ORIGINAL COMPOSITIONS.

Vol. II. 1. God we praise, that in these days.

” 17. What says a soul, that now doth taste.

” 34. No more with trembling heart I try.

” 42. O tell me no more.

” 50. Ye who have known th’ atoning blood.

” 51. Jesu, that gentle touch of thine.

” 55. How happy is the heart.

” 56. Jesu, each blind and trembling soul.

” 58. How is it, Lamb?

” 66. How happy we, when guilt is gone.

” 67. How Christ his souls doth bless.

” 71. Grant Lord, I ne’er may doubt again.

” 89. Hear what of him and me this day.

” 127. After the labours of thy life.

” 138. Attend, O Saviour, to our prayer.

” 167. Few in former times could venture.

” 168. For us no night can be happier styled.

” 169. Whene’er him I can eat.

” 170. The man from Nazaret.

” 185. They who now God’s children are.

” 199. O my Lamb! thou slaughter’d Prince!

” 230. That I am thine, my Lord and God.

” 303. Should an historiographer.

” 304. Of this point so divine.

” 431. Since I, a worm unworthy.

” 451. Look on me, Lamb, a child of thine.

Can these hymns be Gambold’s? We doubt it. Nay, we hope that they are

not. It is scarcely possible to conceive, that a man of such culture

could write such doggerel. With two or three poor exceptions, they ought

never to have been printed. To say nothing of their horribly limping

rhythm, they have far too much of the irreverent familiarity with the

Divine Redeemer, which was so offensively employed in the hymns at that

time sung by the Moravian Brotherhood. The two best are republished in

Gambold’s Works.

[135] Hutton’s Memoirs, p. 303.

[136] Hutton’s Memoirs, p. 294, and Holmes’ History of the United

Brethren, vol. ii., p. 41.

[137] It is said, however, that he translated the “Divine Poems” of Rees

Pritchard, from Welsh into English; (_Wesleyan Times_, January 23, 1865),

a work which we have never seen.

[138] Holmes’ History of the United Brethren, vol. ii., p. 2, etc.

[139] It is a somewhat curious coincidence, that of the Oxford

Methodists, Whitefield died in 1770, Gambold in 1771, Ingham in 1772,

and Clayton in 1773. At least three of these also died in the month

of September. The two Wesleys were in the midst of the Calvinian

controversy,—the hottest of their lives.

[140] Methodist Magazine, 1814, p. 92.

[141] Charles Wesley’s Journal, vol. ii., p. 393.

[142] Mr. Hutchins, one of the Oxford Methodists, and afterwards doctor,

and rector of Lincoln College, was Hervey’s tutor (_Gospel Magazine_,

1769, p. 12).

[143] Coke and Moore’s “Life of Wesley,” p. 51.

[144] _Arminian Magazine_, 1798, p. 171.

[145] The letter was written on the Sabbath.

[146] _Evangelical Magazine_, 1794, p. 295.

[147] Memoirs of Risdon Darracott, p. 24.

[148] Memoirs of Risdon Darracott, p. 155.

[149] Mr. Ryland writes,—“Mr. Hervey began the study of the Hebrew about

the nineteenth year of his age, by the instigation of an acquaintance,

who gave him no manner of assistance. The only book he took up was the

Westminster Hebrew Grammar. That book seems to be contrived by the devil

to prevent the learning of the Hebrew language: it is dark and obscure,

harsh and unpleasant, ugly and disgustful, dull and listless; and Hervey

threw it by in despair. After a long time and much perplexity, by a happy

Providence, there was another Fellow of Lincoln College, who, seeing

Hervey in his painful embarrassment, pitied him, and took him into his

bosom. He conducted him to the first chapter of Genesis, and analysed

every word; he taught him to reduce every noun to its proper pattern; he

instructed him to trace every verb to its proper root, and to work every

verb through the active and passive conjugations. If the devil could have

had his way, we should have lost one of the finest Hebrew scholars in the

world; but, after Mr. Hervey had learnt to analyse the first chapter of

Genesis, he went on like a giant, and, to my certain knowledge, became

one of the first scholars in Europe for a familiar knowledge of the

Hebrew Bible.”

[150] _Arminian Magazine_, 1778, p. 132.

[151] He was ordained a priest, at Exeter, in the month of December, 1739.

[152] Wesley’s Works, vol. i., p. 81.

[153] _Gospel Magazine_, 1771, p. 174.

[154] In after-years, called Hartland Abbey.

[155] _Arminian Magazine_, 1778, p. 132.

[156] This refers to Wesley’s visit to Herrnhut in 1738.

[157] Wesley’s Works, vol. iv., p. 473.

[158] _Evangelical Magazine_, 1794, p. 373.

[159] _Evangelical Magazine_, 1794, p. 503; and A Selection of Letters,

partly Original, by J. Hervey, 1816, p. 261.

[160] From a long printed letter, of twenty-four octavo pages, we learn,

that, this society was formed, as early as May 21, 1739, before the

Methodist Societies were formed. Hervey refers to the “_scaring_ reports,

that had lately been raised concerning religious societies,” and proceeds

to state their object, and their practices. The society at Bideford

was, “by no means, in contradistinction to the Established Church, but

in dutiful conformity to her.” He says, “Woodward’s rules we purpose

punctually to observe, reading his exhortations distinctly and solemnly;

offering up his prayers humbly and reverently; only with this difference,

that some edifying book be substituted in the room of religious talk,

not because we disapprove of religious conference, but because we think

ourselves scarcely capable of managing it with regularity, propriety,

and order. We set up no examination, nor require any confession before

others; but hope to be constant, careful, and strict, in searching our

hearts, and acknowledging our iniquities before the all-seeing God.”

[161] _Evangelical Magazine_, 1806, p. 28.

[162] The Rev. Mr. Thompson, Rector of St Gennys, a warm friend of the

Oxford Methodists.

[163] Most likely William Chapman, the Oxford Methodist.

[164] This was probably July 17, 1743, for Whitefield writes on Tuesday,

July 19th, “I came here” (Bristol) “to preach at the fair, because people

from all parts flock hither at that season. Yesterday I preached four

times. Last night was such a time as I never saw in Bristol society

before. To-morrow, God willing, I set out for Hampton, to see what can

be done for the poor persecuted sheep there. I hear I am threatened, but

Jesus will stand by me.”

It may be added, that, a few days before, Whitefield had been almost

murdered at this self-same Hampton. First of all, the mob threw him into

a lime-pit, and then twice over into a deep brook of water (Whitefield’s

Letters, Nos. 527 and 528).

[165] _Gospel Magazine_, 1777, p. 260.

[166] This was left out in the first edition, but inserted in subsequent

ones. It was a long, but irrelevant comment, on a verse by Pope,

inscribed on the monument of Dr. Stonehouse’s wife, in Northampton church.

[167] The motto afterwards selected was: “Every stone that we look upon,

in this repository of past ages, is both an entertainment and a monitor.”

(“Plain Dealer,” vol. i., No. 42.)

[168] Probably Wesley, who was now in London. Whitefield was in America.

[169] _Gospel Magazine_, 1771, p. 176.

[170] _Evangelical Magazine_, 1802, p. 393.

[171] The seat of Hervey’s friend, Mr. Orchard.

[172] Doubtless, the Rev. Mr. Bennet, of Tresmere.

[173] Mr. Thompson, though not an Oxford Methodist, had begun to preach

the Methodist doctrine of salvation by faith, and had received Charles

Wesley, with open arms, at St. Gennys. He had allowed the branded

itinerant to preach twice in his parish church, and had kept him

company on a preaching excursion to Penryn, Gwennap “Pit,” and other

places. In Mr. Bennet’s Church, at Tresmere, a strange scene had been

witnessed. Charles Wesley was the preacher, and, on his declaring, that,

by “harmless diversions,” he had been “kept dead to God, asleep in the

devil’s arms, secure in a state of damnation for eighteen years,” Mr.

Merriton, one of his travelling companions, added aloud, “And I for

twenty-five;” “And I,” cried Mr. Thompson, “for thirty-five;” “And I,”

said Mr. Bennet, “for above seventy.” This was quite enough to expose

Thompson to the ecclesiastical anger of the bishop of the diocese.

[174] The battle at Culloden.

[175] His “Descant on Creation,” also was published in 1746. It is so

well known as not to need further notice.

[176] The eminent mathematician and astronomer.

[177] “Contemplations on the Night.”

[178] The motto really used was the following:—

“Night is fair Virtue’s immemorial friend:

The conscious Moon, through every distant age,

Has held a lamp to Wisdom.”

[179] The society mentioned on a previous page.

[180] The famous French novelist, who died in 1777.

[181] _Gospel Magazine_, 1771, p. 179.

[182] Hervey was godfather to the son of his friend, Mr. Orchard.

[183] Dr. Stonehouse was one of Hervey’s most intimate and confidential

friends. For seven years, he was an infidel, and even wrote a pamphlet

against the Christian religion. He was brought to the obedience of the

faith by the labours of Dr. Doddridge and Hervey. After the death of his

wife, he entered into holy orders; and, for many years, officiated as

minister in St James’s Church, Bristol. He was a man of great ability,

was no mean poet, published many religious treatises, and died in 1795,

full of years and honour.

[184] _Evangelical Magazine_, 1811, p. 338.

[185] Not to mention other places, Wesley already had, in connection with

his Old Foundery, in London, a dispensary, a poor-house, a day-school,

and a lending society, to which must be added an efficient organization

for visiting and relieving the afflicted poor in their own houses.

[186] _Arminian Magazine_, 1778, p. 34.

[187] _London Magazine_, 1749, p. 436.

[188] Hervey’s book became so popular, that, in more instances than one,

some parts of it were turned into poetry. The most notable instance was

that of Mr. T. Newcomb, M.A., who, in 1757, published “Mr. Hervey’s

Contemplations on the Night, done into blank verse, after the manner

of Dr. Young.” In 1764, the same gentleman published the whole of the

“Meditations and Contemplations,” in the same form. It may be added,

that, the demand for the “Meditations and Contemplations” was such, that,

in 1764, not fewer than seventeen _authorized_ editions of the work had

been published, or about one a year from the time when the work was first

printed.

[189] To some, it may seem strange, that, Whitefield did not occupy

Hervey’s pulpit; but it must be remembered, that, as yet, Hervey was

only his father’s _curate_. Notwithstanding this, however, Hervey, in

1749, took the liberty of inviting Whitefield to occupy his church.

Whitefield’s reply was characterized by greater prudence then he

sometimes manifested. In a letter dated, “Chelsea, January 13, 1749,” he

writes,—

“You will not be offended if I tell you that good Lady Huntingdon saw

your letter. She was much pleased with it, and has a great regard for

you. The prospect of doing good to the rich that attend her ladyship’s

house, is very encouraging. I preach twice a week, and, yesterday, Lord

Bolingbroke was one of my auditors. His lordship was pleased to express

very great satisfaction. I thank you for your kind invitation to your

house and pulpit. I would not bring you, or any of my friends, into

difficulties, for owning poor, unworthy, ill and hell-deserving me. But,

if Providence should give me a fair call, I should be glad to come your

way. I rejoice in the prospect of having some ministers in our church

pulpits that own a crucified Redeemer.”—_Whitefield’s Letters_, No. 726.

[190] Hervey’s removal to London was a sort of abduction, accomplished by

Whitefield, Dr. Stonehouse, and the Rev. Thomas Hartley. The particulars

need not be given. Suffice it to say, on his arrival, he wrote his father

as follows:—

“I am now at Mr. Whitefield’s house, where everything is neat and

convenient; great care is taken of me, and a hearty welcome given me. The

house is very open and airy, and has no bug, a sort of city gentry for

whom I have no fondness. I hope my mother has taken care to get my parish

supplied. I desire her to send me some shirts, a silk handkerchief or

two, a pair of shoes, and anything that she may think necessary. I have

already bespoken a new suit of clothes, and a wig. Dr. Stonehouse, when

he pressed me into this expedition, put five guineas into my hand, for

which I am accountable. I would not have Mary clean my study, lest she

should displace or lose any papers, of more importance than they appear

to be. I conclude myself, with duty to my mother and love to sisters,

honoured sir, your dutiful son,

“JAMES HERVEY.”

[191] C. Wesley’s Journal, vol. 2, p. 75.

[192] Whitefield’s Letters, No. 860.

[193] This refers to his greatest work, “Theron and Aspasio,” published,

in three octavo volumes, in 1755.

[194] _Gospel Magazine_, 1777, p. 298.

[195] Charles Wesley partly supplied his lack of service (see C. Wesley’s

Journal, from June 1 to June 27, 1751).

[196] Letters to Lady F. Shirley. No. 25.

[197] In reference to this, Hervey, writing to his father, says, “The

original picture, I presume, will be offered to me; and then I accept

it, and present it to you. The drawing is to cost five guineas, and the

mezzotinto copper-plate fifteen guineas.”

[198] Mr. Nixon was a man of considerable learning; but not a poet. The

following are his limping lines:—

“Williams! ’tis yours to bid the canvas wear,

By art illusive, Hervey’s form and air;

Oh! with like happy labour, could I trace

Each virtue, each exalted Christian grace,

Each heavenly gift with which his soul is blest,

And fix the bright assemblage in my breast;

Then how transcendent far would be my plan,

You paint his mimic shade: I’d live the man.”

[199] Life and Times of Countess of Huntingdon, vol. i., p. 191.

[200] While in London Hervey had the offer of a tutorship in Jamaica.

Writing to his father, he says,—“Dr. Nichols has made me an offer, which

many young clergymen would covet:—to go over to Jamaica, to be tutor to a

son of one of the most considerable persons in the island; for which, I

should be entitled immediately to £100 sterling a year, also meat, drink,

washing, and lodging; with an assurance of having, in a little time, a

living of a hundred and fifty. I am greatly obliged to the doctor, but

have taken leave to decline accepting the proposal.”

[201] His Pamphlet on Bolingbroke’s “Study and Use of History.”

[202] Probably the eminent Rev. Stephen Hales, D.D., of Teddington,

Fellow of the Royal Society, a Member of the French Academy of Sciences,

and Clerk of the Closet to the Princess Dowager of Wales.

[203] The two livings of Weston-Favel and Collingtree were when worth

about £180 a year. According to the “Clergy List,” they are now worth

£567 a year; and the united population of the two villages is about

600. For several years, the Rev. Moses Brown was Hervey’s curate at

Collingtree.

[204] Whitefield’s “Letters.” No. 916.

[205] Whitefield’s “Works,” vol. ii., p. 404.

[206] Probably “Theron and Aspasio,” now in hand, though not published

for three years afterwards. It could not be the “Remarks on Bolingbroke”;

for there is no “scenery” in them.

[207] “Theron and Aspasio.”

[208] “Memorials of Rev. W. Bull,” p. 8.

[209] Hervey was remarkable for his beautiful handwriting.

[210] _Gospel Magazine_, 1774, p. 139.

[211] “Life and Times of Countess of Huntingdon,” vol. i., p. 188.

[212] “Life and Times of Countess of Huntingdon,” vol. i., p. 190. The

work was ultimately dedicated to Lady Frances Shirley.

[213] _Gospel Magazine_, 1774, p. 183.

[214] “Life and Times of Countess of Huntingdon,” vol. i., p. 192.

[215] Letters to Lady F. Shirley, No. 106.

[216] Letters to Rev. J. Ryland. No. 6.

[217] Letters to Ryland, No. 7.

[218] Letters to Lady F. Shirley, No. 69.

[219] The widow of Frederick, Prince of Wales.

[220] Dr. Thomas, Bishop of Peterborough.

[221] Letters to Lady F. Shirley, No. 70.

[222] The Prince of Wales, afterwards George the Third.

[223] Andrew Stone, a proud, very able, and very mercenary man, and

sub-preceptor of the Prince of Wales.

[224] Dr. Hales was clerk of the closet to the Princess Dowager of Wales.

[225] Letters to Lady F. Shirley, No. 73.

[226] Wesley’s “Works,” vol. x., p. 305.

[227] _Methodist Magazine_, 1847, p. 965.

[228] The work was published in two sizes: 3 vols., 8vo, 18_s._; and 3

vols., 12mo, 9_s._

[229] Wesley writes:—“The twelfth dialogue is unexceptionable; and

contains such an illustration of the wisdom of God in the structure of

the human body, as, I believe, cannot be paralleled in either ancient or

modern writers” (Wesley’s “Works,” vol. x., p. 314).

[230] Wesley’s “Works,” vol x., p. 322.

[231] Wesley’s “Works,” vol. x., p. 306.

[232] Published in two volumes, 8vo, in 1757.

[233] Published in 1760, pp. 224, octavo.

[234] Three weeks afterwards, Lady Frances Shirley herself sent this

valuable work to Hervey, who described the present as “a magnificent and

beautiful set of books; the paper fine; the type grand; the binding rich;

the principal contents invaluable.”

[235] Letters to Ryland, No. 15.

[236] Ibid., No. 16.

[237] Letters to Ryland, No. 17.

[238] Objections to Dialogue xvi. In other words, that, saving faith is

“A real persuasion, that the blessed Jesus has shed His blood for _me_,

and fulfilled all righteousness in _my stead_: that, through this great

atonement and glorious obedience, He has purchased, even for my sinful

soul, reconciliation with God, sanctifying grace, and all spiritual

blessings”; and that, in the case of a man convinced of his sin and

danger, this is the _only_ requisite in order to the obtaining of pardon,

and adoption into the family of God.

[239] “An intended collection of the most evangelical pieces from the

beginning of the Reformation down to the present day.”

[240] Wesley’s “Christian Library, consisting of Extracts and Abridgments

of the Choicest Pieces of Practical Divinity, which have been published

in the English Tongue.” In fifty-one volumes, 12mo; begun in 1749, and

now being completed, in 1755. Hervey’s critique is unjust, and indicates

the alienation, which already existed between the two Oxford Methodists.

[241] Letters to Lady F. Shirley, No. 83.

[242] Letters to Ryland, No. 19.

[243] See Whitefield’s “Works,” vol. iii., p. 133.

[244] Doubtless, Wesley.

[245] Whitefield, in a letter to Hervey, dated, December 9th, 1756,

observes:—“Last night, Mr. M⸺ informed me, that, Mr. C⸺” (udworth?)

“showed him a pamphlet, wrote on purpose to prove the fundamental errors

of my printed sermons, and that you had offered to preface it, but he

chose you should not. That this is true, I as much believe, as that I am

now at Rome. But I wish that my dear friend may not repent his connection

and correspondence with some, when it is too late. This is my comfort, I

have delivered my soul. Mr. R⸺ has sent me the two volumes of ‘Jenks’s

Meditations,’ and desires me to annex my recommendation to yours. I have

answered, that, it will not be prudent, or beneficial to him, so to do. I

fear they are too large to go off.”

[246] These Sermons were published in 1757; but preached in 1756.

[247] Letters to Lady F. Shirley, Nos. 91 and 95.

[248] Hervey’s Fast-Day Sermons had an enormous circulation. In a letter,

dated August 5, 1758, he writes,—“Besides six thousand printed in London,

an edition was printed in Scotland, which was speedily sold off. I

was also desired, by a Society established for giving away religious

books among the poor, to grant them leave to print an impression for

this purpose. In Ireland they have been printed. Into Dutch they are

translated; and a letter, from America, informs me, that, they have

been reprinted there.” All this was within two years of their first

publication.

[249] _Evangelical Magazine_, 1777, p. 73.

[250] “Marshall on Sanctification;” and “Jenks’s Meditations.”

[251] Letters to Ryland, Nos. 57 and 63.

[252] The following are some of the publications to which Sandeman’s book

gave birth:—

1. A Sufficient Answer to the Author of the Letters on Theron and

Aspasio. By J. Wesley.

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