CHAPTER IX.

Occupations and Correspondence.--Literary Work.--Jephson and

the Stage.--_Nature will Prevail._--Issues from the Strawberry

Press.--Fourth Volume of the _Anecdotes of Painting_.--The Beauclerk

Tower and Lady Di.--George, third Earl of Orford.--Sale of the

Houghton Pictures.--Moves to Berkeley Square.--Last Visit to Madame

du Deffand.--Her Death.--Themes for Letters.--Death of Sir Horace

Mann.--Pinkerton, Madame de Genlis, Miss Burney, Hannah More.--Mary

and Agnes Berry.--Their Residence at Twickenham.--Becomes fourth Earl

of Orford.--_Epitaphium vivi Auctoris._--The Berrys again.--Death of

Marshal Conway.--Last Letter to Lady Ossory.--Dies at Berkeley Square,

2 March, 1797.--His Fortune and Will.--The Fate of Strawberry.

After the completion of Strawberry Hill and the printing of the

_Catalogue_, Walpole's life grows comparatively barren of events.

There are still four volumes of his _Correspondence_, but they take

upon them imperceptibly the nature of _nouvelles à la main_, and are

less fruitful in personal traits. Between his books and his prints,

his time passes agreeably, 'but will not do to relate.' Indeed, from

this period until his death, in 1797, the most notable occurrences

in his history are his friendship with the Miss Berry's in 1787-8,

and his belated accession to he Earldom of Orford. Both at Strawberry

and Arlington Street, his increasing years and his persistent malady

condemn him more and more to seclusion and retirement. He is most at

Strawberry, despite its dampness, for in the country he holds 'old,

useless people ought to live.' 'If you were not to be in London,' he

tells Lady Ossory in April, 1774, 'the spring advances so charmingly, I

think I should scarce go thither. One is frightened with the inundation

of breakfasts and balls that are coming on. Every one is engaged

to everybody for the next three weeks, and if one must hunt for a

needle, I had rather look for it in a bottle of hay in the country

than in a crowd.' 'By age and situation,' he writes from Strawberry

in September, 'at this time of the year I live with nothing but old

women. They do very well for me, who have little choice left, and who

rather prefer common nonsense to wise nonsense,--the only difference

I know between old women and old men. I am out of all politics, and

never think of elections, which I think I should hate even if I

loved politics,--just as, if I loved tapestry I do not think I could

talk over the manufacture of worsteds. Books I have almost done with

too,--at least, read only such as nobody else would read. In short,

my way of life is too insipid to entertain anybody but myself; and

though I am always employed, I must own I think I have given up every

thing in the world, only to be busy about the most arrant trifles.'

His London life was not greatly different. 'How should I see or know

anything?' he says a year later, apologizing for his dearth of news.

'I seldom stir out of my house [at Arlington Street] before seven in

the evening, see very few persons, and go to fewer places, make no new

acquaintance, and have seen most of my old wear out. Loo at Princess

Amelie's, loo at Lady Hertford's, are the capital events of my history,

and a Sunday alone, at Strawberry, my chief entertainment. All this

is far from gay; but as it neither gives me _ennui_, nor lowers my

spirits, it is not uncomfortable, and I prefer it to being _déplacé_ in

younger company.' Such is his account of his life in 1774-5, when he is

nearing sixty, and it probably represents it with sufficient accuracy.

But a trifling incident easily stirs him into unwonted vivacity. While

he is protesting that he has nothing to say, his letters grow under

his pen, and, almost as a necessary consequence of his leisure, they

become more frequent and more copious. In the edition of Cunningham, up

to September, 1774, they number fourteen hundred and fifty. Speaking

roughly, this represents a period of nearly forty years. During the

two-and-twenty years that remained to him, he managed to swell them by

what was, proportionately, a far greater number. The last letter given

by Cunningham is marked 2665; and this enumeration does not include

a good many letters and fragments of letters belonging to this later

period, which were published in 1865 in Miss Berry's _Journals and

Correspondence_. Nevertheless, as stated above, they more and more

assume what he somewhere calls 'their proper character of newspapers.'

During the remainder of his life, they were his chief occupation, and

his gout was seldom so severe but that he could make shift to scribble

a line to his favourite correspondents, calling in his printer Kirgate

as secretary in cases of extremity.[168] Of literature generally he

professed to have taken final leave. 'I no longer care about fame,'

he tells Mason in 1774; 'I have done being an author.' Nevertheless,

the _Short Notes_ piously chronicle the production of more than one

trifle, which are reprinted in his _Works_. When, in the above year,

Lord Chesterfield's letters to his son were published, Walpole began

a parody of that famous performance in a _Series of Letters from a

Mother to a Daughter_, with the general title of the _New Whole Duty of

Woman_. He grew tired of the idea too soon to enable us to judge what

his success might have been with a subject which, in his hands, should

have been diverting as a satire; for, although he was a warm admirer of

Chesterfield's parts, as he had shown in his character of him in the

_Royal and Noble Authors_, he was thoroughly alive to the assailable

side of what he styles his 'impertinent institutes of education.'[169]

Another work of this year was a reply to some remarks by Mr. Masters

in the _Archæologia_ upon the old subject of the _Historic Doubts_,

which calls for no further notice. But early in 1775 he was persuaded

into writing an epilogue for the _Braganza_ of Captain Robert Jephson,

a maiden tragedy of the _Venice Preserved_ order, which was produced at

Drury Lane in February of that year, with considerable success. In a

correspondence which ensued with the author, Walpole delivered himself

of his views on tragedy for the benefit of Mr. Jephson, who acted upon

them, but not (as his Mentor thought) with conspicuous success, in his

next attempt, the _Law of Lombardy_. Jephson's third play, however, the

_Count of Narbonne_, which was well received in 1781, had a natural

claim upon Walpole's good opinion, since it was based upon the _Castle

of Otranto_.[170] Besides the above letters on tragedy, Walpole wrote,

'in 1775 and 1776,' a rather longer paper on comedy, which is printed

with them in the second volume of his works (pp. 315-22). He held, as

he says, 'a good comedy the _chef-d'œuvre_ of human genius;' and it

is manifest that his keenest sympathies were on the side of comic art.

His remarks upon Congreve are full of just appreciation. Yet, although

he mentions the _School for Scandal_ (which, by the way, shows that he

must have written rather later than the dates given above), he makes no

reference to the most recent development, in _She Stoops to Conquer_,

of the school of humour and character, and he seems rather to pose as

the advocate of that genteel or sentimental comedy which Foote and

Goldsmith and Sheridan had striven to drive from the English stage.

When his prejudices are aroused, he is seldom a safe guide, and in

addition to his personal contempt for Goldsmith,[171] that writer had

irritated him by his reference to the Albemarle Street Club, to which

many of his friends belonged. It was an additional offence that the

'Miss Biddy [originally Miss Rachael] Buckskin' of the comedy was said

to stand for Miss Rachael Lloyd, long housekeeper at Kensington Palace,

and a member of the club well known both to himself and to Madame du

Deffand.[172]

[168] Kirgate, who will not be again mentioned, fared but ill at

his master's decease, receiving no more than a legacy of £100,--a

circumstance which Pinkerton darkly attributes to 'his modest merit'

having been 'supplanted by intriguing impudence' (_Walpoliana_, i.

xxiv). There is a portrait of him, engraved by William Collard, after

Sylvester Harding, the Pall Mall miniature painter, who also wrote in

1797 for Kirgate some verses in which he is made to speak of himself as

'forlorn, neglected, and forgot.' He had an unique collection of the

Strawberry Press issues, which was dispersed at his death, in 1810.

[169] It was his good sense rather than his inclination that made him

condemn one with whom he had many points of sympathy. Speaking of the

quarrel of Johnson and Chesterfield, he says, 'The friendly patronage

[_i. e._ of the earl] was returned with ungrateful rudeness by the

proud pedant; and men smiled, without being surprised, at seeing a bear

worry his dancing-master.'

[170] 'Jephson's _Count of Narbonne_ has been more admired than any

play I remember to have appeared these many years. It is still [Jan.,

1782] acted with success to very full houses' (_Malone to Charlemont,

Hist. MSS. Commission, 12th Rept., App._, Pt. x., 1891, p. 395). Malone

wrote the epilogue.

[171] 'Silly Dr. Goldsmith' he calls him to Cole in April, 1773.

'Goldsmith was an idiot, with once or twice a fit of parts,' he says

again to Mason in October, 1776.

In the second of the letters to Mr. Jephson, Walpole refers to his

own efforts at comedy, and implies that he had made attempts in this

direction even before the tragedy of _The Mysterious Mother_. He had

certainly the wit, and much of the gift of direct expression, which

comedy requires. But nothing of these earlier essays appears to have

survived, and the only dramatic effort included among his _Works_ (his

tragedy excepted) is the little piece entitled _Nature will Prevail_,

which, with its fairy machinery, has something of the character of such

earlier productions of Mr. W. S. Gilbert as the _Palace of Truth_.

This he wrote in 1773, and, according to the _Short Notes_, sent it

anonymously to the elder Colman, then manager of Covent Garden. Colman

(he says) was much pleased with it, but regarding it as too short for

a farce, wished to have it enlarged. This, however, its author thought

too much trouble 'for so slight and extempore a performance.' Five

years after, it was produced at the little theatre in the Haymarket,

and, being admirably acted,--says the _Biographia Dramatica_,--met with

considerable applause. But it is obviously one of those works to which

the verdict of Goldsmith's critic, that it would have been better if

the author had taken more pains, may judiciously be applied. It is more

like a sketch for a farce than a farce itself; and it is not finished

enough for a _proverbe_. Yet the dialogue is in parts so good that one

almost regrets the inability of the author to nerve himself for an

enterprise _de longue haleine_.

[172] The rules of the so-called _Female Coterie_ in Albemarle Street,

together with the names of the members, are given in the _Gentleman's

Magazine_ for 1770, pp. 414-5. Besides Walpole and Miss Lloyd, Fox,

Conway, Selwyn, the Waldegraves, the Damers, and many other 'persons of

quality' belonged to it.

Between 1774 and 1780 the Strawberry Hill Press still now and then

showed signs of vitality. In 1775, it printed as a loose sheet some

verses by Charles James Fox,--celebrating, as Amoret, that lover of

the Whigs, the beautiful Mrs. Crewe,--and three hundred copies of an

Eclogue by Mr. Fitzpatrick,[173] entitled _Dorinda_, which contains the

couplet,--

[173] The Hon. Richard Fitzpatrick, Lord Ossory's brother. He

afterwards became a General, and Secretary at War. At this time he

was a captain in the Grenadier Guards. As a _littérateur_ he had

written _The Bath Picture; or, a Slight Sketch of its Beauties_; and

he was later one of the chief contributors to the _Rolliad_. Besides

being the life-long friend of Fox, he was a highly popular wit and

man-of-fashion. Lord Ossory put him above Walpole and Selwyn; and Lady

Holland is said to have thought him the most agreeable person she had

ever known. He died in 1813.]

'And oh! what Bliss, when each alike is pleas'd,

the Hand that squeezes, and the Hand that's squeez'd.'

These were followed, in 1778, by the _Sleep Walker_, a comedy from the

French of Madame du Deffand's friend Pont de Veyle, translated by Lady

Craven, afterwards Margravine of Anspach, and played for a charitable

purpose at Newbury. A year later came the vindication of his conduct to

Chatterton, already mentioned at pp. 196-200; and after this a sheet of

verse by Mr. Charles Miller to Lady Horatia Waldegrave,[174] a daughter

of the Duchess of Gloucester by her first husband. The last work of

any importance was the fourth volume of the _Anecdotes of Painting_,

which had been printed as far back as 1770, but was not issued until

Oct., 1780. This delay, the Advertisement informs us, arose 'from

motives of tenderness.' The author was 'unwilling [he says] to utter

even gentle censures, which might wound the affections, or offend the

prejudices, of those related to the persons whom truth forbad him to

commend beyond their merits.'[175] But despite his unwillingness to

'dispense universal panegyric,' and the limitation of his theme to

living professors, he manages, in the same Advertisement, to distribute

a fair amount of praise to some of his particular favourites. Of H. W.

Bunbury, the husband of Goldsmith's 'Little Comedy,' he says that he is

the 'second Hogarth,' and the 'first imitator who ever fully equalled

his original,'--which is sheer extravagance. He lauds the miniature

copying of Lady Lucan, as almost depreciating the 'exquisite works' of

the artists she follows,--to wit, Cooper and the Olivers; and he speaks

of Lady Di. Beauclerk's drawings as 'not only inspired by Shakespeare's

insight into nature, but by the graces and taste of Grecian artists.'

After this, the comparison of Mrs. Damer with Bernini seems almost tame.

[174] One of the three beautiful sisters painted by

Reynolds,--Elizabeth Laura, afterwards Viscountess Chewton; Charlotte

Maria, afterwards Countess of Euston; and Anne Horatia, who married

Captain Hugh Conway. 'Sir Joshua Reynolds gets avaricious in his old

age. My picture of the young ladies Waldegrave is doubtless very fine

and graceful, but it cost me 800 guineas' (_Walpoliana_, ii. 157).

[175] He was not successful as regards Hogarth, whose widow was sorely

and justly wounded by his coarse treatment of _Sigismunda_, which is

said to have been a portrait of herself. The picture is now in the

National Gallery.

Yet her works 'from the life are not inferior to the antique, and

those ... were not more like.' One can scarcely blame Walpole severely

for this hearty backing of the friends who had added so much to the

attractions of his Gothic castle; but the value of his criticisms, in

many other instances sound enough, is certainly impaired by his loyalty

to the old-new practice of 'log-rolling.'

Lady Di. Beauclerk, whose illustrations to Dryden's _Fables_ are still

a frequent item in second-hand catalogues, has a personal connection

with Strawberry through the curious little closet bearing her name,

which, with the assistance of Mr. Essex, a Gothic architect from

Cambridge, Walpole in 1776-8 managed to tuck in between the Cabinet

and the Round Tower. It was built on purpose to hold the 'seven

incomparable drawings,' executed in a fortnight, which her Ladyship

prepared, to illustrate _The Mysterious Mother_. These were the designs

to which he refers in the _Anecdotes of Painting_, and, in a letter to

Mann, says could not be surpassed by Guido and Salvator Rosa. They were

hung on Indian blue damask, in frames of black and gold; and Clive's

friend, Miss Pope, the actress, when she dined at Strawberry, was

affected by them to such a degree that she shed tears, although she

did not know the story,--an anecdote which may be regarded either as a

genuine compliment to Lady Di., or a merely histrionic tribute to her

entertainer. 'The drawings,' Walpole says, 'do not shock and disgust,

like their original, the tragedy;' but they were not to be shown to the

profane. They were, nevertheless, probably exhibited pretty freely, as

a copy of the play, carefully annotated in MS. by the author, and bound

in blue leather to match the hangings, was always kept in a drawer of

one of the tables, for the purpose of explaining them.[176] Walpole

afterwards added one or two curiosities to this closet. It contained,

according to the last edition of the _Catalogue_, a head in basalt of

Jupiter Serapis, and a book of Psalms illuminated by Giulio Clovio, the

latter purchased for £168 at the Duchess of Portland's sale in May,

1786. There was also a portrait by Powell, after Reynolds, of Lady Di.

herself, who lived for some time at Twickenham in a house now known as

Little Marble Hill, many of the rooms of which she decorated with her

own performances. These were apparently the efforts which prompted the

already mentioned postscript to the _Parish Register of Twickenham_:

"Here Genius in a later hour

Selected its sequester'd bow'r,

And threw around the verdant room

The blushing lilac's chill perfume.

So loose is flung each bold festoon,

Each bough so breathes the touch of noon,

The happy pencil so deceives,

That Flora, doubly jealous, cries,

'The work's not mine,--yet, trust these eyes,

'T is my own Zephyr waves the leaves.'"[177]

[176] Miss Hawkins (_Anecdotes_, etc., 1822, p. 103) did not think

highly of these performances: 'Unless the proportions of the human

figure are of no importance in drawing it, these 'Beauclerk drawings'

can be looked on only with disgust and contempt.' But she praises the

gipsies hereafter mentioned (p. 260 n.) as having been copied by Agnes

Berry.

[177] See pp. 158, 159.

Mention has been made of the intermittent attacks of insanity to

which Walpole's nephew, the third Earl of Orford, was subject. At the

beginning of 1774, he had returned to his senses, and his uncle, on

whom fell the chief care of his affairs during his illnesses, was,

for a brief period, freed from the irksome strain of an uncongenial

and a thankless duty. In April, 1777, however, Lord Orford's malady

broke out again, with redoubled severity. In August, he was still

fluctuating 'between violence and stupidity;' but in March, 1778, a

lucid interval had once more been reached, and Walpole was relieved of

the care of his person. Of his affairs he had declined to take care, as

his Lordship had employed a lawyer of whom Walpole had a bad opinion.

'He has resumed the entire dominion of himself,' says a letter to

Mann in April, 'and is gone into the country, and intends to command

the militia.' One of the earliest results of this 'entire dominion'

was a step which filled his relative with the keenest distress. He

offered the famous Houghton collection of pictures to Catherine of

Russia,--'the most signal mortification to my idolatry for my father's

memory that it could receive,' says Walpole to Lady Ossory. By August,

1779, the sale was completed. 'The sum stipulated,' he tells Mann,

'is forty or forty-five thousand pounds,[178] I neither know nor care

which; nor whether the picture merchant ever receives the whole sum,

which probably he will not do, as I hear it is to be discharged at

three payments,--a miserable bargain for a mighty empress!... Well!

adieu to Houghton! about its mad master I shall never trouble myself

more.... Since he has stript Houghton of its glory, I do not care a

straw what he does with the stone or the acres!'[179]

[178] The exact sum was £40,555. Cipriani and West were the valuers.

Most of the family portraits were reserved; but so many of the pictures

were presents that it is not easy to estimate the actual profit over

their first cost to the original owner.

[179] _Walpole to Mann_, 4 Aug., 1779.

Not very long after the date of the above letter Walpole made what

was, for him, an important change of residence. The lease of his

house in Arlington Street running out, he fixed upon a larger one

in the then very fashionable district of Berkeley Square. The house

he selected, now (1892) numbered 11, was then 40,[180] and he had

commenced negotiations for its purchase as early as November, 1777,

when, he tells Lady Ossory, he had come to town to take possession. But

difficulties arose over the sale, and he found himself involved in a

Chancery suit. He was too adroit, however, to allow this to degenerate

into an additional annoyance, and managed (by his own account) to

turn what promised to be a tedious course of litigation into a combat

of courtesy. Ultimately, in July, 1779, he had won his cause, and

was hurrying from Strawberry to pay his purchase money and close the

bargain. Two months later, he is moving in, and is delighted with his

acquisition. He would not change his two pretty mansions for any in

England, he says. On the 14th October, he took formal possession, upon

which day--his 'inauguration day'--he dates his first letter 'Berkeley

Square.' 'It is seeming to take a new lease of life,' he tells Mason.

'I was born in Arlington Street, lived there about fourteen years,

returned thither, and passed thirty-seven more; but I have sober

monitors that warn me not to delude myself.' He had still a decade and

a half before him.

[180] This, according to Harrison's _Memorable Houses_, 3rd ed., 1890,

p. 62, is Lord Orford's number as given in _Boyle's Court Guide_ for

1796.

Little more than twelve months after he had settled down in his new

abode, he lost the faithful friend at Paris, to whom, for the space

of fifteen years, he had written nearly once a week. By 1774, he had

become somewhat nervous about this accumulated correspondence in a

language not his own. For an Englishman, his French was good, and, as

might be expected of anything he wrote, characteristic and vivacious.

But, almost of necessity, it contained many minor faults of phraseology

and arrangement, besides abounding in personal anecdote; and he became

apprehensive lest, after Madame du Deffand's death, his utterances

should fall into alien hands. General Conway, who visited Paris in

October, 1774, had therefore been charged to beg for their return--a

request which seems at first to have been met by the reply on the

lady's part that sufficient precautions had already been taken for

ensuring their restoration. Ultimately, however, they were handed to

Conway.[181] It was in all probability under a sense of this concession

that Walpole once more risked a tedious journey to visit his blind

friend. In the following year he went to Paris, to find her, as usual,

impatiently expecting his arrival. She sat with him until half-past

two, and before his eyes were open again, he had a letter from her.

'Her soul is immortal, and forces her body to keep it company.' A

little later he complains that he never gets to bed from her suppers

before two or three o'clock. 'In short,' he says, 'I need have the

activity of a squirrel, and the strength of a Hercules, to go through

my labours,--not to count how many _démêlés_ I have had to _raccommode_

and how many _mémoires_ to present against Tonton,[182] who grows the

greater favourite the more people he devours.' But Tonton's mistress is

more worth visiting than ever, he tells Selwyn, and she is apparently

as tireless as of yore. 'Madame du Deffand and I [says another letter]

set out last Sunday at seven in the evening, to go fifteen miles to a

ball, and came back after supper; and another night, because it was

but one in the morning when she brought me home, she ordered the

coachman to make the tour of the Quais, and drive gently because it

was so early.' At last, early in October, he tears himself away, to be

followed almost immediately by a letter of farewell. Here it is:--

'Adieu, ce mot est bien triste; souvenez-vous que vous laissez ici

la personne dont vous êtes le plus aimé, et dont le bonheur et le

malheur consistent dans ce que vous pensez pour elle. Donnez-moi de vos

nouvelles le plus tôt qu'il sera possible.

'Je me porte bien, j'ai un peu dormi, ma nuit n'est pas finie; je serai

très-exacte au régime, et j'aurai soin de moi puisque vous vous y

intéressez.'

[181] According to a note in the selection from Madame du Deffand's

Correspondence with Walpole, published in 1810, iii. 44, these letters

were at that date extant. But all the subsequent letters were burnt by

her at Walpole's earnest desire--those only excepted which she received

during the last year of her life, and these, also, were sent back when

she died.

[182] Tonton was a snappish little dog belonging to Madame du Deffand,

which, when in its mistress's company, must have been extremely

objectionable. In January, 1778, the Maréchale de Luxembourg presented

her old friend with Tonton's portrait in wax on a gold snuff-box,

together with the last six volumes of Madame du Deffand's favourite,

Voltaire, adding the following epigram by the Chevalier de Boufflers:--

'Vous les trouvez tous deux charmans,

Nous les trouvons tous deux mordans:

Voilà la ressemblance;

L'un ne mord que ses ennemis,

Et l'autre mord tous vos amis:

Voilà la différence.'

At Madame du Deffand's death, both dog and box passed to Walpole, the

latter finding an honoured place among the treasures of the Tribune.

(See _A Description of the Villa_, etc., 1774, p. 137, _Appendix of

Additions_.)

The correspondence thus resumed was continued for five years more.

Walpole does not seem to have visited Paris again, and the references

to Madame du Deffand in his general correspondence are not very

frequent. Towards the middle of 1780, her life was plainly closing in.

In July and August, she complained of being more than usually languid,

and in a letter of the 22nd of the latter month intimates that it may

be her last, as dictation grows painful to her. 'Ne vous devant revoir

de ma vie,'--she says pathetically,--'je n'ai rien à regretter.'

From this time she kept her bed, and in September Walpole tells Lady

Ossory that he is trembling at every letter he gets from Paris. 'My

dear old friend, I fear, is going!... To have struggled twenty days at

eighty-four shows such stamina that I have not totally lost hopes.' On

the 24th, however, after a lethargy of several days, she died quietly,

'without effort or struggle.' 'Elle a eu la mort la plus douce,'--says

her faithful and attached secretary, Wiart,--'quoique la maladie ait

été longue.' She was buried, at her own wish, in the parish church of

St. Sulpice. By her will she made her nephew, the Marquis d'Aulan, her

heir. Long since, she had wished Walpole to accept this character.

Thereupon he had threatened that he would never set foot in Paris again

if she carried out her intention; and it was abandoned. But she left

him the whole of her manuscripts[183] and books.

As his own letters to her have not been printed, her death makes no

difference in the amount of his correspondence. The war with the

American Colonies, of which he foresaw the disastrous results, and

the course of which he follows to Mann with the greatest keenness,

fully absorbs as much of his time as he can spare from the vagaries of

the Duchess of Kingston and the doings of the Duchess of Gloucester.

Not many months before Madame du Deffand died had occurred the famous

Gordon Riots, which, as he was in London most of the time, naturally

occupy his pen. It was General Conway who, as the author of _Barnaby

Rudge_ has not forgotten, so effectively remonstrated with Lord George

upon the occasion of the visit of the mob to the House of Commons;

and four days later Walpole chronicles from Berkeley Square the

events of the terrible 'Black Wednesday.' From the roof of Gloucester

House he sees the blazing prisons,--a sight he shall not soon forget.

Other subjects for which one dips in the lucky bag of his records

are the defence of Gibraltar, the trial of Warren Hastings, the loss

of the _Royal George_. But it is generally in the minor chronicle

that he is most diverting. The last _bon mot_ of George Selwyn or

Lady Townshend, the newest 'royal pregnancy,' the details of court

ceremonial, the most recent addition to Strawberry, the endless stream

of anecdote and tittle-tattle which runs dimpling all the way,--these

are the themes he loves best; this is the element in which his easy

persiflage delights to disport itself. He is, above all, a _rieur_.

About his serious passages there is generally a false ring, but

never when he pours out the gossip that he loves, and of which he

has so inexhaustible a supply. 'I can sit and amuse myself with my

own memory,' he says to Mann in February, 1785, 'and yet find new

stores at every audience that I give to it. Then, for private episodes

[he has been speaking of his knowledge of public events], varieties

of characters, political intrigues, literary anecdotes, etc., the

profusion that I remember is endless; in short, when I reflect on all

I have seen, heard, read, written, the many idle hours I have passed,

the nights I have wasted playing at faro, the weeks, nay months, I have

spent in pain, you will not wonder that I almost think I have, like

Pythagoras, been Panthoides Euphorbus, and have retained one memory in

at least two bodies.'

[183] The MSS., which included eight hundred of Madame du Deffand's

letters, were sold in the Strawberry Hill sale of 1842 for £157 10_s._

He was sixty-eight when he wrote the above letter. Mann was

eighty-four, and the long correspondence--a correspondence 'not to be

paralleled in the annals of the Post Office'--was drawing to a close.

'What Orestes and Pylades ever wrote to each other for four-and-forty

years without meeting?' Walpole asks. In June, 1786, however, the last

letter of the eight hundred and nine specimens printed by Cunningham

was despatched to Florence.[184] In the following November, Mann died,

after a prolonged illness. He had never visited England, nor had

Walpole set eyes upon him since he had left him at Florence in May,

1741. His death followed hard upon that of another faithful friend

(whose gifts, perhaps, hardly lay in the epistolary line),--bustling,

kindly Kitty Clive. Her cheerful, ruddy face, 'all sun and vermilion,'

set peacefully in December, 1785, leaving Cliveden vacant, not, as we

shall see, for long.[185] Earlier still had departed another old ally,

Cole, the antiquary, and the lapse of time had in other ways contracted

Walpole's circle. In 1781, Lady Orford had ended her erratic career at

Pisa, leaving her son a fortune so considerable as to make his uncle

regret vaguely that the sale of the Houghton pictures had not been

delayed for a few months longer. Three years later, she was followed by

her brother-in-law, Sir Edward Walpole,--an occurrence which had the

effect of leaving between Horace Walpole and his father's title nothing

but his lunatic and childless nephew.

[184] Walpole, as in the case of Madame du Deffand, had taken the

precaution of getting back his letters, and at his friend's death not

more than a dozen of them were still in Mann's possession. According to

Cunningham (_Corr._, ix. xv), Mann's letters to Walpole are 'absolutely

unreadable.' An attempt to skim the cream of them (such as it is) was

made by Dr. Doran in two volumes entitled _'Mann' and Manners at the

Court of Florence_, 1740-1786, Bentley, 1876.

[185] Mrs. Clive is buried at Twickenham, where a mural slab was

erected to her in the parish church by her _protégée_ and successor,

Miss Jane Pope, the clever actress who shed tears over the Beauclerk

drawings (see p. 244). Her portrait by Davison, which is engraved as

the frontispiece to Cunningham's fourth volume, hung in the Round

Bedchamber at Strawberry. It was given to Walpole by her brother, James

Raftor.

If his relatives and friends were falling away, however, their

places--the places of the friends, at least--were speedily filled

again; and, as a general rule, most of his male favourites were

replaced by women. Pinkerton, the antiquary, who afterwards published

the _Walpoliana_, is one of the exceptions; and several of Walpole's

letters to him are contained in that book, and in the volumes of

Pinkerton's own correspondence published by Dawson Turner in 1830.

But Walpole's appetite for correspondence of the purely literary kind

had somewhat slackened in his old age, and it was to the other sex

that he turned for sympathy and solace. He liked them best; his style

suited them; and he wrote to them with most ease. In July, 1785,

he was visited at Strawberry by Madame de Genlis, who arrived with

her friend Miss Wilkes and the famous Pamela,[186] afterwards Lady

Edward Fitzgerald. Madame de Genlis at this date was nearing forty,

and had lost much of her good looks. But Walpole seems to have found

her less _précieuse_ and affected than he had anticipated, and she

was, on this occasion, unaccompanied by the inevitable harp. A later

visit was from Dr. Burney and his daughter Fanny,--'Evelina-Cecilia'

Walpole calls her,--a young lady for whose good sense and modesty he

expresses a genuine admiration. Miss Burney had not as yet entered

upon that court bondage which was to be so little to her advantage.

Another and more intimate acquaintanceship of this period was with

Miss Burney's friend, Hannah More. Hannah More ultimately became one

of Walpole's correspondents, although scarcely 'so corresponding' as

he wished; and they met frequently in society when she visited London.

On her side, she seems to have been wholly fascinated by his wit

and conversational powers; he, on his, was attracted by her mingled

puritanism and vivacity. He writes to her as 'St. Hannah;' and she, in

return, sighs plaintively over his lack of religion. Yet (she adds)

she 'must do him the justice to say, that except the delight he has

in teasing me for what he calls over-strictness, I have never heard

a sentence from him which savoured of infidelity.'[187] He evidently

took a great interest in her works, and indeed in 1789 printed at his

press one of her poems, _Bonner's Ghost_.[188] His friendship for her

endured for the remainder of his life; and not long before his death he

presented her with a richly bound copy of Bishop Wilson's _Bible_, with

a complimentary inscription which may be read in the second volume of

her Life and Correspondence.

[186] 'Whom she [Madame de Genlis] has educated to be very like

herself in the face,' says Walpole, referring to a then current

scandal. At this date, however, it is but just to add that the recent

investigations of Mr. J. G. Alger, as embodied in vol. xix. of the

_Dictionary of National Biography_, tend to show that it is by no means

certain that Pamela was the daughter of the accomplished lady whom

Philippe _Egalité_ entrusted with the education of his sons.

[187] He is not explicit as to his creed. 'Atheism I dislike,' he said

to Pinkerton. 'It is gloomy, uncomfortable; and, in my eye, unnatural

and irrational. It certainly requires more credulity to believe that

there is no God, than to believe that there is' (_Walpoliana_, i.

75-6). But Pinkerton must be taken with caution. (Cf. _Quarterly

Review_, 1843, lxxii. 551.)

[188] In 1786 she had dedicated to him her _Florio, A Tale_, etc., with

a highly complimentary Preface, in which she says: 'I should be unjust

to your very engaging and well-bred turn of wit, if I did not declare

that, among all the lively and brilliant things I have heard from you,

I do not remember ever to have heard an unkind or an ungenerous one.'

It was, however, neither the author of _Evelina_ nor the author of

_The Manners of the Great_ who was destined to fill the void created

by the death of Madame du Deffand. In the winter of 1787-8, he had

first seen, and a year later he made the formal acquaintance of, 'two

young ladies of the name of Berry.' They had a story. Their father,

at this time a widower, had married for love, and had afterwards been

supplanted in the good graces of a rich uncle by a younger brother who

had the generosity to allow him an annuity of a thousand a year. In

1783, Mr. Berry had taken his daughters abroad to Holland, Switzerland,

and Italy, whence, in June, 1785, they had returned, being then

highly cultivated and attractive young women of two-and-twenty and

one-and-twenty respectively. Three years later, Walpole met them for

the second time at the house of a Lady Herries, the wife of a banker

in St. James's Street. The first time he saw them he 'would not be

acquainted with them, having heard so much in their praise that he

concluded they would be all pretension.' But on the second occasion,

'in a very small company,' he sat next the elder, Mary, 'and found her

an angel both inside and out.' 'Her face'--he tells Lady Ossory--'is

formed for a sentimental novel, but it is ten times fitter for a fifty

times better thing, genteel comedy.' The other sister was speedily

discovered to be nearly as charming. 'They are exceedingly sensible,

entirely natural and unaffected, frank, and, being qualified to talk on

any subject, nothing is so easy and agreeable as their conversation,

nor more apposite than their answers and observations. The eldest, I

discovered by chance, understands Latin, and is a perfect Frenchwoman

in her language. The younger draws charmingly, and has copied admirably

Lady Di.'s gipsies,[189] which I lent, though for the first time of her

attempting colours. They are of pleasing figures: Mary, the eldest,

sweet, with fine dark eyes that are very lively when she speaks, with

a symmetry of face that is the more interesting from being pale;

Agnes, the younger, has an agreeable, sensible countenance, hardly to

be called handsome, but almost. She is less animated than Mary, but

seems, out of deference to her sister, to speak seldomer; for they

dote on each other, and Mary is always praising her sister's talents.

I must even tell you they dress within the bounds of fashion, though

fashionably; but without the excrescences and balconies with which

modern hoydens overwhelm and barricade their persons. In short, good

sense, information, simplicity, and ease characterize the Berrys; and

this is not particularly mine, who am apt to be prejudiced, but the

universal voice of all who know them.'[190]

[189] This (we are told) was Lady Di.'s _chef-d'œuvre_. It was a

water-colour drawing representing 'Gipsies telling a country-maiden

her fortune at the entrance of a beech-wood,' and hung in the Red

Bedchamber at Strawberry.

[190] _Walpole to Lady Ossory_, 11 Oct., 1788.

'This delightful family,' he goes on to say, 'comes to me almost every

Sunday evening. [They were at the time living on Twickenham Common.] Of

the father not much is recorded beyond the fact that he was 'a little

merry man with a round face,' and (as his eldest daughter reports)

'an odd inherent easiness in his disposition,' who seems to have

been perfectly contented in his modest and unobtrusive character of

paternal appendage to the favourites. Walpole's attachment to his new

friends grew rapidly. Only a few days after the date of the foregoing

letter, Mr. Kirgate's press was versifying in their honour, and they

themselves were already 'his two Straw Berries,' whose praises he sang

to all his friends. He delighted in devising new titles for them,--they

were his 'twin wives,' his 'dear Both,' his 'Amours.' For them in this

year he began writing the charming little volume of _Reminiscences

of the Courts of George the 1st and 2nd_, and in December, 1789, he

dedicated to them his _Catalogue of Strawberry Hill_. It was not long

before he had secured them a home at Teddington and finally, when, in

1791, Cliveden became vacant, he prevailed upon them to become his

neighbours. He afterwards bequeathed the house to them, and for many

years after his death, it was their summer residence. On either side

the acquaintance was advantageous. His friendship at once introduced

them to the best and most accomplished fashionable society of their

day, while the charm of their 'company, conversation and talents' must

have inexpressibly sweetened and softened what, on his part, had begun

to grow more and more a solitary, joyless, and painful old age.

His establishment of his 'wives' in his immediate vicinity was not,

however, accomplished without difficulty. For a moment some ill-natured

newspaper gossip, which attributed the attachment of the Berry family

to interested motives, so justly aroused the indignation of the elder

sister that the whole arrangement threatened to collapse. But the

slight estrangement thus caused soon passed away; and at the close of

1791, they took up their abode in Mrs. Clive's old house, now doubly

honoured. On the 5th of the December in the same year, after a fresh

fit of frenzy, Walpole's nephew died, and he became fourth Earl of

Orford. The new dignity was by no means a welcome one, and scarcely

compensated for the cares which it entailed. 'A small estate, loaded

with debt, and of which I do not understand the management, and am too

old to learn; a source of law suits amongst my near relations, though

not affecting me; endless conversations with lawyers, and packets of

letters to read every day and answer,--all this weight of new business

is too much for the rag of life that yet hangs about me, and was

preceded by three weeks of anxiety about my unfortunate nephew, and a

daily correspondence with physicians and mad-doctors, falling upon me

when I had been out of order ever since July.'[191] 'For the other

empty metamorphosis,' he writes to Hannah More, 'that has happened to

the outward man, you do me justice in concluding that it can do nothing

but tease me; it is being called names in one's old age. I had rather

be my Lord Mayor, for then I should keep the nickname but a year; and

mine I may retain a little longer,--not that at seventy-five I reckon

on becoming my Lord Methusalem.' For some time he could scarcely

bring himself to use his new signature, and occasionally varied it by

describing himself as 'The uncle of the late Earl of Orford.' In 1792,

he delivered himself, after the fashion of Cowley, of the following

_Epitaphium vivi Auctoris_:--

'An estate and an earldom at seventy-four!

Had I sought them or wished them, 'twould add one fear more,--

That of making a countess when almost four-score.

But Fortune, who scatters her gifts out of season,

Though unkind to my limbs, has still left me my reason;

And whether she lowers or lifts me, I'll try,

In the plain simple style I have lived in, to die:

For ambition too humble, for manners too high.'

[191] _Walpole to Pinkerton_, 26 Dec., 1791.

The last line seems like another of the many echoes of Goldsmith's

_Retaliation_. As for the fear indicated in the third, it is hinted

that this at one time bade fair to be something more than a poetical

apprehension. If we are to credit a tradition handed down by Lord

Lansdowne, he had been willing to go through the form of marriage with

either of the Berrys, merely to secure their society, and to enrich

them, as he had the power of charging the Orford estate with a jointure

of £2000 per annum. But this can only have been a passing thought at

some moment when their absence, in Italy or elsewhere, left him more

sensitive to the loss of their gracious and stimulating presence. He

himself was far too keenly alive to ridicule, and too much in bondage

to _les bienséances_, to take a step which could scarcely escape

ill-natured comment; and Mary Berry, who would certainly have been his

preference, was not only as fully alive as was he to the shafts of the

censorious, but, during the greater part of her acquaintanceship with

him, was, apparently with his knowledge, warmly attached to a certain

good-looking General O'Hara, who, a year before Walpole's death,

in November, 1796, definitely proposed. He had just been appointed

Governor of Gibraltar, and he wished Miss Berry to marry him at once,

and go out with him. This, 'out of consideration for others,' she

declined to do. A few months later the engagement was broken off, and

she never again saw her soldier admirer. Whether Lord Orford's comfort

went for anything in this adjournment of her happiness, does not

clearly appear; but it is only reasonable to suppose that his tenacious

desire for her companionship had its influence in a decision which,

however much it may have been for the best (and there were those of her

friends who regarded it as a providential escape), was nevertheless a

lifelong source of regret to herself. When, in 1802, she heard suddenly

at the Opera of O'Hara's death, she fell senseless to the floor.

The 'late Horace Walpole' never took his seat in the House of Lords. He

continued, as before, to divide his time between Berkeley Square and

Strawberry, to eulogize his 'wives' to Lady Ossory, and to watch life

from his beloved Blue Room. Now and then he did the rare honours of his

home to a distinguished guest,--in 1793, it was the Duchess of York; in

1795, Queen Charlotte herself. In the latter year died his old friend

Conway, by this time a Field-Marshal; and it was evident at the close

of 1796 that his faithful correspondent would not long survive him.

His ailments had increased, and in the following January, he wrote his

last letter to Lady Ossory:--

Jan. 15, 1797.

MY DEAR MADAM,--

You distress me infinitely by showing my idle notes, which I cannot

conceive can amuse anybody. My old-fashioned breeding impels me every

now and then to reply to the letters you honour me with writing, but

in truth very unwillingly, for I seldom can have anything particular

to say; I scarce go out of my own house, and then only to two or three

very private places, where I see nobody that really knows anything,

and what I learn comes from Newspapers, that collect intelligence from

coffee-houses, consequently what I neither believe nor report. At home

I see only a few charitable elders, except about four-score nephews

and nieces of various ages, who are each brought to me about once

a-year, to stare at me as the Methusalem of the family, and they can

only speak of their own contemporaries, which interest me no more than

if they talked of their dolls, or bats and balls. Must not the result

of all this, Madam, make me a very entertaining correspondent? And can

such letters be worth showing? or can I have any spirit when so old,

and reduced to dictate?

Oh! my good Madam, dispense with me from such a task, and think how

it must add to it to apprehend such letters being shown. Pray send me

no more such laurels, which I desire no more than their leaves when

decked with a scrap of tinsel, and stuck on twelfth-cakes that lie

on the shop-boards of pastry-cooks at Christmas. I shall be quite

content with a sprig of rosemary thrown after me, when the parson of

the parish commits my dust to dust. Till then, pray, Madam, accept the

resignation of your

Ancient servant,

ORFORD.

Six weeks after the date of the above letter, he died at his house

in Berkeley Square, to which he had been moved at the close of the

previous year. During the latter days of his life, he suffered from a

cruel lapse of memory, which led him to suppose himself neglected even

by those who had but just quitted him. He sank gradually, and expired

without pain on the 2nd of March, 1797, being then in his eightieth

year. He was buried at the family seat of Houghton.

His fortune, over and above his leases, amounted to ninety-one thousand

pounds. To each of the Miss Berrys he left the sum of £4000 for their

lives, together with the house and garden of 'Little Strawberry'

(Cliveden), the long meadow in front of it, and all the furniture. He

also bequeathed to them and to their father his printed works and his

manuscripts, with discretionary power to publish. It was understood

that the real editorship was to fall on the elder sister, who forthwith

devoted herself to her task. The result was the edition, in five quarto

volumes, of Lord Orford's _Works_, which has been so often referred

to during the progress of these pages, and which appeared in 1798. It

was entirely due to Mary Berry's unremitting care, her father's share

being confined to a final paragraph in the preface, in which she is

eulogized.[192]

[192] Mary Berry died 20th Nov., 1852; Agnes Berry, Jan., 1852. They

were buried in one grave in Petersham churchyard, 'amidst scenes'--says

Lord Carlisle's inscription--'which in life they had frequented &

loved.' H. F. Chorley (_Autobiography_, etc., 1873, vol. i., p. 276)

describes them as 'more like one's notion of ancient Frenchwomen than

anything I have ever seen; rouged, with the remains of some beauty,

managing large fans like the Flirtillas, etc., etc., of Ranelagh.'

See also _Extracts from Miss Berry's Journals and Correspondence_,

1783-1852, edited by Lady Theresa Lewis, 1865.

Strawberry Hill passed to Mrs. Damer for life, together with £2000 to

keep it in repair. After living in it for some years, she resigned it,

in 1811, to the Countess Dowager of Waldegrave, in whom the remainder

in fee was vested. It subsequently passed to George, seventh Earl of

Waldegrave, who sold its contents in 1842. At his death, in 1846, he

left it to his widow, Frances, Countess of Waldegrave, who married the

Rt. Hon. Chichester S. Parkinson-Fortescue, later Lord Carlingford.

Lady Waldegrave died in 1879; but she had greatly added to and extended

the original building, besides restoring many of the objects by which

it had been decorated in Walpole's day.

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