“NORTHAMPTON, _August 8th, 1741_.
“REV. AND DEAR BROTHER,—I am thankful to the ‘Society for the
Furtherance of the Gospel’ for their readiness to admit so
unworthy a member, and hope, as the Lord shall enable me, to
approve myself cordially affectionate, though incapable of
giving much assistance.
“I did this day, in our Church meeting, publicly report some
important facts from Brother Hutton and others, as to the
success of our dear Moravian Brethren and their associates.
We rejoiced in the Lord at the joyful tidings, and joined in
recommending them to the grace of God. I hope Providence will
enable me to be a little serviceable to this good design. I
shall gladly continue to correspond with the Society, and
gladly hope to have some good news from these parts ere long.
In the mean time, I humbly commend myself to your prayers and
theirs.
“The conversation at Mr. Moody’s, on Monday morning, has
left a deep impression on my heart. Salute my dear brethren,
Messrs. Spangenberg and Kinchin, with Mr. Hutton, etc. I shall
hope to hear when that blessed herald of our Redeemer, Count
Zinzendorf, arrives. We long to see you. God brought me home
in peace, and I found all well here. My wife and other friends
salute you in the Lord.
“I am, dear sir, your unworthy but affectionate friend in our
gracious Lord,
“PHILIP DODDRIDGE.
“P.S.—I have looked over several of the letters with great
pleasure, and heartily thank you for sending them. Glory be to
Him, who causes His gospel to triumph, and magnifies the riches
of His grace in getting Himself the victory, by soldiers, who,
out of weakness, are made strong. If Christ raise to Himself
a seed among the Negroes and Hottentots, I will honour them
beyond all the politest nations upon earth that obey not His
glorious gospel.”[102]
This Missionary Society, of which Ingham was one of the chief members,
though still in its infancy, had already accomplished a most marvellous
and blessed work. Its origin was remarkable. In 1731, Count Zinzendorf
visited Copenhagen, for the purpose of being present at the coronation
of Christian VI., king of Denmark. Whilst there, some of the count’s
servants became acquainted with a negro, from the island of St. Thomas,
in the West Indies. The negro told them of the ardent desire of many
of the slaves in that island to be taught the way of salvation; but
added, that their labours were so incessant that they had no leisure for
religious instruction; and that the only way to reach them was for the
missionary himself to become a slave, and to teach them during their
daily toils. This was related to the Brethren of Herrnhut; and the result
was, two young men, Leonard Dover and Tobias Leupold publicly offered
to go to St. Thomas’s, and even to _sell themselves as slaves_, if they
could find no other way of preaching to the negroes. Thus began the
Moravian missions to the heathen; and, within ten years, at the time
when Ingham proposed Doddridge as a corresponding member of the Society
for the Furtherance of the Gospel, missionaries had been sent to St.
Thomas’s, to St. Croix, to Greenland, to Surinam, to the Rio de Berbice,
to several Indian tribes in North America, to the negroes in South
Carolina, to Lapland, to Tartary, to Algiers, to Guinea, to the Cape of
Good Hope, and to Ceylon.
Among others greatly benefited by Ingham’s ministry, were the four
daughters of the Earl of Huntingdon, Lady Anne, Lady Frances, Lady
Catherine, and Lady Margaret Hastings. While on a visit at Ledstone
Hall, in Yorkshire, they were induced, by motives of curiosity, to hear
him preach in a neighbouring parish. He was then invited to preach in
Ledsham Church; and became a frequent visitor at the Hall. When in
London, the Ladies Hastings attended the preaching of the Moravians
and first Methodists. Under this ministry, they were given to see the
insufficiency of their own righteousness and the method of salvation on
which they had been resting, and were made willing to receive the Lord
Jesus Christ as the foundation of their hope and trust. Lady Margaret
was the first who received the truth; and the change effected, by the
Holy Spirit, on her heart soon became visible to all. Considering the
obligations she was under to the grace of God, she felt herself called
upon to seek the salvation of her fellow-creatures, and the promotion of
their best and eternal interests. Next to her own soul, the salvation of
her own family and friends became her care. She exhorted them faithfully
and affectionately, one by one, to “flee from the wrath to come;” and the
Lord was pleased to make her the honoured instrument of the conversion of
not a few of them. Her brother, the ninth Earl of Huntingdon, had been
married to Lady Selina Shirley, second daughter of Earl Ferrers; and it
is a fact too interesting to be omitted, that, the conversion of this
remarkable woman was, under God, the result of a casual remark which
fell from Lady Margaret. The two conversing one day, on the subject of
religion, Lady Margaret observed, “That since she had known and believed
in the Lord Jesus Christ for life and salvation, she had been as happy
as an angel.” This scrap of Methodist lovefeast-experience was “a word
spoken in due season.” It led to self-examination, and to scriptural
inquiry; and Selina, Countess of Huntingdon, never rested until she also
had found peace with God through faith in Christ.
Lady Margaret Hastings was united in marriage to Mr. Ingham, on November
12th, 1741, at the residence of her brother, the Earl of Huntingdon,
in London. The union was a happy one. To the last moments of his life,
Ingham expressed the highest veneration and affection for his wife,
and was honoured with the intimate friendship of several of her noble
relatives. The marriage, in some aristocratic circles, was considered a
_mésalliance_, and furnished food for scandal in the fashionable world.
“The Methodists,” said the Countess of Hertford, “have had the honour
to convert my Lord and Lady Huntingdon, both to their doctrine and
practice; and the town now says, that Lady Margaret Hastings is certainly
to marry one of their teachers, whose name is Ingham.” “The news I hear
from London,” wrote Lady Mary Wortley Montague, from Rome, “is that Lady
Margaret Hastings has disposed of herself to a poor, wandering Methodist
preacher.” The higher classes of society indulged in ridicule; the poor
Moravians gave thanks to God, and prayed for the newly-wedded couple.
Ingham wrote to inform the Brethren of his marriage, and the Brethren
sang for him the hymn beginning—
“Take their poor hearts, and let them be,
For ever closed to all but Thee,” etc.
Ingham had enemies, some of them, as already shown extremely bitter; but
one of them, at least, was doubtless well pleased with Ingham’s marriage.
By this event, the Vicar of Dewsbury got rid of a neighbour who had
greatly troubled him; for Ingham now removed from Osset, the place of his
nativity, to Aberford, a village about five miles from Tadcaster, and
sixteen miles south-west of York; and here he continued to reside until
his death.
It has been already stated that, on July 30th, 1742, nine months after
his marriage, Ingham formally transferred his Yorkshire and Lancashire
societies, above fifty in number, to the Moravians; and, henceforward,
these societies were placed under the control of the Moravian ministerial
conclave at Smith House, near Halifax.
Besides these societies, however, Ingham was connected with others. A
great work had been wrought in the midland counties. The Rev. Jacob
Rogers, a clergyman of the Established Church, had preached with much
power and success at Bedford. Mr. Francis Okeley had assisted him; and
thither Ingham repaired, and preached several times in St. Paul’s
Church, to vast multitudes, who listened to him with profound attention.
The number of converts increased daily, and were formed into societies,
like those in Yorkshire. Being formed, the next point was how to manage
them. Ingham was consulted; and, by his advice they, also, were placed
under the care of Moravian ministers. This prepared the way for the
settlement of the United Brethren at Bedford, in 1745; and for the
erection of their chapel there in 1751.
By these arrangements, Ingham freed himself from an immense amount of
personal responsibility. His old friend, Wesley, was not only forming
societies, but ruling them. On the contrary, Ingham formed societies,
and left them to be ruled by others. By this means, Moravianism found
admission to the midland counties, and instituted a flourishing and
permanent Church in Yorkshire and the neighbourhood round about. Ingham
was left at liberty to be what he evidently liked,—an evangelist at
large. He was also helped by earnest co-adjutors. There were the Batty
Brothers,—Lawrence, William, and Christopher, of Catherine Hall,
Cambridge, sons of Mr. Giles Batty, a man of considerable respectability,
who resided at Newby Cote, near Settle. The three brothers were all
eloquent and popular preachers. Then there was John Nelson, the sturdy
Methodist, whom Ingham left behind at Birstal. Also David Taylor,
formerly footman to Lady Ingham,—a man who had been converted under
Ingham’s ministry, and who, notwithstanding certain vacillations, was
a great and successful preacher, and raised societies in Derbyshire,
Leicestershire, and in some parts of Lancashire and Yorkshire. Others
might be mentioned, if space permitted.
Ingham had no warmer friend than Whitefield, who watched the steps taken
by his old acquaintance with the utmost interest. The following letter
will not be considered out of place:—
“LONDON, _May 6th, 1743_.
“MY DEAR BROTHER,—Your very kind letter I had not the pleasure
of receiving till yesterday. It was very acceptable, and knits
my heart closer to you than ever. I love your honest soul,
and long for that time when the disciples, of Christ, of
different sects, shall be joined in far closer fellowship one
with another. Our divisions have grieved my heart. I heartily
approve of the meeting of the chief labourers together.
“I am just returned from a circuit of about four hundred miles.
I have been as far as Haverfordwest, and was enabled to preach
with great power. Thousands and tens of thousands flocked
to hear the word, and the souls of God’s children were much
refreshed.
“I am glad the Lord hath opened fresh doors for you, my dear
brother. The rams’ horns are sounding about Jericho; surely
the towering walls will at length fall down. But we must have
patience. He that believeth doth not make haste. The rams’
horns must go round seven times. Our divisions in England have
the worst aspect, while they are now united in Wales; but even
this shall work for good, and cause the Redeemer’s glory to
shine more conspicuously. This is my comfort,—‘The government
is upon His shoulders,’ and He is a ‘wonderful counsellor.’
“But where am I running? Pardon me. I am writing to my dear Mr.
Ingham. I rejoice in the expectation of seeing you in town. I
hope to be in town at the time, and to enjoy some of our former
happy seasons. In the mean while, I salute you from my inmost
soul; and desire, as often as opportunity offers, a close
correspondence may be kept up between you and, my dear brother,
your most affectionate unworthy brother and servant,
“GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”
Ingham was now one of the most influential members of the Moravian
Church, in England; and, accompanied by Mr. and Mrs. James Hutton, and
the Sisters, Esther Kinchin, Mary Bowes, and Martha Ireland, set out on
May 20th, 1743, to attend a Moravian Synod, to be held at Hirschberg, in
Germany, from the first to the twelfth of July inclusive. This important
Synod seems to have supervised the Moravian operations generally;
including not only the affairs of the English Churches, but those of the
Continent and Livonia, where fourteen hundred labourers of the Brethren
were employed in endeavouring to bring men to a knowledge of the truth as
it is in Jesus.
So far as the English community was concerned, it was determined:
“That, the London Church should be regarded as a choir of
labourers (distinct from the Society and its general meetings,
etc.); each member of which was to consider him or herself as
in preparation, by the Lord, for future service in any station,
post, or office, to which He might call them.
“That this Church, as a body of labourers, consisting of only a
few souls who were wholly devoted to our Saviour, might enjoy
all the privileges and discipline of a Church elsewhere, which
the mere members of Society, by reason of their not dwelling
together, could not enjoy.
“That this Church should be in stillness, none knowing of it
but such as were in it. (See Rev. ii. 17.) This London Church,
also, should cleave to the Pilgrim Church, as the body to its
soul.
“The Pilgrim Church was described as a congregation of
labourers who go hither and thither; whom no one knows but he
to whom it is revealed.[103] Every one who has a whole mind to
our Saviour, is a member of it. It is composed of persons who
indissolubly cleave together, as a testimony in the Saviour’s
wounds, against all who are unfaithful; witnesses whom the Lord
will preserve in the hour of trial; souls who neither have nor
desire any abiding city in this life, and who labour for the
good of others among all religions, but never form themselves
into a sect.
“This Church is not the Moravian Church, but its servants,
sojourning so long in it as the children and servants of God,
or rather the spiritual Church of God, has freedom of action
and is acknowledged. This relationship to the Moravian Church
remains only so long as she herself abides faithful.
“The connection between London and Yorkshire was thus defined:
That London, as a choir of labourers (a small flock hidden
as yet and acting quietly), should provide labourers for
Yorkshire, and train up souls which were to be sent from
Yorkshire for the purpose; Yorkshire being the county where
our Saviour exhibited His Church openly, and where, for the
present, the congregation of the Brethren should be settled.
The London Church being private, was to have a particular
connection with Yorkshire, and be, in a measure, dependent upon
it, inasmuch as the chief elders were at this time there.”
The above are extracts from the Memoirs of James Hutton, at that period,
the chief of the London Moravians. It is difficult for an outsider to
understand and rightly interpret some of the expressions; but, upon the
whole, it appears, 1. That the chief settlement of the Moravians was
in Yorkshire; and, 2. That London was the training college of their
ministers.
It is a well-known fact, that 1744 was a year of great anxiety. England
was threatened with a French invasion, and with the unwelcome presence of
the Jacobite Pretender. A large number of loyal addresses were presented
to the king. Wesley wrote one on behalf of the Methodists, but his
brother Charles successfully objected to its presentation, because its
being sent, in the _name of the Methodists_, would constitute them a
sect, at least would _seem to allow_ that they were a body distinct from
the Church of England. The same difficulty was felt by the Moravians;
and, on April 23, a Conference of six persons met in London, respecting
the Address. Ingham went all the way from Yorkshire, to be present; and
seems to have been the presiding spirit. The Conference perceived that,
when so many addresses were being presented to the king, the Moravians
might be regarded with suspicion, unless they also presented one; but
the perplexity was how to designate the Moravian community. The Wesleys
were unwilling for the Methodists to be regarded as Dissenters from the
Church of England, and so were the Moravians. Brother Neisser, one of
the Conference, attempted to solve the difficulty by observing, that
“the English brethren, who had joined the Moravian Church, were not,
on that account, Dissenters from the English Church.” They had taken
such a step merely “to enjoy the blessed discipline of the Apostolic
Churches, which was wanting in the English Church.” This was a solution
scarcely sufficient to relieve the mind from doubt; but an address was
written; and, on April 27, Ingham Hutton, and Bell went to Court, and,
being admitted to the chamber of audience, Ingham delivered into the hand
of the king the document which had been prepared. His Majesty, smiling
graciously, accepted the same, and Ingham kissed his hand. The following
is an extract:—
TO THE KING’S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY.—The humble Address of his
Majesty’s Protestant subjects, the United Brethren in England,
in union with the ancient Protestant Episcopal Bohemian and
Moravian Church:—
“Presented to his Majesty by the Rev. Mr. Ingham, Mr. Hutton,
Mr. Bell, Registrar of the said Congregation in London.
“MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN,—May it please your sacred Majesty
graciously to accept this Address, which, with all humility, is
presented by your Majesty’s most dutiful and loyal subjects,
the United Brethren in England, in union with the Bohemian and
Moravian Church.
“We are, though despised and hated, and few in number, a
happy people, consisting of persons out of several sects and
parties of Protestants, who, from an earnest concern for our
own salvation, and a zeal for the good of others, are united
together; and, for the sake of her excellent discipline, are
in union with the ancient Protestant Episcopal Bohemian and
Moravian Church, one of the earliest witnesses against, and
sufferers by, the Papists; a sister of the Church of England;
their doctrines also, in the fundamental points, being the
same.”
Having thus defined themselves, they then declare affectionate loyalty
to his “Majesty’s sacred person, family, and government;” and their
“abhorrence for Popery and Popish pretenders,”—and conclude thus:—
“We, therefore, shall stand by your Majesty to the utmost of
our power, and especially by our prayers, which are our only
weapons.
“May the Lord of hosts direct all your Majesty’s councils and
undertakings, and turn the design of all your enemies into
foolishness! The Lord our God be with you. Amen.
“Presented in behalf of all the United Brethren in England,
in union with the Bohemian and Moravian Church. April 27,
1744.”[104]
This Address will help to define the position in which Ingham stood, with
reference to the Moravian Church and the Church of England.
There is another important fact belonging to the year 1744. For some
reason,—probably the disturbed state of the country,—the Brethren were
prohibited preaching in the open air; and, from this period, Ingham
relinquished all out-door services. In this, also, he differed from his
quondam friend Wesley, who, for forty-seven years afterwards, persisted
in “field-preaching.”
It has been already stated that Smith House, near Halifax, had been
made the head-quarters of the Moravian community in Yorkshire. This
took place about the year 1741. In 1743, Mr. Holmes, the proprietor of
the place, died; and, on account of his widow not being well-disposed
towards her peculiar tenants, the Brethren found it necessary to look
out for another and more permanent establishment. Just at this juncture,
Zinzendorf visited Yorkshire; and, one day, when climbing a mountain on
which Bank House, near Pudsey, stood, he had such a sweet feeling and
deep impression of the place, that he called it “_Lamb’s Hill_,” fully
believing, that, it would become the site of a Moravian settlement.
Strangely enough, the Hill soon afterwards was advertised for sale; in
1744, Ingham, at the request of a Moravian synod, bought it; and, on
the 10th of May, 1746, the foundation stone of “Grace Hall, at Lamb’s
Hill,” was laid amid great rejoicing. At six in the afternoon, the whole
congregation came together, and sang a hymn, after which, Toltschig
delivered an address. A letter was read from Lady Ingham, expressing
her great satisfaction in regard to the building of the Hall; the stone
was to have been laid by Ingham, but, being unexpectedly detained in
Lancashire, the office was performed by Toltschig, and the ceremonial
was concluded with singing songs of praise. The building was completed
in 1748; choir houses and schools were added; private dwellings were
erected; and a Moravian settlement was established, which, in 1763,
was called Fulneck, Ingham all the while being the proprietor of the
soil.[105] Wesley visited the place in 1747, and wrote:—
“We walked to the new house of the Germans. It stands on the
side of a hill, commanding all the vale beneath, and the
opposite hill The front is exceeding grand, though plain,
being faced with fine, smooth, white stone. The Germans
suppose it will cost, by the time it is finished, about three
thousand pounds: it is well if it be not nearer ten. But that
is no concern to the English Brethren; for they are told (and
potently believe), that ‘all the money will come from beyond
the sea.’”
Thirty-three years after this, Wesley paid another visit. The following
extract, from his Journal, will show how Fulneck had increased:—
“_1780. April 17._—I walked to Fulneck, the German settlement.
Mr. Moore showed us the house, chapel, hall, lodging-rooms, the
apartments of the widows, the single men, and single women.
He showed us likewise the workshops of various kinds, with
the shops for grocery, drapery, mercery, hardware, etc., with
which, as well as with bread from their bakehouse, they furnish
the adjacent country. I see not what but the mighty power of
God can hinder them from acquiring millions; as they, 1. Buy
all materials with ready money at the best hand; 2. Have above
a hundred young men, above fifty young women, many widows, and
above a hundred married persons; all of whom are employed from
morning to night, without any intermission, in various kinds of
manufactures, not for journeymen’s wages, but for no wages at
all, save a little very plain food and raiment; as they have,
3. A quick sale for all their goods, and sell them all for
ready money. But can they lay up treasure on earth, and, at the
same time, lay up treasure in heaven?”
This is not the place to write a history of Fulneck; but merely to show
Ingham’s connection with it.
It was about this period (1746), that Ingham and Grimshaw, of Haworth,
became acquainted; and once, and sometimes twice, a year, Grimshaw
preached throughout Ingham’s circuit. The Societies increased rapidly,
and spread, not only in Yorkshire, but also in Westmoreland, Cumberland,
Lancashire, Lincolnshire, Derbyshire, and Cheshire. General meetings of
the preachers and exhorters were held with frequency, several of which
were attended by the Countess of Huntingdon and Lady Margaret Ingham.
Grimshaw invariably attended these meetings, and always preached, never
troubling himself to ask the consent of the minister, or caring whether
he liked it or not. Sometimes the two itinerant clergymen met with
treatment far from pleasant.
As a specimen, the following may be given. Ingham, and Mr. Batty, one
of his preachers, had been several times to Colne, and had succeeded
in establishing a small society. Occasionally they were accompanied by
Grimshaw; and, in this instance, the three commenced a meeting by the
singing of a hymn. As soon as they begun, the Rev. George White, the
notorious vicar of Colne and Marsden, rushed into the house, staff in
hand, attended by the constable and a mob collected from the lowest and
most depraved people of the town. White sprang towards Batty with intent
to strike him. Ingham, perceiving the danger of his friend, instantly
pulled him out of the reach of his clerical assailant, and retired into
an adjoining room. The vicar and the constable threatened to put the
master of the house into the parochial stocks, and attempted to take
him away by force. The man demanded the constable’s authority; and the
official, finding that he had none, was obliged to release his prisoner.
White and his officer of the peace then insisted, that, Ingham and
Grimshaw should sign a paper, promising not to preach in the parish of
Colne during the next twelve months, under a penalty of fifty pounds.
The demand was met by a firm refusal; and now the “Captain-General,” as
White was designated, ordered the mob to lead away their captives. This
was done, and, on the way, every friend who attempted to speak to them
was abused and beaten. New proposals were made, that, Grimshaw and Ingham
should give a written promise not to preach at Colne for six months,
and then two; but without success. Magnanimously giving up the written
document, the mob asked a promise _upon their word and honour_; but this
proposal also was rejected. Finding it impossible to coerce the three
evangelists, the rioters let loose their vengeance. Ingham, Grimshaw, and
Batty were violently dragged along the road, with clubs brandished about
their heads. They were pelted with mud and dirt; and, with Ingham’s coat
torn and hanging on the ground, were conducted to the Swan Inn, there to
receive magisterial justice at the hands of the Rev. Mr. White.[106]
In 1747, the chief labourers, Ingham, Gambold, Hutton, and Okeley,
attended a Synod at Herrnhaag, in Germany. Many English affairs were
carefully considered, especially the history of the English congregations
since 1737, and the gradual separation of the Brethren’s labours from
those of the Methodists. The peculiar choir regulations were gradually
introduced into England. The Discourses of Zinzendorf, the Church Litany,
the Liturgies, the Common Prayers of the Brethren, and the Hymns of the
Day, were translated into English; and the more intimate the acquaintance
of the English Brethren became with German formularies, the more the
Methodistic element was banished from among them. The Brethren and
Methodists moved _alongside_ of each other; and, not unfrequently, there
was considerable flank-firing.
In July, 1748, Whitefield arrived in England, after an absence of nearly
four years. Ingham wrote to his old friend, who sent the following
affectionate reply:—
“LONDON, _August 11, 1748_.
“MY VERY DEAR MR. INGHAM,—Your kind letter, which I received
but yesterday, having been taken a little tour in the country,
both grieved and pleased me. Glad was I to find, that, my dear
old friend had not forgotten me; and yet sorry, at it were,
that, I had not written to him first. I was just going to put
pen to paper, when yours was brought to my hands. I read it
with joy; and now embrace the first opportunity of answering
it with the greatest pleasure. These words concerning our Lord
have always been weighty on my heart: ‘Having loved His own,
He loved them unto the end.’ They, therefore, that are most
like Him, will be most steady in their friendship, and not very
readily given to change. O my dear sir, what has the Redeemer
done for us since we used to take such sweet counsel together
at Oxford! Blessed be His name for giving you a heart still to
preach among poor sinners the unsearchable riches of Christ!
May you go on and prosper, and, maugre all opposition, see
Dagon fall everywhere before the ark! As for me, I am a poor
worthless pilgrim, and thought long ere now to be with Him,
who has loved and given Himself for me. But it seems, I am not
yet to die, but live. Oh that it may be to declare the work
of the Lord! I think, this is the thirteenth province I have
been in within this twelve-month, in each of which our Lord has
been pleased to set His seal to my unworthy ministry. I came
from _Bermudas_ last, where I left many souls seeking after
Jesus of Nazareth. In London, Bristol, Gloucester, and Wales,
the glorious Emmanuel, since my arrival, has appeared to His
people. In about a fortnight, I purpose leaving town again, in
order to go a circuit of about five hundred miles. I need not
desire you to pray for me: I need not tell you how glad I shall
be, whenever opportunity offers, to see you face to face. In
the meantime, let us correspond by letter. May Jesus bless it
to us both! I return cordial respects to Lady Margaret. I pray
the Lord to bless her and her little nursery. For the present,
Adieu!
“I am, my dear Mr. Ingham, ever yours,
“GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”
In course of time, Whitefield came to Yorkshire; and Ingham and Batty
accompanied him throughout the county, and occasionally preached with
him. They were also his companions into Lancashire and Cheshire. He
preached four times at Aberford, the place of Ingham’s residence; and
everywhere immense crowds attended him. The tour was a triumphal one;
and, moreover, the two old Oxford friends were reunited. In one place,
Whitefield mounted a temporary scaffold to address the thousands who
stood before him; and, with a solemnity peculiarly his own, announced
his text,—“It is appointed unto men once to die; but after this the
judgment.” No sooner had the words escaped his lips, than a terrifying
shriek issued from the centre of the congregation. Grimshaw hurried to
the place where Whitefield stood, and shouted,—“Brother Whitefield, you
stand among the dead and dying,—an immortal soul has been called into
eternity,—the destroying angel is passing over the congregation,—cry
aloud and spare not.” A few moments elapsed, and Whitefield re-announced
his text; when another loud shriek was heard; a shriek which, in this
instance, came from the spot where the Countess of Huntingdon and Lady
Margaret Ingham were standing. A _second_ person had dropped down dead.
Consternation was general; but Whitefield proceeded with the service,
and, in a strain of tremendous eloquence, warned the wicked to flee from
the wrath to come.[107] Who can adequately conceive, and paint the scene
just mentioned? Whitefield on a platform,—thousands assembled before
him,—two in the midst of them, in an instant, struck with death,—the
Incumbent of Haworth rushing to the preacher with his irrepressible
exclamation,—and two noble ladies, with Ingham at their side, gazing at
the awful spectacle, their souls thrilled with feelings which no language
can describe. And yet, if not in regard to the death occurrences, in
point of solemn sublimity and religious grandeur, Whitefield’s life was
full of such scenic facts.
Mention has been made of Ingham and Whitefield becoming reunited.
During this same evangelistic tour, efforts were used to reunite Ingham
and his old friend Wesley. Seven years before, they had separated.
Both were intensely conscientious, and were actuated by the purest
religious motives; but their course of action was different. Ingham was
a Moravian: Wesley was a Methodist. The two designations were often
used synonymously; and yet their meanings were widely different. By
order of Zinzendorf, an advertisement had been published, in the _Daily
Advertiser_, declaring, that, the Moravians had no connection with the
Wesleys. Angry pamphlets, on both sides, had been issued; and angry
feelings, both among Moravians and Methodists, had been kindled. It
was hardly possible for Ingham and Wesley to live on the same terms of
intimate friendship as they had done at Oxford and in Georgia. There is
no evidence, that, they ever _quarrelled_; but they were undoubtedly
_estranged_. This was painful both to themselves and to a certain circle
of their friends; and, as above stated, means were used to reunite them.
Hence the following, extracted from a letter, addressed to Wesley, by the
Rev. Mr. Milner, Incumbent of Chipping, in Lancashire, who accompanied
Whitefield, Ingham, and Grimshaw in their glorious visits to Manchester,
Stockport, and other places:—
“CHIPPING, _January 11, 1750_.
“MY MOST DEAR AND REV. BROTHER, WHOM I LOVE IN THE TRUTH,—I
have had twice the pleasure of seeing Mr. Ingham; and must
say, there is a great deal of amiable sweetness in his whole
behaviour. I have often and earnestly wished that he was
disentangled from the Moravians, and cordially _one_ with you
in promoting the interests of the gospel. The last time I saw
him, he was employed in reconciling two of the Brethren, who
had run great hazards and suffered much hardship in the service
of the gospel. He allows you incomparably the preference for
prudence; but says, you have not done the count” (Zinzendorf)
“justice. He adds, that, he endeavoured to prevail with you not
to publish the Difference;[108] and thought he had prevailed,
till he heard that it was published;—and that he would
gladly have been reconciled, and got Mr. W⸺d” (Whitefield)
“to go from his house to N⸺e” (Newcastle), “to bring about a
reconciliation; but you were not inclined to it,—‘the time
being not yet come.’ At first, I looked upon the difference, as
that betwixt Paul and Barnabas, which was a furtherance of the
gospel of Christ; but since I knew more of the doctrine of the
_still Brethren_, I have not had the same favourable opinion
of them. Yet, I cannot help thinking, Mr. Ingham is happy. May
some good Providence bring you speedily together! For, surely,
such souls must glow with love at meeting, and all unkindness
fly at first sight!”[109]
So far as it concerned Ingham, things were now coming to a crisis. For
about a dozen years, he had been a Moravian; but Moravianism, always
eccentric, was now becoming arrogant. Everything was carried on upon a
higher scale, both in diet and clothing, with a view to the benevolent
but impracticable design of abolishing the distinction between the
different stations in life. This, however, only tended to make persons
of low degree exalt themselves above their station in society, which,
in more respects than one, was really injurious. Then there was also a
season of trial, which is known in the Brethren’s Church, under the name
of ‘_the great sifting_,’—especially from 1745 to 1749. The Yorkshire
Diary of the Brethren, 1747-1749, speaks of “the _light and trifling
spirit_, which had crept into almost all the congregations, both in
doctrine and practice;” and joins “in thanksgiving to the Head of the
Church, who had caused a deep shame and contrition to take place in the
hearts of the true Brethren and Sisters.” In June, 1749, Zinzendorf
addressed a pompous letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury, giving him
a catalogue of the Moravian Bishops, Administrators of Tropuses, and
Evangelics. He spoke of himself as, “Lewis, by Divine Providence, Bishop,
Liturgus, and Ordinary of the Churches known by the name of the Brethren;
and, under the auspices of the same, Advocate during life, with full
power over the hierarchy of the Slavonic Unity, Custos rotulorum, and
Prolocutor both of the general Synod, and of the Tropus of Instruction.”
In a postscript, he made a characteristic attack on Sherlock, Bishop of
London, as follows:—
“P.S. The Bishop of London has acted wrongfully and most
injudiciously for the interest of his own Church; inasmuch, as
he has not only declined intercourse with the Brethren, but
likewise communicated a private decision to a certain Deacon
of our Church. He has sinned against the first principles of
uprightness, equity, and prudence; and, by doing so, has done
dishonour to the ecclesiastical order. It is not your part
to threaten and to act insolently, but cautiously; for your
interest, and not ours, is concerned.
“LEWIS, Bishop, with his own hand.”
To say the least, this was hardly modest, on the part of a foreigner,
when addressed to the highest dignitary of the English Church. It is also
noticeable, that, in the list of Bishops, Administrators of Tropuses,
Evangelics, and Primary Ministers, sent to his Grace of Canterbury, the
name of Ingham is not included. Why was this?
Further,—a new “Church Litany,” of great length, and curious
construction, had been published, and was now in use in the Congregations
of the Brethren. Lindsey House, in Chelsea, was bought of Sir Hans
Sloane; and, at a great expense, was converted into the head-quarters of
English Moravianism. Zinzendorf was the pope of the English Brotherhood.
All bishops and elders were subordinate to him; and, under the name
“Papa,” he was exclusively the ruler of their Church. He caused to be
published a Hymn-book, in two volumes; the second of which was filled
with doggerel of the worst description. He had had the effrontery to ask
the English Parliament to pass an Act, not only recognising the _Unitas
Fratrum_ as an ancient Protestant Episcopal Church; but also exempting
them from taking oaths; from being summoned as jurymen; and, in the
American colonies, from being called upon to engage in military service.
Marvellous to relate, all this was granted; but one demand of the
Moravian “Papa” was rejected. He asked for power to be vested in himself,
to enjoin upon the bishops and ministers of the Church of England to give
certificates, that, the parties holding them, were members of the _Unitas
Fratrum_; and, therefore, entitled to the exemptions specified. The Lord
Chancellor objected to this putting of the prelates and clergy of the
Established Church beneath the power of a foreign count. “Against the
will of the king,” exclaimed this modest man; “I would not like to press
the matter; but a _limitation of the Act_ I will not accept. Everything
or nothing. No modifications.” This was German rodomontade; for, rather
than lose his Bill, he relinquished his claim to be empowered to coerce
the bishops and clergy of the English Church to grant the certificates.
The Act of Parliament was passed on the 12th of May, 1749. A few months
afterwards, Zinzendorf published a folio volume, entitled “Acta Fratrum
in Angliâ,” and containing, besides the Moravian public negotiations in
England, an exposition of the Moravian doctrine, liturgy, etc. The book
was full of repulsive jargon; and the less that is said respecting it the
better.
Besides all this, an enormous debt had been contracted. A crop of
lawsuits sprung up. Zinzendorf and others were in danger of arrest.
Bankruptcy was imminent; disgrace was great; and scandals of all kinds
were rife. Henry Rimius, “Aulic Counsellor to his late Majesty the
King of Prussia,” published an octavo pamphlet of 177 pages, in which
Zinzendorf was accused of flagrant falsehood. Wesley read the pamphlet
as soon as it was printed; and wrote, “I still think several of the
inconsiderable members of that” (Moravian) “community, are upright; but I
fear their governors wax worse and worse,—having their conscience seared
as with a hot iron.”
Whitefield, in 1753, published “An Expostulatory Letter, addressed
to Nicholas Lewis, Count Zinzendorf, and Lord Advocate of the Unitas
Fratrum,” in which he charges Zinzendorf and his friends with “Misguiding
many honest-hearted Christians; with distressing, if not ruining,
numerous families; and with introducing a whole farrago of superstitious,
not to say idolatrous, fopperies into the English nation.”
Another pamphlet was published, at the same time, and created
considerable excitement. Its long title will suggest an idea of its
contents. “A true and authentic Account of Andrew Frey: containing
the occasion of his coming among the Hernhutters, or Moravians; his
Observations on their Conferences, Casting Lots, Marriages, Festivals,
Merriments, Celebrations of Birth-Days, impious Doctrines, and
fantastical Practices, Abuse of charitable Contributions, linen Images,
ostentatious Profuseness, and Rancour against any who in the least differ
from them; and the Reasons for which he left them; together with the
Motives for publishing this Account. Faithfully transcribed from the
German.”