
entrepôt through which the kingdoms of eastern Asia exchanged
their wares. Here came great fleets of junks from China laden with
stores. Morga fills nearly two pages with an enumeration of their
merchandise, which included all manner of silks, brocades, furniture,
pearls and gems, fruits, nuts, tame buffalo, geese, horses and mules,
all kinds of animals, 'even to birds in cages, some of which talk and
others sing and which they make perform a thousand tricks; there are
innumerable other gewgaws and knickknacks, which among Spaniards are
in much esteem.'
"Each year a fleet of thirty to forty vessels sailed with the new moon
in March. The voyage across the China Sea, rough with the monsoons,
occupied fifteen or twenty days, and the fleet returned at the end of
May or the beginning of June. Between October and March there came,
each year, Japanese ships from Nagasaki which brought wheat, silks,
objects of art, and weapons, and took away from Manila the raw silk
of China, gold, deer horns, woods, honey, wax, palm-wine, and wine
of Castile.
"From Malacca and India came fleets of the Portuguese subjects
of Spain, with spices, slaves, Negroes and Kafirs, and the rich
productions of Bengal, India, Persia, and Turkey. From Borneo, too,
came the smaller craft of the Malays, who from their boats sold the
fine palm mats, the best of which still come from Cagayan de Sulu
and Borneo, slaves, sago, water-pots and glazed earthenware, black
and fine. From Siam and Cambodia also, but less often, there came
trading-ships. Manila was thus a great emporium for all the countries
of the East, the trade of which seems to have been conducted largely
by and through the merchants of Manila." (Ibid., pp. 173-174.)
"Their position, whether in a political or a commercial point of view,
is strikingly advantageous. With India and the Malay Archipelago
on the west and south, the islands of the fertile Pacific and the
rising empires of the new world on the east, the vast market of
China at their doors, their insular position and numerous rivers
affording a facility of communication and defence to every part of
them, an active and industrious population, climates of almost all
varieties, a soil so fertile in vegetable and mineral productions as
almost to exceed credibility; the Philippine Islands alone, in the
hands of an industrious and commercial nation, and with a free and
enlightened government would have become a mighty empire--they are--a
waste!" (Bl. and Rb., Vol. 51, pp. 74-75, Remarks on the Philippine
Islands, 1819-22, by "An Englishman.")
[5] " * * * No one who has studied this subject with care can get
rid of the idea that the religious aim was not the chief basis of
the activities connected with the occupation of the Philippines. It
was purely commercial. It was only later that the religious element
acquired greater strength. * * * "
" * * * In such mercantile activities, the Philippines played the
role of a central market for the distribution of products between
the West and East,--a work which was of greatest importance. * * *
These Islands were not only a great commercial market, but also a
great religious center. * * * "
" * * * No one who has followed the opportunities offered to these
Islands, can doubt the importance that they will have, due to their
geographic position, in the modern commercial market which is opened
to them with the establishment of their new means of communication
with the world. (Referring to the Panama Canal.) These Islands,
and not Japan, or Hongkong will bind the East with the West." ("The
Importance of the Study of Philippine Geography,"--Lecture delivered
by Dr. J. A. Robertson, before the Asociación Geográfica de Filipinas,
November 27, 1912.)
[6] Manila, October 7, 1701. (The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898--Blair
and Robertson, Vol. 44, p. 139.)
[7] "Historia General de Filipinas," Jose Montero y Vidal, Vol. 1,
p. 66.
[8] "Purposely introduced species comprise those of various other
tropical countries that, for reason of their economic importance,
have been introduced either in prehistoric or within historic
times. Naturally the first plants introduced were those of the Malayan
region that were familiar to the original invaders or their successors
in western Malaya, and these include such species as Job's tears (Coix
lachryma-jobi L.), the more common form of use for ornamental purposes,
another form cultivated for food; sugar cane (Saccharum officinarum
L.), as a source of sugar; lemon grass (Andropogon citratus DC),
used as a condiment; vetiver (Andropogon zizanioides Urb.), for its
aromatic root; sorghum (Andropogon sorghum L.), for food; Italian
millet (Setaria italica Beauv.), for food; rice (Oryza sativa L.), for
food; bamboos (Bambusa vulgaris Schrad., and B. blumeana Schultes),
for purposes of construction; coconut (Cocos nucifera L.), for food
(this species is unquestionably of American origin, but reached the
Orient long before the advent of Europeans); betel-nut palm (Areca
catechu L.), for its stimulating properties; sweet flag (Acorus calamus
L.), medicinal; taro (Colocasia esculentum Schott), food; yam, "ubi"
(Dioscorea alata L.), for food; garlic (Allium sativum L.), for food;
various varieties of the banana (Musa paradisiaca L.), for food;
various zingiberaceous plants (Kaempferia galanga L., Curcuma zedoaria
L., C. longa L., Zingiber zerumbet Sm., and Z. officinale Rosc),
for condiments, etc.; betel-pepper (Piper betel L.) for use with the
betel-nut for chewing; bread fruit (Artocarpus communis Forst.),
and the jak fruit (A. integrifolia L. f.), for food; amaranths
(Amaranthus gangeticus L., A. caudatus L.), for ornamental purposes
and food; "libato" (Basella rubra L.), for food; champaca (Michelia
champaca L.), for its fragrant flowers (this may have been introduced
later by the Spaniards); siempre viva (Bryophyllum pinnatum Kurz),
for medical purposes; horse radish tree (Moringa oleifera Lam.),
for food and medicine; sappan (Caesalpinia sappan L.), for dyeing;
the tamarind (Tamarindus indica L.), for food; indigo (Indigofera
tinctoria L.), for dye; "caturay" (Sesbania grandiflora Pers.),
for its edible flowers and its resinous exudation; the pigeon pea
(Cajanus cajan Merr.), for food; the cow pea (Vigna sesquipedalis L.),
for food; the asparagus pea (psophocarpus tetragonolobus DC.), for
food; "batao" (Dolichos lablab L.), for food; the mungo (Phaseolus
radiatus L.), for food; various citrus fruits, such as the pomelo
(Citrus decumana Murr.), the lime (C. lima Lunan.), and varieties
of the orange (C. aurantium L.), for food; the santol (Sandoricum
koetjape Merr.), for food; the lansone (Lansium domesticum Jack),
for food; some euphorbias (E. tirucalli L.), for medicine; "iba"
(Cicca disticha L.), for food; crotons (Codiaeum variegatum Blume),
for ornamental purposes; castor oil plant (Ricinus communis L.), for
medicine; croton oil plant (Croton tiglium L.), for medicine and for
poisoning fish; balsam (Impatiens balsamina L.), for medicine and for
ornamental purposes; cotton (Gossypium sp.), for textile purposes;
silk cotton tree (Ceiba pentandra Gaertn.) for its fibrous floss;
various Eugenias (E. jambolana Lam., E. malaccensis L., E. jambos L.,
and E. javanica L.), for food; "papua" (Nothopanax fruticosum Miq.),
for medicine and for ornamental purposes; jasmine (Sasminum sambac
Ait.), for its fragrant flowers; "solasi" (Ocimum basilicum L., and
O. sanctum L.), for condiments; sesame (Sesamum orientale L.) for its
oily seed; the bottle gourd (Lagenaria leucantha Rusby), for food;
the sponge gourd (Luffa cylindrica Roem. and L. acutangula Roxb.),
for food; the "condol" (Benincasa hispida Cogn.), for food; and the
"ampalaya" (Momordica charantia L.) for food.
From an examination of the above list it will readily be seen that
a great number of species were purposely introduced in prehistoric
times from various parts of the East, chiefly through Malaya, for one
reason or another, usually for their food value or for other reasons
of economic importance. It is quite certain that none of the species
enumerated above are natives of the Philippines, and it is equally
certain that none reached the Archipelago without the aid of man. Again
it is equally certain that, with possibly very few exceptions, all
these species were introduced by the early Malay invaders, by their
successors, or by peoples of various other nationalities with whom
they came in contact, long before the advent of the Europeans in the
Orient."--"Notes on the Flora of Manila with special reference to the
Introduced Element. E. D. Merrill. The Philippine Journal of Science,
Vol. VII, No. 3, Sec. C. Botany, pp. 192-194.
[9] "If we exclude the abacá plant (Musa textilis Née) and the various
trees yielding timbers, gums, and resins, a few palms, some bamboos,
the rattans, etc., it will be found that practically all the species
now found in the Archipelago that are of the greatest importance
in the economy of the native, whether for food, for condiments,
for clothing, for dyes, for ornamental purposes, and very many for
medicinal purposes, have originated outside of the Philippines, and
have purposely been introduced at one time or another." (The Flora
of Manila, E. D. Merrill, Ibid.)
[10] Sucesos de las Islas Filipinos, Antonio de Morga, Chap. 8. In
Blair and Robertson Vol. 16, p. 87.
"Instead of olives and other pickled fruit, they have a green fruit,
like walnuts, which they call "paos." (Pahó.) Some are small,
and others larger in size, and when prepared they have a pleasant
taste. They also preserve "charas" in pickle brine, and all sorts
of vegetables and greens, which are very appetizing. There is much
ginger, and it is eaten green, pickled, and preserved." (Ibid. p. 97).
[11] Merrill: Flora of Manila.
[12] However, both Dr. Tavera (Census of the Philippine Islands,
Vol. I, p. 329), and Montero y Vidal (Historia General de Filipinas,
Vol. I, p. 66.), state that the sweet potato was being cultivated here
at the time of the conquest. Pigafetta also mentions it in his account.
[13] The American element in the Philippine flora is of peculiar
interest as showing the effect of commerce on the vegetation of a
country. Even with the limited communication between the Philippines
and Mexico, it is surprising to consider the number of American forms
introduced here through the medium of the galleons in the years
when all communication between Spain and the Philippines was via
Mexico. From the time of the Spanish conquest up to the year 1815,
a period of nearly 300 years, the government galleons sailed annually
for Manila, first from Navidad and later from Acapulco, on the western
coast of Mexico. These galleons carried not only the civil, military,
and ecclesiastical authorities between Spain and the Philippines via
Mexico, but also other travellers, merchants, etc., as well as large
quantities of merchandise.
At an early date various Spanish officials, but, apparently, chiefly
the priests, introduced here the various species of economic value,
food plants, medicinal plants, fruits, etc., that were familiar to
their countrymen in tropical America, most often bringing seeds,
but in some cases most certainly living plants. Undoubtedly many
species were introduced at that time that failed to become established
here. Among the American species purposely introduced from Mexico may
be mentioned the following: "Maize (Zea mays L.), introduced for food;
the "pineapple" (Ananas sativus Schultes), for its edible fruit and
its fiber; maguey (Agave cantula Roxb.), for its fiber; the tuberose
(Polianthes tuberosa L.), for its fragrant flowers; the spider lily
(Hymenocallis tenuiflora Herb.), for ornamental purposes; the canna
(Canna indica L.), for ornamental purposes; arrowroot (Marania
arundinacea L.), for food; "aposotis" (Chenopodium ambrosioides
L.), for medical purposes; four o'clock (Mirabilis jalapa L.),
for ornamental purposes; "libato" (Anredera scandens Moq.); various
species of Anona (A. muricata L., A. reticulata L., and A. squamosa
L.), for their edible fruits; the avocado (Persea americana Mill.),
for its edible fruit; the Mexican poppy (Argemone mexicana L.), for
ornamental purposes or for medicine; "camanchile" (Pithecolobium
dulce Benth.), for its tanbark and its edible fruit; "aroma"
(Acacia farnesiana Willd.) for its fragrant flowers; "ipel-ipel"
(Leucaena glauca Benth.), as a hedge plant; the sensitive plant
(Mimosa pudica L.), for ornamental purposes; "cabellero" (Caesalpinia
pulcherrima Sw.), for ornamental purposes; "acapulco" (Cassia alata
L.), for medicinal purposes; the "peanut" (Arachis hypogaea L.), for
food; indigo (Indigofera suffruticosa Mill.), for dye; "madre cacao"
(Gliricidia sepium Steud.), for hedges and for ornamental purposes; the
lima bean (Phaseolus lunatus L.), for food; the yam bean (Pachyrrhizus
erosus Urb.), for its edible root; the bilimbi and carambola (Averrhoa
bilimbi L., and A. carambola L.), for their edible fruits; physic nut
(Jatropha curcas L.), for medicine, as well as J. multifida L. for
ornamental purposes; cassava (Manihot utilissima Pohl), for food;
the cashew nut (Anacardium occidentale L.), for its edible fruit;
"ciruelas" (Spondias purpurea L,.), for its edible fruit; "cotton"
(Gossypium braziliense Macf.), for textile purposes; "cacao"
(Theobroma cacao L.), the source of chocolate and cacao; acheute
(Bixa Orellana L.), for dye; the "papaya" (Carica papaya L.), for
its edible fruit; various species of cacti (Nopalea and Cereus), for
ornamental purposes; the guava (Psidium guajava L.), for its edible
fruit; the "chico" (Achras sapota L.), for its edible fruit; the "chico
mamey" (Lucuma mammosa L.), for its edible fruit; the "sapote negro"
(Diospyros ebenaster Retz.), for its edible fruit; the temple flower
(Plumeria acutifolia Poir.), for its fragrant flowers; the periwinkle
(Lochnera rosea Reichb.), for its ornamental flowers; "campanello"
(Thevetia neriifolia Juss. and Allamanda caihartica L.), for ornamental
and medicinal purposes; some species of convolvuli (Ipomoea nil Roth,
Quamoclit pinnata Boj., Colonictyon aculeatum House), for ornamental
purposes, and the "sweet potato" (Ipomoea batatas Poir.), for food;
lantana (Lantana camara L.), for ornamental purposes; "dama de
noche" (Cestrum nocturnum L.), for its fragrant flowers; "tobacco"
(Nicotiana tabacum L.); the tomato (Lycopersicum esculentum Mill.);
the peppers (Capsicum frutescens L. and C. annuum L.), for condiments
and for food; some ornamental Bignoniaceae (Crescentia alata HBK.,
and Tecoma stans Juss.); (?) the squash (Curcubita maxima Duch.),
for food; some ornamental Compositae (Tagetes erecta L., Helianthus
annuus L., Cosmos caudatus HBK., and C sulphureus Cav.), and "ayapana"
(Eupatorium triplinerve Vahl), for medicine."
(Merrill: Flora of Manila, pp. 198-199.)
[14] On the whole, agriculture was not the chief aim of Spanish
colonization. "How little attention, on the whole, the conquistadores
directed to agricultural colonies, considering their various
services in the transplantation of domestic animals, cereals, and
vegetables from the Old to the New World, is very clearly shown by
Peter Martyr, who condemns the expedition to Florida with the words:
"For what purpose do we need such products as are identical with
those of southern Europe?" It is true that Columbus's second voyage of
discovery had a settlement in view, and for that reason was provided
with domestic animals, seeds, etc. It was a failure, however, owing
to the mutinous spirit of the Spaniards. The regions which were best
adapted to agricultural colonies, as, for example, Caracas, Guiana,
Buenos Ayres, were neglected by the Spaniards for centuries. ("The
Spanish Colonial Policy," Wilhelm Roscher (1904), pp. 2-3.)
"It is a strange thing that the Spaniards who go to those regions
(The Philippines) honestly to make a small fortune do not engage more
in agriculture, in a country where there is so much virgin land and
of such great fertility, where labor is extremely cheap, and the crop
easily and profitably sold." (La Libertad de Comercio en Filipinas,
Manuel Azcarraga y Palmero, p. 27.)
" * * * the Spaniards cared but little for the cultivation of the
lands." (The Ecclesiastical System in the Philippines, Manuel Buzeta,
O. S. A., and Felipe Bravo, O. S. A., Madrid, 1850. From their
Diccionario de las Islas Filipinas. In Bl. and Rb., Vol. 28, p. 285.
[15] Montero y Vidal, "Historia General de Filipinas," Vol. I, p. 67.
[16] "Beef is eaten, cattle being raised abundantly in stockfarms in
many different parts of the islands. The cattle are bred from those
of China and Nueva España. The Chinese cattle are small, and excellent
breeders. Their horns are very small and twisted, and some cattle can
move them. They have a large hump upon the shoulders, and are very
manageable beasts. * * * There is abundance of flesh of wild game,
such as venison, and wild boars, and in some parts porcupines. There
are many buffaloes, which are called carabaos, which are raised in the
fields and are spirited; others are brought tame from China; these are
very numerous, and very handsome. These last are used only for milking,
and their milk is thicker and more palatable than that of cows. Goats
and kids are raised, although their flesh is not savory, because of the
humidity of the country. These animals sicken and die for that reason,
and because they eat certain poisonous herbs. Ewes and rams, although
often brought from Nueva España, never multiply. Consequently there
are none of these animals, for the climate and pasturage has not as
yet seemed suitable for them. There were no horses, mares, or asses,
in the islands, until the Spaniards had them brought from China and
brought them from Nueva España. Asses and mules are very rare, but
there are many horses and mares. Some farms are being stocked with
them, and those born (mixed breeds for the most part) turn out well,
and have good colors, are good tempered and willing to work, and
are of medium size. Those brought from China are small, very strong,
good goers, treacherous, quarrelsome, and bad-tempered. Some horses
of good colors are brought from Japan. They have well-shaped bodies,
thick hair, large fetlocks, large legs and front hoofs, which make them
look like draft-horses. Their heads are rather large, and their mouths
rather hard. They run but slowly, but walk well, and are spirited and
of much mettle. The daily feed of the horses consists throughout the
year of green provender, besides rice in the husk, which keeps them
very fat." (Morga's Sucesos, 1609, Bl. and Rb. Vol. 16, pp. 89-91.)
[17] "The islands, as I am told, need stallions, mares and cows,
and other domestic animals. In order that they may be bred there
in numbers, I am writing to the viceroy of Nueva España, to send
to the said islands twelve mares, two stallions, twenty cows,
and two bulls. You shall ask him for these as you pass there, and
shall take them with you in your vessels as you go upon your voyage;
and whatever you think needful for the animals can be brought from
China and Japan. You shall order those farmers who are about to go
to the said islands, and the chiefs, to tame and breed buffaloes, so
that with all these animals there may be sufficiency to carry on the
farming, and for other needful services." (Instruction to Dasmariñas
of Felipe II, Aug. 9, 1589;--Bl. and Rb. Vol. 7, p. 156.).
Also, Instructions to Tello, 1596, Bl. and Rb., Vol. 9, p. 236.
[18] "There are plenty of fowls like those of Castilla, and others
very large, which are bred from fowls brought from China. They are
very palatable, and make fine capons. Some of these fowls are black in
feather, skin, flesh, and bones, and are pleasant to the taste. Many
geese are raised, as well as swans, ducks, and tame pigeons brought
from China."
(Antonio de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinos, Chap. 8.--Bl. and
Rb., Vol. 16, p. 90.)
[19] "The material surroundings of the Filipino before the arrival of
the Spaniards were in nearly every way quite as they are today. The
"center of population" of each town today, with its great church,
tribunal, stores and houses of stone and wood, is certainly in marked
contrast; but the appearance of a barrio of little distance from
the center is today probably much as it was then. Then, as now,
the bulk of the people lived in humble houses of bamboo and nipa
raised on piles above the dampness of the soil; then, as now, the
food was largely rice and the excellent fish which abound in river
and sea. There were on the water the same familiar bancas and fish
corrals, and on land the rice fields and coconut groves. The Filipinos
had then most of the present domesticated animals,--dogs, cats, goats,
chickens, and pigs,--and perhaps in Luzon the domesticated buffalo,
although this animal was widely introduced into the Philippines from
China after the Spanish conquest. Horses followed the Spaniards and
their numbers were increased by the bringing in of Chinese mares,
whose importation is frequently mentioned.
"The Spaniards introduced also the cultivation of tobacco, coffee,
and cacao, and perhaps also the native corn of America, the maize,
although Pigafetta says they found it already growing in the Bisayas.
"The Filipino has been affected by these centuries of Spanish
sovereignty far less on his material side than he has on his spiritual,
and it is mainly in the deepening and elevating of his emotional
and mental life and not in the bettering of his material condition
that advance has been made." (Dr. D. P. Barrows, A History of the
Philippines, pp. 106-107).
[20] "The planters keep working the soil almost as they used to
do three centuries ago." Memoria sobre los Montes de Filipinas,
Sebastian Vidal y Soler; Madrid, 1874, p. 74.)
[21] Antonio de Morga, "Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas,"
chap. 8. Rival's note to this says: This work, although not laborious,
is generally performed now by the men, while the women do only the
actual cleaning of the rice. (Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, p. 79).
[22] "The lands which they inhabited were divided among the whole
barangay, especially the irrigated portion, and thus each one knew his
own." Customs of the Tagalogs, Juan de Plasencia, O. S. F.; Manila,
October 21, 1589. Blair and Robertson, Vol. 7, p. 174.
[23] See Chapter II, as to evidences of prosperity of the Filipinos
at the time of the coming of the Spaniards.
Caingin system described: "They reported that the country was so
fertile that when natives desired to plant their rice they only burn
a part of the mountain and, without any further plowing or digging,
they make holes with a stick in the soil, and drop some grains of
rice in them. This was their manner of sowing; and, after covering the
rice with the same earth, they obtained very heavy crops." (Historia
de la Provincia del Santo Rosario de la Orden de Predicadores, Diego
Aduarte, O. P., Manila, 1640.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 32, p. 199.)
[24] "Customs of the Tagalogs," Juan de Plasencia: "* * * * The lands
on the 'tingues' or mountain-ridges, are not divided, but owned in
common by the barangay. Consequently, at the time of the rice harvest,
any individual of any particular barangay, although he may come from
some other village, if he commences to clear any land may sow it, and
no one can compel him to abandon it. There are some villages (as, for
example, Pila de la Laguna) in which these nobles, or maharlicas, paid
annually to the dato a hundred gantas of rice. The reason of this was
that, at the time of their settlement there, another chief occupied the
lands, which the new chief upon his arrival, bought with his own gold;
and therefore the members of his barangay paid him for the arable land,
and he divided it, among those whom he saw fit to reward. But now,
since the advent of the Spaniards, it is not so divided. * * *
"The chiefs in some villages had also fisheries, with established
limits, and sections of the rivers for markets. At these no one could
fish, or trade in the markets, without paying for the privilege,
unless he belonged to the chief's barangay or village." (Bl. and Rb.,
Vol. 7, pp. 174-175.)
Also, T. H. Pardo de Tavera, Census of the Philippines, 1903, Vol. I,
p. 325.
[25] Expedition of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos. (Résumé of Contemporaneous
Documents, Talavera, July 6, 1541.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 2, p. 54.)
[26] The origin of the encomienda "was in the REPARTIMIENTO, which
at first (1497) meant a grant of lands in a conquered country;
it was soon extended to include the natives dwelling thereon, who
were compelled to till the land for the conqueror's benefit. In 1503
ENCOMIENDAS were granted, composed of a certain number of natives,
who were compelled to work. The word ENCOMIENDA is a term belonging
to the military orders (from the ranks of which came many officials
appointed for the colonies) and corresponds to our word commandery. It
is defined by Helps (practically using the same language of Solorzano,
the eminent Spanish jurist), as a right conceded by royal bounty,
to well-deserving persons in the Indies, to receive and enjoy for
themselves the tributes of the natives who should be assigned to
them, with a charge of providing for the good of those natives in
spiritual and temporal matters, and of inhabiting and defending the
provinces where these ENCOMIENDAS should be granted to them." (Note,
Bl. and Rb., Vol. 2, p. 54.)
[27] "According to the constitutional law of the Indies the
land and the soil in all colonies were the domain of the king;
therefore the encomiendas, which were granted only to discoverers
and other men of conspicuous merit, were to be considered not so
much as landed estates as public offices. (Compare "Recopilación,"
'IV 8, 9, 11.) The encomendero was appointed and sworn (law of 1532)
for the express purpose of giving his natives military protection
(law of 1552) and of promoting politically and religiously their
conversion to civilization (laws of 1509, 1554, 1580). Whoever
neglected to do this lost his encomienda (laws of 1536, 1551). It is
characteristic that the Spaniards so readily combined the functions
of discoverers, pacificators, and founders of settlements; as a
matter of fact most of the Indian races were led to civil life,
in our sense of the word, by them. In order to prevent extortion
no encomendero could own a house in his village or stay there more
than one night (law of 1609, 1618). Not even his nearest relatives
or his slaves could enter the encomienda (law of 1574, 1550, and
often). He was forbidden to maintain any industrial establishment
in the encomienda (law of 1621), or to take into his house any
of the inhabitants (law of 1528). That the natives were free men,
that they could not be sold by an encomendero, was recognized in
many laws. ("Recopilación," VI, 2, I, II). After the legislation of
1542 some of the natives were the immediate subjects of the king,
and the rest dependents attached to the encomiendas. The former paid
three-fourths of their taxes to the treasury, and the latter the same
proportion to their landlords. The right of holding an encomienda was
granted, regularly for two generations, except in New Spain, where,
on account of the very unusual services rendered by the conquerors,
it was granted for three and even four generations. (Ibid. VI, 11,
14.) During the 18th century many of the families of the landlords
died out and their possessions were not again granted. The authorities
always interested themselves in the cause of the natives, until at
length Charles III abolished the encomiendas." (W. Roscher (1904)
"The Spanish Colonial System," pp. 4-5.)
[28] "Let such allotments be made without prejudice to the natives,
retaining for them their arable lands, gardens, and pastures, so
that all shall be cared for." (Foundation of the Audiencia of Manila,
Felipe II; Aranjuez, May 5, 1583.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 5, p. 292.)
"I was petitioned on behalf of the said islands, to order that
encomiendas be granted with the condition and obligation upon the
encomenderos that some patch of ground should be cultivated, and that
the farmers and natives should be aided so that they also may till
and cultivate. I charged Gomez Perez strictly in his instructions with
this, and now I charge you too. You shall grant lands and homesteads,
cattle and horses for breeding and farming, both to the natives,
and to the settlers and farmers. Inasmuch as the execution of this
is important, you shall advise me of the conditions of former days
and what ordinances you shall enact, so that what is advisable may
be done during your term." (Instructions to Tello, Felipe II, Toledo,
May 25, 1596.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 9, p. 237.)
(To the same effect, Instructions to Dasmariñas, Felipe II, San
Lorenzo, August 9, 1589. Ibid., Vol. 7, p. 157).
[29] On July 25, 1609, Don Miguel Banal, a Filipino chief of Quiapo,
sent a petition to the King, for redress against what he considered a
usurpation of his lands. The petition begins thus: "Sire:--In former
years the archbishop of these Philippine Islands, on petition of the
natives of the village of Quiapo, which is near the city of Manila,
wrote to your Majesty, informing you that the fathers of the Society
of Jesus--under pretext that the former dean of this holy church
of Manila, whom your Majesty has lately appointed archbishop, had
sold them a garden lying back of our village--have been insinuating
themselves more and more into our lands and taking more than what was
assigned them by the dean; and that we had scarcely any land remaining
in the village for our fields, and even for our houses. The petition
begged your royal Majesty to remedy this and protect us under your
royal clemency, since we are natives, who cannot defend ourselves
by suits, as we are a poor people, and it would be a matter with a
religious order. (Nothing was heard from the King, and in the meantime,
petitioner was forcibly ejected from his own lands, and a house built
by him thereon, destroyed.) For I fear that I can find no one to
aid me in the suits that the fathers are about to begin against me,
or who will appear for my justice, since I have even been unable to
find any one who dared to write this letter for me. This letter is
therefore written by my own hand and in my own composition, and in the
style of a native not well versed in the Spanish language. Also in the
meanwhile will you order the fathers not to molest me in the ancient
possession that I have inherited from my fathers and grandfathers, who
were chiefs of the said village." (Bl. and Rb., Vol. 14, pp. 327-329.)
A letter from Felipe III to Silva, refers to above petition and
orders thus: "Having examined it in my Council for the Yndias, it has
appeared best to order and command you, as I do to inform me of what
has occurred in this matter, and is occuring, and in the meantime to
take such measures as are expedient. Madrid, on the 7th of December,
1610." (Bl. and Rb., Vol. 17, pp. 151-152.)
[30] "For the above reason there is a large supply of lumber, which
is cut and sawed, dragged to the rivers, and brought down, by the
natives. This lumber is very useful for houses and buildings, and
for the construction of small and large vessels. Many very straight
trees, light and pliable, are found, which are used as masts for
ships and galleons. Consequently, vessels of any size may be fitted
with masts from these trees, made of one piece of timber, without its
being necessary to splice them or make them of different pieces. For
the hulls of the ships, the keels, futtock-timbers, top-timbers, and
any other kinds of supports and braces, compass-timbers, transomes,
knees small and large, and rudders, all sorts of good timber are easily
found; as well as good planking for the sides, decks, and upper-works,
from very suitable woods." (Antonio de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas
Filipinas.--Chapter 8, Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, pp. 84-87.)
[31] "Their ships and boats are of many kinds; for on the rivers and
creeks inland they use certain very large canoes, each made from one
log, and others fitted with benches and made from planks, and built
up on keels. They have vireys and barangays, which are certain,
quick, and light vessels that lie low in the water, put together
with little wooden nails. These are as slender at the stern as at
the bow, and they can hold a number of rowers on both sides, who
propel their vessels with 'bucceyes' or paddles, and with 'gaones,'
on the outside of the vessels; and they time their rowing to the
accompaniment of some who sing in their language refrains by which
they understand whether to hasten or retard their rowing. Above the
rowers is a platform or gangway, built of bamboo, upon which the
fighting men stand, in order not to interfere with the rowing of
the oarsmen. In accordance with the capacity of the vessels, is the
number of men on these gangways. From that place they manage the sail,
which is square and made of linen, and hoisted on a support or yard
made of two thick bamboos, which serves as a mast. When the vessel
is large, it also has a foresail of the same form. Both yards, with
their tackle, can be lowered upon the gangway when the weather is
rough. The helmsmen are stationed in the stern to steer. It carries
another bamboo framework on the gangway itself; and upon this when
the sun shines hot, or it rains, they stretch an awning made from
some mats, woven from palm-leaves. These are very bulky and close,
and are called 'cayanes.' Thus all the ship and its crew are covered
and protected. There are also other bamboo frameworks for each side
of the vessel, which are as long as the vessel, and securely fastened
on. They skim the water, without hindering the rowing, and serve as
a counterpoise, so that the ship cannot overturn nor upset, however
heavy the sea, or strong the wind against the sail.
"It may happen that the entire hull of these vessels, which have
no decks, may fill with water and remain between wind and water,
even until it is destroyed and broken up, without sinking, because
of these counterpoises. These vessels have been used commonly through
the islands since olden times. They have other larger vessels called
'lapis,' and 'tapaques,' which are used to carry their merchandise,
and which are very suitable, as they are roomy and draw but little
water. They generally drag them ashore every night, at the mouths
of rivers and creeks, among which they always navigate without going
into the open sea or leaving the shore. All the natives can row and
manage these boats. Some are so long that they can carry one hundred
rowers on a side and thirty soldiers above to fight. The boats commonly
used are barangays and vireys, which carry a less crew and fighting
force. Now they put many of them together with iron nails instead
of the wooden pegs and the joints in the planks, while the helms and
bows have beaks like Castilian boats." (Antonio de Morga, Sucesos de
las Islas Filipinas.--Ch. 8, Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, pp. 82-84.)
[32] "The Filipinos, like the inhabitants of the Marianas, who are
no less skilful and dexterous in navigation, far from progressing,
have retrograded; since, although boats are now built in the islands,
we might assert that they are all after European models. The boats
that held one hundred rowers to a side and thirty soldiers have
disappeared. The country that once, with primitive methods, built
ships of about 2,000 toneladas, today (1890) has to go to foreign
ports, as Hongkong, to give the gold wrenched from the poor, in
exchange for unserviceable cruisers. The rivers are blocked up, and
navigation in the interior of the islands is perishing, thanks to the
obstacles created by a timid and mistrusting system of government; and
there scarcely remains in the memory anything but the name of all that
naval architecture. It has vanished, without modern improvements having
come to replace it in such proportion as during the past centuries has
occurred in adjacent countries." (Rizal's note to Morga.--Bl. and Rb.,
Vol. 16, p. 84.)
[33] "The shipyards of the galleons built during Don Juan de Silva's
term were thirty, forty, fifty, sixty, seventy, and eighty leguas from
the city of Manila, in different places; namely, on the island of
Marinduque, where the galleon San Juan Bautista was built, which is
forty leguas from Manila; in the province of Camarines at Dalupanes
were built Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe, and the Angel de la Guardia
(i. e. Guardian Angel), fifty leguas from Manila; in the province of
Ibalon at Bagatan were built San Felipe and Santiago, eighty leguas
from Manila; in Mindoro was built the galleon San Juan Bautista, fifty
leguas from Manila; in Marinduque was built the almiranta San Marcos,
forty leguas from Manila; in Masbate was built the royal flagship
Salvador, seventy leguas from Manila, in the point where the fleets
anchor; in the port of Cavite, six galleys; in the city of Manila,
two." (Sebastian de Pineda; Mexico, 1619.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 18,
pp. 173-174.)
[34] "Governor Don Diego de Salcedo, considering the many oppressions
that were experienced by the provinces near Manila from the continual
cutting of timber and building of galleons--a necessary evil and
one in which the wrongs that are committed in it can be obviated
only with great difficulty--very prudently determined to build the
galleon Nuestra Señora del Buen Socorro in the province of Albay. He
entrusted its execution to the commander Diego de Arévalo who was
most experienced in maritime matters. He appointed him alcalde-mayor
of the adjoining province of Camarines for the better expedition
of the timber-cutting, putting him under greater obligations (to
do well) by the future reward of commander of the galleon which
he was about to build. In order that that galleon might be built
more quickly and finished sooner, he sent as chief overseer his
lieutenant master-of-camp, Don Agustin de Cepeda Carnacedo, who was
then master-of-camp of the army of these islands for his Majesty,
in order that he might live in the port of Albay. He did that with
so great care that in little more than one year the largest and best
galleon that had yet been seen in the islands was built--and very
few so large have been seen in European seas, and extremely few that
are larger. For that purpose the woods of Filipinas are the best that
can be found in all the universe." (Casimiro Diaz, O. S. A.; Manila,
1718. Conquistas, in Bl. and Rb., Vol. 37, pp. 250-251.)
[35] "Those who cut these woods and build these ships and galleys
are Indian natives of the said islands. They are carpenters, who are
called cagallanes or pandais, in their language. Those Indians who
are no more than woodcutters, and serve only as hewers and planers
of wood, are paid each seven or eight reals a month, and are given
daily rations of one-half celemin of rice. Those of better trades than
the latter generally earn ten to twelve reals a month. Those who are
masters--the ones who lay out, prepare, round, and make the masts,
yards, and topmasts are each paid three or four pesos of eight reals
a month, and double rations." (Philippine Ships and Shipbuilding,
Sebastian de Pineda (1619).--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 18, p. 174.)
[36] "When a fleet was being prepared in Cavite there were generally
one thousand four hundred of these carpenters there. Just now there
are very few, for when the Mindanao enemies burned one galleon and
two petaches in the past year, one thousand six hundred and seventeen,
which were being built in the shipyard of Pantao, sixty leguas from the
city of Manila, they captured more than four hundred of the workmen,
and killed more than two hundred others; while many have died through
the severe work in the building. And because they have been paid
for five years nothing except a little aid, many have fled from the
land; and so few remain that when the last ships sailed from the
city of Manila last year, six hundred and eighteen, there were not
two hundred of those Indians in Cavite." (Ships and Shipbuilding,
Sebastian de Pineda, 1619.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 18, pp. 174-175.)
"As above stated, it will be necessary for Governor Don Alonso Fajardo
to devise immediate means for building galleons and to repair the six
at Manila. I regard the present building of ships in that country
as impossible. For with the former ships and fleets and with the
depredations and deaths caused by the enemy in those districts the
natives are quite exhausted; for, as I said above, in the former
years of six hundred and seventeen the Mindanao enemy captured four
hundred native carpenters and killed more than two hundred others. The
year before that, six hundred and sixteen, in the expedition made by
Don Juan de Silva to the strait of Cincapura, where he died, it was
found from lists that more than seven hundred Indians, of those taken
as common seamen (of whom more than two hundred were carpenters),
died on that expedition. Before that, in the year six hundred and
fourteen, the said Mindanao enemy captured in the islands of Pintados
nine hundred odd Indians, of whom but few have been ransomed. In the
shipbuilding and in the hauling of wood many have died. Consequently,
on account of all combined, there is a lack of natives for the above
works. Therefore your Majesty must order the said Don Alonso Fajardo,
governor and captain-general of the said islands, that in case galleons
are to be built, it should not be in the islands--on the one hand,
on account of the short time that those woods last, and on the other
because of the lack in that land of natives (occurring through the
above-mentioned causes, and because those natives in the islands
are serving in the fleets as common seamen and carpenters)." (Ibid.,
pp. 182-183.)
[37] "The shipbuilding carried on in these islands on your Majesty's
account is the total ruin and death of these natives, as all tell
me. For, in addition to the danger caused by it in withdrawing them
from the cultivation of their lands and fields--whereby the abundance
of foods and fruits of the country is destroyed--many of them die from
severe labor and harsh treatment. Joined to this is another evil,
namely, that every Indian who takes part in the shipbuilding is
aided by all the neighborhood where he lives with a certain number
of pesos, on account of the small pay that is given them in behalf
of your Majesty. Hence many are being harassed and worn out by these
methods, and a great expense is being caused to your Majesty's royal
treasury." (Letter to Felipe III, Alonso Fajardo de Tenza, Cavite,
Aug. 10, 1618; Bl. and Rb., Vol. 18, pp. 130-131.)
[38] "Item: That the governor be warned to endeavor to avoid, as far
as possible, the injuries inflicted upon the natives in the cutting of
wood and in personal services; for they sometimes draft them in the
planting season or at harvest, so that they lose their fields, as I
have seen. In addition to this, many times they do not pay the Indians,
because there is no money in the treasury, which is continually short
of funds. This often arises from the fact that they do not estimate
and consider the needs of the Indians with the amount of money that is
available; and consequently all the Indians complain. Finally, when
the said Indians are paid, it is done by the hand of the chiefs or
cabezas de barangay, who generally keep the money." (Reforms Needed
in Filipinas, by H. de los Rios Coronel.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 18,
pp. 315-316.)
[39] "The loss of so many ships caused us great sadness of heart. The
greatest hardship fell to the Indians, for they cannot live without
ships. When one is lost it is necessary to build another, and that
means the cutting of wood. Six or eight thousand Indians are assembled
for that task, and go to the mountains. On them falls the vast labor
of cutting and dragging the timber in. To that must be added the blows
that are rained down upon them, and the poor pay, and bad nourishment
that they receive. At times, religious are sent to protect and defend
them from the infernal fury of some Spaniards. Moreover, in the timber
collected for one ship there is (actually enough) for two ships. Many
gain advantage at the cost of the Indians' sweat, and later others
make a profit in Cavite, as I have seen." (D. F. Navarrete, O. P.;
1676, from his Tratados Históricos.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 38, pp. 42-43.)
[40] "* * * I must remind your Majesty that the islands are at the
end of their resources, as far as the Indians in them are concerned;
for it is they who bring the timber from the forests for the said
shipbuilding. I have thought of an expedient for this, in order not to
complete the destruction of the Indians; it is, to ask the viceroys
of your Majesty in Nueva España and Pirú to send vessels here. * *
*" (Letter to Felipe IV, by Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, Cavite,
July 11, 1636.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 26, p. 289.)
[41] "Item. That it be ordered that the common seamen who serve in
the said ships, who are always Indian natives, be all men of that
coast, who are instructed how to navigate; and that they be made to
wear clothes, with which to shelter themselves from the cold; for,
because they do not, most of them die in high latitudes, of which he
(the writer) is a witness. Inasmuch as the factor enrolls other Indians
who live in the interior, and who do not know the art of sailing,
and as they are a wretched people, they are embarked without clothes
to protect them against the cold, so that when each new dawn comes
there are three or four dead men (a matter that is breaking his heart);
besides, they are treated inhumanly and are not given the necessaries
of life, but are killed with hunger and thirst. If he were to tell in
detail the evil that is done to them, it would fill many pages. He
petitions your Majesty to charge your governor straitly to remedy
this." (Reforms Needed in Filipinas, Hernando de los Rios Coronel,
1619-1620.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 18, pp. 299-300.)
[42] "This has been the cause of tumults and insurrections, such as
that of Palapag in 1649, and that of the province of Pampanga in 1660;
and, in the time of Governor Don Juan de Silva, that of 1614, because
of the considerable felling of timber which was occasioned by so much
shipbuilding as was caused by the undertaking against the Dutch. Then,
most of the provinces of these islands mutinied and almost rose in
insurrection; and there was danger of a general outbreak, had not
the religious who were ministers in the provinces reduced the minds
of the natives to quiet; for they, overburdened by so heavy a load,
were at the point of desperation." (Casimiro Diaz, O.S.A.; Manila,
1718, Conquistas.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 37, p. 212.)
[43] "Those islands have so few natives, that if your Majesty does not
expressly order no vessels to be constructed in them, not any of their
people will be left, for as a result the events that have happened in
those islands for the last eight years, both murders and captivities,
many of those who have been left, who are constantly coming to Nueva
España, every year as common seamen in the vessels that regularly sail,
remain in Nueva España. In the galleon Espíritu Santo which came last
year, six hundred and eighteen, were seventy-five native Indians as
common seamen, but not more than five of the entire number returned
in the said galley. If your Majesty does not have that corrected,
the same thing will occur every year, and should your Majesty not
correct it, the following things will occur. The first is the great
offense committed against our Lord, for many (indeed most) of those
native Indians of the Filipinas Islands who come as common seamen
are married in those said islands; and, inasmuch as they are unknown
in Nueva España, they remarry here. Another wrong follows which is
very much to the disservice of your Majesty and your royal treasury,
which is caused by the said Indian natives of the Filipinas Islands
who come as common seamen and remain in Nueva España; and if it
is not checked in time, it will cause considerable injury to these
kingdoms. This consists in the fact that there are in Nueva España
so many of those Indians who come from Filipinas Islands who have
engaged in making palm wine along the other seacoast, that of the
South Sea, and which they make with stills, as in Filipinas, that it
will in time become a part reason for the natives of Nueva España,
who now use the wine that comes from Castilla, to drink none except
what the Filipinos make. For since the natives of Nueva España are
a race inclined to drink and intoxication, and the wine made by
the Filipinos is distilled and as strong as brandy, they crave it
rather than the wine from España. Consequently it will happen that
the trading fleets (from Spain) will bring less wine every year,
and what is brought will be more valuable every year. So great is
the traffic in this (palm wine) at present on the coast of Navidad,
among the Apusabalcos, and throughout Colima, that they lead beasts
of burden with this wine in the same way as in España. By postponing
the speedy remedy that this demands, the same thing might also happen
to the vineyards of Piru. It can be averted, provided all the Indian
natives of the said Filipinas Islands are shipped and returned to
them, that the palm groves and vessels with which that wine is made
be burnt, the palm-trees felled, and severe penalties imposed on
whomever remains or returns to make that wine.
"Incited by their greed in that traffic, all the Indians who have
charge of making that wine go to the port of Acapulco when the ships
reach there from Manila, and lead away with them all the Indians who
come as common seamen. For that reason, and the others above mentioned,
scarcely any of them return to the said Filipinas Islands. From that it
also results that your Majesty loses the royal revenues derived from
those islands, inasmuch as all those Indians are tributaries there,
and when absent pay nothing." (Ships and Shipbuildings, by Sebastian
de Pineda, 1619.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 18, pp. 183-185.)
[44] Antonio de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinos,
Chap. 8.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, p. 108.
[45] Relación de las Islas Filipinas, Miguel de Loarca; Arévalo,
June, 1582.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 5, p. 73.
[46] Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, Antonio de Morga,
Chap. 8.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, p. 96.
[47] Report of Conditions in the Philippines, Antonio de Morga,
Manila, June 8, 1598.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 10, pp. 85-86.
"The fishing is done with salambaos, and with fine-meshed nets; with
which they block up the bay and kill the small fish. These nets ought
not to be employed, and the size of the mesh should be regulated so
that the supply of fish will not be exhausted; for already experience
has demonstrated that they are not so abundant as formerly."
Night fishing was also practiced. "What we call pitch in this
region is a resin from which the natives make candles in order to
use in their night-fishing, and is the same as the copal of Nueva
España, or at the most differs from it very little in color, smell,
and taste." (Expedition of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi. [Résumé of
Contemporaneous Documents, 1558-68.]--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 2, p. 153.)
Artificial fish-culture seems to have been introduced by the Japanese
before the Spanish arrival. "The greatest of the Japanese industries,
which they taught the natives, was breeding ducks and fishes for
export. The rivers and coast waters of the Archipelago provided
splendid feeding grounds for numerous varieties of fish and fowl, and
the Japanese assisted nature's breeding process, particularly in the
case of fishes in a manner followed by present day experts. The roe
were transported to safe places for development, tanks were used to
guard small fish from harm, and various other precautionary measures
were adopted properly to rear the fish. To the early Spaniards, the
pisciculture of the Filipinos was regarded almost as a new art, so much
more advanced it was than fish breeding methods in Europe." (Commercial
Progress in the Philippine Islands, Antonio M. Regidor and J. Warren
T. Mason, 1905.)
[48] In some of these islands pearl oysters are found, especially
in the Calamianes, where some have been obtained that are large
and exceedingly clear and lustrous. Neither is this means of profit
utilized. (By the Spaniards, he means, as is clear from the preceding
paragraph, which states that, "if the industry and efforts of the
Spaniards were to be converted into the working of the gold, as
much would be obtained from any one of these islands as from those
provinces which produce the most in the world. But since they attend
to other means of gain rather than to this, as will be told in due
time, they do not pay the proper attention to this matter.") In all
parts, seed pearls are found in the ordinary oysters, and there are
oysters as large as a buckler. From the (shells of the) latter the
natives manufacture beautiful articles. There are also very large
turtles in all the islands. Their shells are utilized by the natives,
and sold as an article of commerce to the Chinese and Portuguese,
and other nations who go after them and esteem them highly, because
of the beautiful things made from them.
"On the coasts of any of these islands are found many small white
snail shells, called siguei. The natives gather them and sell them by
measure to the Siamese, Cambodians, Pantanes, and other peoples of the
mainland. It serves there as money, and those nations trade with it,
as they do with cacaobeans in Nueva España." (Antonio de Morga, Sucesos
de las Islas Filipinas, Chap. 8.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, p. 103.)
[49] Description of Filipinas Islands, Bartholome de Letona,
1662.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 36, p. 201.
"All these islands are, in many districts, rich in placers and mines
of gold, a metal which the natives dig and work. However, since the
advent of the Spaniards in the land, the natives proceed more slowly
in this, and content themselves with what they already possess in
jewels and gold ingots, handed down from antiquity and inherited
from their ancestors. This is considerable for he must be poor and
wretched who has no gold chains, calombigas (bracelets), and earrings.
Some placers and mines were worked at Paracale in the province of
Camarines, where there is good gold mixed with copper. This commodity
is also traded in the Ilocos, for at the rear of this province,
which borders the seacoast, are certain lofty and rugged mountains
which extend as far as Cagayan. On the slopes of these mountains,
in the interior, live many natives, as yet unsubdued, and among whom
no incursion has been made, who are called Ygolotes. These natives
possess rich mines, many of gold and silver mixed. They are wont to
dig from them only the amount necessary for their wants. They descend
to certain places to trade this gold (without completing its refining
or preparation), with the Ilocos; there they exchanged it for rice,
swine, carabaos, cloth and other things that they need. The Ilocos
complete its refining and preparation, and by their medium it is
distributed throughout the country. Although an effort has been made
with these Ygolotes to discover their mines, and how they work them,
and their method of working the metal, nothing definite has been
learned, for the Ygolotes fear that the Spaniards will go to seek
them for their gold, and say that they keep the gold better in the
earth than in their houses.
There are also many gold mines and placers in the other islands,
especially among the Pintados, on the Botuan River in Mindanao,
and in Sebu, where a mine of good gold is worked, called Taribon. If
the industry and efforts of the Spaniards were to be converted into
the working of the gold, as much would be obtained from any one of
these islands as from those provinces which produce the most in the
world. But since they attend to other means of gain rather than to
this, they do not pay the proper attention to this matter." (Antonio
de Morga, Sucesos; Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, pp. 101-103.)
[50] Memorial to the Council by Citizens of the Philippine Islands;
July 26, 1586.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 6, p. 223.
"In this island, there are many gold mines, some of which have been
inspected by the Spaniards, who say that the natives work them as
is done in Nueva España with the mines of silver; and, as in those
mines, the vein of ore here is continuous. Assays have been made,
yielding so great wealth, that I shall not endeavor to describe them,
lest I be suspected of lying. Time will prove the truth."
Las nuevas quescriven de las yslas del Poniente, Hernando Riquel y
otros. Mexico, January 11, 1574.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 3, p. 243.
[51] "They are the best and most skilful artificers in jewels and gold
that we have seen in this land. Almost all the people of Los Camarines
pursue this handicraft." Letter from Guido de Lavezaris to Felipe II,
Manila, July 17, 1574.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 3, p. 273.)
"During these five days, the Moros had, little by little, given two
hundred taels of impure gold, for they possess great skill in mixing
it with other metals. They give it an outside appearance so natural
and perfect, and so fine a ring, that unless it is melted they can
deceive all men, even the best of silversmiths." (Relation of the
Voyage to Luzon, 1570.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 3, p. 81.)
"There are some chiefs in this island who have on their persons ten
or twelve thousand ducats' worth of gold in jewels--to say nothing of
the lands, slaves, and mines that they own. There are so many of these
chiefs that they are innumerable. Likewise the individual subjects
of these chiefs have a great quantity of the said jewels of gold,
which they wear on their persons--bracelets, chains, and earrings
of solid gold, daggers of gold, and other very rich trinkets. These
are generally seen among them, and not only the chiefs and freemen
have plenty of these jewels, but even slaves possess and wear golden
trinkets upon their persons, openly and freely." (Reply to Fray Rada's
'Opinion,' Guido de Lavezaris and others; Manila, June, 1574.--Bl. and
Rb., Vol. 3, p. 267.)
[52] "About their necks they wear gold necklaces, wrought like spun
wax, and with links in our fashion, some larger than others. On their
arms they wear armlets of wrought gold, which they call calombigas,
and which are very large and made in different patterns. Some wear
strings of precious stones--cornelians and agates; and other blue and
white stones, which they esteem highly. They wear, around the legs some
strings of these stones, and certain cords, covered with black pitch
in many foldings, as garters." (Antonio de Morga, Sucesos.--Bl. and
Rb., Vol. 16, pp. 76-77.)
[53] "The people are the most valiant yet found in these regions;
they possess much good armour--as iron corselets, greaves, wristlets,
gauntlets, and helmets--and some arquebuses and culverins." (Letter
from Guido de Lavezaris to Felipe II, Manila, July 17, 1574.--Bl. and
Rb., Vol. 3, p. 273.)
"At the waist they carry a dagger four fingers in breadth, the blade
pointed, and a third of a vara in length; the hilt is of gold or
ivory. The pommel is open and has two cross bars or projections,
without any other guard. They are called bararaos. They have
two cutting edges, and are kept in wooden scabbards, or those of
buffalo-horn, admirably wrought."
(This weapon has been lost, and even its name is gone. A proof of the
decline into which the present Filipinos have fallen is the comparison
of the weapons that they manufacture now, with those described to us
by the historians. The hilts of the talibones now are not of gold
or ivory, nor are their scabbards of horn, nor are they admirably
wrought.--Rizal.)
(Morga's Sucesos, Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, p. 81 and note 65.)
"Since they have seen the Spaniards use their weapons, many of the
natives handle the arquebuses and muskets quite skilfully. Before
the arrival of the Spaniards they had bronze culverins and other
pieces of cast iron, with which they defended their forts and
settlements, although their powder is not so well refined as that of
the Spaniards." (Ibid., p. 82.)
"This intercourse and traffic had acquainted the Filipinos with many
of the accessories of civilized life long before the arrival of the
Spaniards. Their chiefs and datos dressed in silks, and maintained
some splendor of surroundings; nearly the whole population of the
tribes of the coast wrote and communicated by means of a syllabary;
vessels from Luzon traded as far south as Mindanao and Borneo, although
the products of Asia proper came through the fleets of foreigners;
and perhaps what indicates more clearly than anything else the
advance the Filipinos were making through their communication with
outside people is their use of firearms. Of this point there is no
question. Everywhere in the vicinity of Manila, on Lubang, in Pampanga,
at Cainta and Laguna de Bay, the Spaniards encountered forts mounting
small cannon, or lantakas. The Filipinos seem to have understood,
moreover, the arts of casting cannon and of making powder. The first
gun-factory established by the Spaniards was in charge of a Filipino
from Pampanga." (Dr. D. P. Barrows, A History of the Philippines,
pp. 101-102.)
[54] (Relación de las Islas Filipinas, Miguel de Loarca; Arévalo,
June, 1582.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 5, p. 169.)
[55] Antonio de Morga, Sucesos, Chap. 8.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, p. 80.
[56] "The coconuts furnish a nutritious food when rice is scarce. From
the nut-shells they make dishes, and (from the fibrous husk)
match-cords for their arquebuses; and with the leaves they make
baskets." (Relación, Miguel de Loarca; Arévalo, June, 1852.--Bl. and
Rb., Vol. 5, p. 169.)
See also First Voyage Around the World, Antonio Pigafetta.--Bl. and
Rb., Vol. 33, p. 105, for description of how the palm sap was obtained,
oil made, and of other uses of the coconut.
[57] Relación, Miguel de Loarca; June, 1582.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 5,
pp. 34-188.
Conquest of the Island of Luzon. Manila, April 20, 1572.--Bl. and Rb.,
Vol. 3, p. 171.
[58] Relation and Description of the Philippine Islands, Francisco
de Sande; Manila, June 8, 1577.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 4, p. 98.
"Cotton is raised abundantly throughout the islands. It is spun and
sold in the skein to the Chinese and other nations, who come to get
it. Cloth of different patterns is also woven from it, and the natives
also trade that. Other cloths, called medriñiques, are woven from
the banana leaf." (Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, Antonio de Morga;
Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, p. 106.)
Cotton was woven into sail. "The canvas (lienzo) from which the sails
are made in the said islands is excellent, and much better than what is
shipped from España, because it is made from cotton. There are certain
cloths (lienzos) which are called mantsa from the province of Ilocos,
for the natives of that province manufacture nothing else, and pay
your Majesty their tribute in them. They last much longer than those
of España." (Philippine Ships and Shipbuilding, Sebastian de Pineda,
1619.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 18, p. 178.)
[59] Relation of the Western Islands called Filipinas, Diego de
Artieda, 1573.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 3, p. 203.
Fray Rada's Opinion, Guido de Lavezaris and others, Manila, June,
1574.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 3, p....
"The island of Zubu produces a small quantity of rice, borona, and
millet and little or no cotton; for the cloth which the natives use
for their garments is made from a kind of banana. From this they make
a sort of cloth resembling colored calico, which the natives call
medriñaque (Relación, Miguel de Loarca, June, 1582.--Bl. and Rb.,
Vol. 5, pp. 43-45.)
[60] T. H. Pardo de Tavera, Census, 1903, Vol. I, p. 329.
[61] Ibid. "The women have needlework as their employment and
occupation, and they are very clever at it, and at all kinds of
sewing. They weave cloth and spin cotton, and serve in houses of
their husbands and fathers. (Antonio de Morga, Sucesos.--Bl. and Rb.,
Vol. 16, p. 79.)
[62] "Their houses are constructed of wood, and are built of planks
and bamboo, raised high from the ground on large logs, and one must
enter them by means of ladders. They have rooms like ours; and under
the house they keep their swine, goats, and fowls." (Antonio Pigafetta,
First Voyage Around the World.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 33, p. 153.)
"The houses and dwellings of all these natives are universally set
upon stakes and arigues (i. e., columns) high above the ground. Their
rooms are small and the roofs low. They are built and tiled with wood
and bamboos, and covered and roofed with nipa-palm leaves. Each house
is separate, and is not built adjoining another. In the lower part
are enclosures made by stakes and bamboos, where fowls and cattle are
reared, and the rice pounded and cleaned. One ascends into the houses
by means of ladders that can be drawn up, which are made from two
bamboos. Above are their open batalanes (galleries) used for household
duties; the parents and (grown) children live together. There is
little adornment and finery in the houses, which are called bahandin.
"Besides these houses, which are those of the common people, and those
of less importance, there are the chiefs' houses. They are built upon
trees and thick arigues, with many rooms and comforts. They are well
constructed of timber and planks, and are strong and large. They are
furnished and supplied with all that is necessary, and are much finer
and more substantial than the others. They are roofed, however, as
are the others, with the palm-leaves called nipa." (Antonio de Morga,
Sucesos.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, pp. 117-118.)
[63] "The edifices and houses of the natives of all these Filipinas
Islands are built in a uniform manner, as are their settlements;
for they always build them on the shores of the sea, between rivers
and creeks. The natives generally gather in districts or settlements
where they sow their rice, and possess their palm trees, nipa and
banana groves, and other trees, and implements for their fishing and
sailing." Ibid., p. 117.)
[64] Especially in La Indolencia de los Filipinos, in "La Solidaridad,"
1890, which develops the idea advanced by Sangcianco y Gozon.
[65] "* * * As already seen, we must reject so often reiterated of
late years that the early missionaries found nomadic or half-fixed
clans and taught them the ways of village life. Village life there
was already, to some extent, and it was upon this that the friars
built. Doubtless they modified it greatly until in time it approached
in most ways as closely to European village life as might be expected
in tropical islands whose agricultural resources are not as yet
well developed. From the first there would be a tendency to greater
concentration about the churches, beginning with the rude structures
of cane and thatch, which are replaced before 1700 in all the older
settlements by edifices of stone, frequently massive and imposing,
especially, so as they tower over the acres of bamboo huts about them,
from the inmates of which have come the forced labor which built
them. From the first, too, it was to the interest of the Spanish
conquerors, lay and priestly, to improve the methods of communication
between the communities which formed their centers of conversion or
of exploration and collection of tribute. Yet to represent either
the friars or the soldiers as great pathfinders and reconstructors
of wilderness is the work of ignorance. When Legaspi's grandson,
Juan de Salcedo, made his memorable marches through northern Luzon,
bringing vast acres under the dominion of Spain with a mere handful of
soldiers, he found the modern Bigan a settlement of several thousand
people; his successors in the conquest of the Upper Kagayan Valley,
one of the most backward portions of the archipelago to-day, reported
a population of forty thousand in the region lying around the modern
Tuguegarao, and so it was quite commonly everywhere on the seacoasts
and on the largest rivers. Some very crude deductions have been made
as to the conquest period by writers of recent years who assume that
the natives were at the beginning mere bands of wandering savages,
and that all the improvements visible in their external existence
to-day were brought about in these early years." (James A. LeRoy,
The Americans in the Philippines, Vol. I, pp. 8-10.)
"The friar missionaries did not bring about the first settlement and
conquests under Legaspi; they did not blaze the way in wildernesses
and plant the flag of Spain in outlying posts long in advance of
the soldiers, the latter profiting by their moral-suasion conquests
to annex great territories for their own plunder; they did not find
bloodthirsty savages, wholly sunk in degradation, and in the twinkling
of an eye convert them to Christianity, sobriety, and decency, * * *;
they did not teach wandering bands of huntsmen or fishermen how to
live peacefully in orderly settlements, how to cultivate the soil,
erect buildings (except the stone churches), and did not bind these
villages together by the sort of roads and bridges which we have today,
though they had considerable share in this work, especially in later
time; they did not find a squalid population of 400,000 to 750,000
in the archipelago, and wholly by the revolution wrought by them in
ways of life make it possible for that population to increase by ten
or twenty times in three centuries." (Ibid., pp. 10-11.)
[66] Relación de las Islas Filipinas, Pedro Chirino, S. J., Roma
1604.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 12, p. 188.
[67] Morga's Sucesos.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, p. 105.
[68] Census of the Philippine Islands, 1903, Vol. I, p. 329.
[69] In La Indolencia de los Filipinos, Rizal continues thus:
"And if this, which is deduction, does not convince any minds imbued
with unfair prejudices, perhaps of some avail may be the testimony of
the oft-quoted Dr. Morga, who was Lieutenant-Governor of Manila for
seven years and after rendering great service in the Archipelago was
appointed criminal judge of the Audiencia of Mexico and Counsellor
of the Inquisition. His testimony, we say, is highly credible, not
only because all his contemporaries have spoken of him in terms that
border on veneration but also because his work, from which we take
these citations, is written with great circumspection and care, as well
with reference to the authorities in the Philippines as to the errors
they committed. 'The natives,' says Morga, in chapter VII, speaking of
the occupations of the Chinese, 'are very far from exercising those
trades and have even forgotten much about farming, raising poultry,
stock and cotton, and weaving cloth AS THEY USED TO DO IN THEIR
PAGANISM AND FOR A LONG TIME AFTER THE COUNTRY WAS CONQUERED.'"
"The whole of Chapter VIII of his work deals with this moribund
activity, this much-forgotten industry, and yet in spite of that,
how long is his eighth chapter!
"And not only Morga, not only Chirino, Colin, Argensola, Gaspar de
San Agustin and others agree in this matter, but modern travelers,
after two hundred and fifty years, examining the decadence and misery,
assert the same thing. Dr. Hans Meyer, when he saw the unsubdued
tribes cultivating beautiful fields and working energetically, asked
if they would not become indolent when they in turn should accept
Christianity and a paternal government.
"Accordingly, the Filipinos, in spite of the climate, in spite of
their few needs (they were less then than now), were not the indolent
creatures of our time, and, as we shall see later on, their ethics
and their mode of life were not what is now complacently attributed
to them."
Rizal has the following, to say about the abundance of wealth in
this country:
"Wealth abounded in the islands. Pigafetta tells us of the abundance
of foodstuffs in Paragua and of its inhabitants, who nearly all
tilled their own fields. At this island the survivors of Magellan's
expedition were well received and provisioned. A little later, these
same survivors captured a vessel, plundered and sacked it, and took
prisoner in it the chief of the Island of Paragua (!) with his son
and brother.
"In this same vessel they captured bronze lombards, and this is the
first mention of artillery of the Filipinos, for these lombards were
useful to the chief of Paragua against the savages of the interior.
"They let him ransom himself within seven days, demanding 400 measures
(cavanes?) of rice, 20 pigs, 20 goats, and 450 chickens. This is the
first act of piracy recorded in Philippine history. The chief of
Paragua paid everything, and moreover voluntarily added coconuts,
bananas, and sugar-cane jars filled with palm-wine. When Caesar
was taken prisoner by the corsairs and required to pay twenty-five
talents ransom, he replied: 'I'll give you fifty, but later I'll
have you all crucified!' The chief of Paragua was more generous: he
forgot. His conduct, while it may reveal weakness, also demonstrates
that the islands were abundantly provisioned. This chief was named
Tuan Mahamud; his brother, Guantil, and his son, Tuan Mahamed. (Martin
Mendez, Purser of the Ship "Victoria": Archivos de Indias, Ibid.)
[70] I have already said that all of it is thickly populated, and
that it has a great abundance of rice, fowls, and swine, as well
as great numbers of buffaloes, deer, wild boars, and goats; it
also produces great quantities of cotton and colored cloths, wax,
and honey; and date palms abound. In conclusion, it is very well
supplied with all the things above mentioned, and many others which
I shall not enumerate. It is the largest island which has thus far
been discovered in these regions. As I say, it is well populated and
very rich in gold mines. There is much trade with China. That part of
it which has thus far been conquered and pacified, the governor has
begun to allot to the conquerors." Conquest of the Island of Luzon,
Manila, April 20, 1572. (Bl. and Rb., Vol. 3, pp. 171-172.)
"This province (Pampanga) possesses many rivers and creeks that
irrigate it. They all flow and empty into the bay. This province
contains many settlements of natives and considerable quantities
of rice, fruits, fish, meat, and other foods." (Antonio de Morga's
Sucesos, 1609.--Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, p. 108.)
(Rizal's Note:--"This province had decreased so greatly in population
and agriculture, a half century later, that Gaspar de San Agustin
said: 'Now it no longer has the population of the past, because of
the insurrection of that province, when Don Sabiniano Manrique de
Lara was governor of these islands, and because of the incessant
cutting of the timber for the building of his Majesty's ships, which
prevents them from cultivating their extremely fertile plain.' Later,
when speaking of Guagua or Wawa, he says: 'This town was formerly
very wealthy because of its many chiefs, and because of the abundant
harvests gathered in its spacious plains, which are now submerged by
the water of the sea.'" (Ibid.)