CHAPTER II.

Patent Places under Government.--Starts with Gray on the Grand Tour,

March, 1739.--From Dover to Paris.--Life at Paris.--Versailles.--The

Convent of the Chartreux.--Life at Rheims.--A _Fête Galante_.--The

Grande Chartreuse.--Starts for Italy.--The tragedy of Tory.--Turin;

Genoa.--Academical Exercises at Bologna.--Life at Florence.--Rome;

Naples; Herculaneum.--The Pen of Radicofani.--English at

Florence.--Lady Mary Wortley Montagu.--Preparing for Home.--Quarrel

with Gray.--Walpole's Apologia; his Illness, and Return to England.

That, in those piping days of patronage, when even very young ladies

of quality drew pay as cornets of horse, the son of the Prime Minister

of England should be left unprovided for, was not to be expected.

While he was still resident at Cambridge, lucrative sinecures came to

Horace Walpole. Soon after his mother's death, his father appointed him

Inspector of Imports and Exports in the Custom House,--a post which he

resigned in January, 1738, on succeeding Colonel William Townshend as

Usher of the Exchequer. When, later in the year, he came of age (17

September), he 'took possession of two other little patent-places

in the Exchequer, called Comptroller of the Pipe, and Clerk of the

Estreats,' which had been held for him by a substitute. In 1782, when

he still filled them, the two last-mentioned offices produced together

about £300 per annum, while the Ushership of the Exchequer, at the

date of his obtaining it, was reckoned to be worth £900 a year. 'From

that time [he says] I lived on my own income, and travelled at my own

expense; nor did I during my father's life receive from him but £250

at different times,--which I say not in derogation of his extreme

tenderness and goodness to me, but to show that I was content with what

he had given to me, and that from the age of twenty I was no charge to

my family.'[22]

[22] _Account of my Conduct_, etc., _Works_, 1798, ii. 363-70.

He continued at King's College for some time after he had attained

his majority, only quitting it formally in March, 1739, not without

regretful memories of which his future correspondence was to bear

the traces. If he had neglected mathematics, and only moderately

courted the classics, he had learnt something of the polite arts and

of modern Continental letters,--studies which would naturally lead

his inclination in the direction of the inevitable 'Grand Tour.' Two

years earlier he had very unwillingly declined an invitation from

George Montagu and Lord Conway to join them in a visit to Italy.

Since that date his desire for foreign travel, fostered no doubt by

long conversations with Gray, had grown stronger, and he resolved

to see 'the palms and temples of the south' after the orthodox

eighteenth-century fashion. To think of Gray in this connection was but

natural, and he accordingly invited his friend (who had now quitted

Cambridge, and was vegetating rather disconsolately in his father's

house on Cornhill) to be his travelling companion. Walpole was to act

as paymaster; but Gray was to be independent. Furthermore, Walpole

made a will under which, if he died abroad, Gray was to be his sole

legatee. Dispositions so advantageous and considerate scarcely admitted

of refusal, even if Gray had been backward, which he was not. The

two friends accordingly set out for Paris. Walpole makes the date of

departure 10 March, 1739; Gray says they left Dover at twelve on the

29th.

The first records of the journey come from Amiens in a letter written

by Gray to his mother. After a rough passage across the Straits, they

reached Calais at five. Next day they started for Boulogne in the then

new-fangled invention, a post-chaise,--a vehicle which Gray describes

'as of much greater use than beauty, resembling an ill-shaped chariot,

only with the door opening before instead of [at] the side.' Of

Boulogne they see little, and of Montreuil (where later Sterne engaged

La Fleur) Gray's only record, besides the indifferent fare, is that

'Madame the hostess made her appearance in long lappets of bone lace,

and a sack of linsey-woolsey.' From Montreuil they go by Abbeville to

Amiens, where they visit the cathedral, and the chapels of the Jesuits

and Ursuline Nuns. But the best part of this first letter is the little

picture with which it (or rather as much of it as Mason published)

concludes. 'The country we have passed through hitherto has been flat,

open, but agreeably diversified with villages, fields well cultivated,

and little rivers. On every hillock is a windmill, a crucifix, or

a Virgin Mary dressed in flowers and a sarcenet robe; one sees not

many people or carriages on the road; now and then indeed you meet a

strolling friar, a countryman with his great muff, or a woman riding

astride on a little ass, with short petticoats, and a great head-dress

of blue wool.'[23]

[23] Gray's _Works_, by Gosse, 1884, ii. 18-19.

The foregoing letter is dated the 1st April, and it speaks of reaching

Paris on the 3rd. But it was only on the evening of Saturday the

9th that they rolled into the French capital, 'driving through the

streets a long while before they knew where they were.' Walpole had

wisely resolved not to hurry, and they had besides broken down at

Luzarches, and lingered at St. Denis over the curiosities of the abbey,

particularly a vase of oriental onyx carved with Bacchus and the

nymphs, of which they had dreamed ever since. At Paris, they found a

warm welcome among the English residents,--notably from Mason's patron,

Lord Holdernesse, and Walpole's cousins, the Conways. They seem to

have plunged at once into the pleasures of the place,--pleasures in

which, according to Walpole, cards and eating played far too absorbing

a part. At Lord Holdernesse's they met at supper the famous author of

_Manon Lescaut_, M. l'Abbé Antoine-François Prévost d'Exilles, who

had just put forth the final volume of his tedious and scandalous

_Histoire de M. Cléveland, fils naturel de Cromwel_. They went to the

spectacle of _Pandore_ at the Salle des Machines of the Tuileries;

and they went to the opera, where they saw the successful _Ballet de

la Paix_,--a curious hotchpot, from Gray's description, of cracked

voices and incongruous mythology. With the Comédie Française they were

better pleased, although Walpole, strange to say, unlike Goldsmith

ten years later, was not able to commend the performance of Molière's

_L'Avare_. They saw Mademoiselle Gaussin (as yet unrivalled by the

unrisen Mademoiselle Clairon) in La Noue's tragedy of _Mahomet Second_,

then recently produced, with Dufresne in the leading male part; and

they also saw the prince of _petits-maîtres_, Grandval, acting with

Dufresne's sister, Mademoiselle Jeanne-Françoise Quinault (an actress

'somewhat in Mrs. Clive's way,' says Gray), in the _Philosophe marié_

of Nericault Destouches,--a charming comedy already transferred to the

English stage in the version by John Kelly of _The Universal Spectator_.

Theatres, however, are not the only amusements which the two travellers

chronicle to the home-keeping West. A great part of their time is

spent in seeing churches and palaces full of pictures. Then there

is the inevitable visit to Versailles, which, in sum, they concur

in condemning. 'The great front,' says Walpole, 'is a lumber of

littleness, composed of black brick, stuck full of bad old busts, and

fringed with gold rails.' Gray (he says) likes it; but Gray is scarcely

more complimentary,--at all events is quite as hard upon the _façade_,

using almost the same phrases of depreciation. It is 'a huge heap of

littleness,' in hue 'black, dirty red, and yellow; the first proceeding

from stone changed by age; the second, from a mixture of brick; and

the last, from a profusion of tarnished gilding. You cannot see a more

disagreeable _tout ensemble_; and, to finish the matter, it is all

stuck over in many places with small busts of a tawny hue between every

two windows.' The garden, however, pleases him better; nothing could be

vaster and more magnificent than the _coup d'œil_, with its fountains

and statues and grand canal. But the 'general taste of the place' is

petty and artificial. 'All is forced, all is constrained about you;

statues and vases sowed everywhere without distinction; sugar-loaves

and minced pies of yew; scrawl work of box, and little squirting _jets

d'eau_, besides a great sameness in the walks,--cannot help striking

one at first sight; not to mention the silliest of labyrinths, and all

Æsop's fables in water.'[24] 'The garden is littered with statues and

fountains, each of which has its tutelary deity. In particular, the

elementary god of fire solaces himself in one. In another, Enceladus,

in lieu of a mountain, is overwhelmed with many waters. There are

avenues of water-pots, who disport themselves much in squirting up

cascadelins. In short, 'tis a garden for a great child.'[25] The day

following, being Whitsunday, they witness a grand ceremonial,--the

installation of nine Knights of the Saint Esprit: 'high mass celebrated

with music, great crowd, much incense, King, Queen, Dauphin, Mesdames,

Cardinals, and Court; Knights arrayed by His Majesty; reverences before

the altar, not bows, but curtsies; stiff hams; much tittering among the

ladies; trumpets, kettle-drums, and fifes.'[26]

[24] _Gray to West_, 22 May, 1739.

[25] _Walpole to West_, no date, 1739.

[26] _Gray to West_, 22 May, 1739.

It is Gray who thus summarises the show. But we must go to Walpole

for the account of another expedition, the visit to the Convent of

the Chartreux, the uncouth horror of which, with its gloomy chapel

and narrow cloisters, seems to have fascinated the Gothic soul of the

future author of the _Castle of Otranto_. Here, in one of the cells,

they make the acquaintance of a fresh initiate into the order,--the

account of whose environment suggests retirement rather than solitude.

'He was extremely civil, and called himself Dom Victor. We have

promised to visit him often. Their habit is all white: but besides this

he was infinitely clean in his person; and his apartment and garden,

which he keeps and cultivates without any assistance, was neat to a

degree. He has four little rooms, furnished in the prettiest manner,

and hung with good prints. One of them is a library, and another a

gallery. He has several canary-birds disposed in a pretty manner in

breeding-cages. In his garden was a bed of good tulips in bloom,

flowers and fruit-trees, and all neatly kept. They are permitted at

certain hours to talk to strangers, but never to one another, or to

go out of their convent.' In the same institution they saw Le Sueur's

history (in pictures) of St. Bruno, the founder of the Chartreux.

Walpole had not yet studied Raphael at Rome, but these pictures, he

considered, excelled everything he had seen in England and Paris.[27]

[27] _Walpole to West_, no date, 1739.

'From thence [Paris],' say Walpole's _Short Notes_, 'we went with

my cousin, Henry Conway, to Rheims, in Champagne, [and] staid there

three months.' One of their chief objects was to improve themselves

in French. 'You must not wonder,' he tells West, 'if all my letters

resemble dictionaries, with French on one side, and English on t'other;

I deal in nothing else at present, and talk a couple of words of each

language alternately from morning till night.'[28] But he does not

seem to have yet developed his later passion for letter-writing, and

the 'account of our situation and proceedings' is still delegated to

Gray, some of whose despatches at this time are not preserved. There

is, however, one from Rheims to Gray's mother which gives a vivid idea

of the ancient French Cathedral city, slumbering in its vast vine-clad

plain, with its picturesque old houses and lonely streets, its long

walks under the ramparts, and its monotonous frog-haunted moat. They

have no want of society, for Henry Conway procured them introductions

everywhere; but the Rhemois are more constrained, less familiar, less

hospitable, than the Parisians. Quadrille is the almost invariable

amusement, interrupted by one entertainment (for the Rhemois as a rule

give neither dinners nor suppers); to wit, a five o'clock _goûter_,

which is 'a service of wine, fruits, cream, sweetmeats, crawfish, and

cheese,' after which they sit down to cards again. Occasionally,

however, the demon of impromptu flutters these 'set, gray lives,' and

(like Dr. Johnson) even Rheims must 'have a frisk.' 'For instance,'

says Gray, 'the other evening we happened to be got together in a

company of eighteen people, men and women of the best fashion here, at

a garden in the town, to walk; when one of the ladies bethought herself

of asking, Why should we not sup here? Immediately the cloth was laid

by the side of a fountain under the trees, and a very elegant supper

served up; after which another said, Come, let us sing; and directly

began herself. From singing we insensibly fell to dancing, and singing

in a round; when somebody mentioned the violins, and immediately a

company of them was ordered. Minuets were begun in the open air, and

then came country dances, which held till four o'clock next morning;

at which hour the gayest lady there proposed that such as were weary

should get into their coaches, and the rest of them should dance before

them with the music in the van; and in this manner we paraded through

all the principal streets of the city, and waked everybody in it.'

Walpole, adds Gray, would have made this entertainment chronic. But

'the women did not come into it,' and shrank back decorously 'to their

dull cards, and usual formalities.'[29]

[28] _Walpole to West_, 18 June, 1739.

[29] Gray's _Works_, by Gosse, 1884, ii. 30.

At Rheims the travellers lingered on in the hope of being joined by

Selwyn and George Montagu. In September they left Rheims for Dijon,

the superior attractions of which town made them rather regret their

comparative rustication of the last three months. From Dijon they

passed southward to Lyons, whence Gray sent to West (then drinking the

Tunbridge waters) a daintily elaborated conceit touching the junction

of the Rhone and the Saône. While at Lyons they made an excursion to

Geneva to escort Henry Conway, who had up to this time been their

companion, on his way to that place. They took a roundabout route in

order to visit the Convent of the Grande Chartreuse, and on the 28th

Walpole writes to West from 'a Hamlet among the mountains of Savoy

[Echelles].' He is to undergo many transmigrations, he says, before

he ends his letter. 'Yesterday I was a shepherd of Dauphiné; to-day

an Alpine savage; to-morrow a Carthusian monk; and Friday a Swiss

Calvinist.' When he next takes up his pen, he has passed through his

third stage, and visited the Chartreuse. With the convent itself

neither Gray nor his companions seem to have been much impressed,

probably because their expectations had been indefinite. For the

approach and the situation they had only enthusiasm. Gray is the

accredited landscape-painter of the party, but here even Walpole breaks

out: 'The road, West, the road! winding round a prodigious mountain,

and surrounded with others, all shagged with hanging woods, obscured

with pines, or lost in clouds! Below, a torrent breaking through

cliffs, and tumbling through fragments of rocks! Sheets of cascades

forcing their silver speed down channelled precipices, and hastening

into the roughened river at the bottom! Now and then an old foot

bridge, with a broken rail, a leaning cross, a cottage, or the ruin

of an hermitage! This sounds too bombast and too romantic to one that

has not seen it, too cold for one that has. If I could send you my

letter post between two lovely tempests that echoed each other's wrath,

you might have some idea of this noble roaring scene, as you were

reading it. Almost on the summit, upon a fine verdure, but without any

prospect, stands the Chartreuse.'[30]

[30] _Walpole to West_, Sept. 28-2 Oct., 1739.

The foregoing passage is dated Aix-in-Savoy, 30 September. Two days

later, passing by Annecy, they came to Geneva. Here they stayed a week

to see Conway settled, and made a 'solitary journey' back to Lyons,

but by a different road, through the spurs of the Jura and across

the plains of La Bresse. At Lyons they found letters awaiting them

from Sir Robert Walpole, desiring his son to go to Italy,--a proposal

with which Gray, only too glad to exchange the over-commercial city

of Lyons for 'the place in the world that best deserves seeing,' was

highly delighted. Accordingly, we speedily find them duly equipped

with 'beaver bonnets, beaver gloves, beaver stockings, muffs, and

bear-skins' _en route_ for the Alps. At the foot of Mont Cenis their

chaise was taken to pieces and loaded on mules, and they themselves

were transferred to low matted legless chairs carried on poles,--a

not unperilous mode of progression, when, as in this case, quarrels

took place among the bearers. But the tragedy of the journey happened

before they had quitted the chaise. Walpole had a fat little black

spaniel of King Charles's breed, named Tory, and he had let the little

creature out of the carriage for the air. While it was waddling along

contentedly at the horses' heads, a gaunt wolf rushed out of a fir

wood, and exit poor Tory before any one had time to snap a pistol.

In later years, Gray would perhaps have celebrated this mishap as

elegantly as he sang the death of his friend's favourite cat; but

in these pre-poetic days he restricts himself to calling it an 'odd

accident enough.'[31]

[31] Tory, however, was not _illachrymabilis_. He found his _vates

sacer_ in one Edward Burnaby Greene, once of Bennet College; and in

referring to this, thirty-five years later, Walpole explains how

Tory got his name. 'His godmother was the widow of Alderman Parsons

[Humphrey Parsons, of Goldsmith's 'black champagne'], who gave him at

Paris to Lord Conway, and he to me' (_Walpole to Cole_, 10 Dec., 1775).

'After eight days' journey through Greenland,'--as Gray puts it to

West,--they reached Turin, where among other English they found

Pope's friend, Joseph Spence, Professor of Poetry at Oxford. Beyond

Walpole's going to Court, and their visiting an extraordinary play

called _La Rappresentazione dell' Anima Dannata_ (for the benefit of

an Hospital), a full and particular account of which is contained in

one of Spence's letters to his mother,[32] nothing remarkable seems

to have happened to them in the Piedmontese capital. From Turin they

went on to Genoa,--'the happy country where huge lemons grow' (as Gray

quotes, not textually, from Waller),--whose blue sea and vine-trellises

they quit reluctantly for Bologna, by way of Tortona, Piacenza, Parma

(where they inspect the Correggios in the Duomo), Reggio, and Modena.

At Bologna, in the absence of introductions, picture-seeing is their

main occupation. 'Except pictures and statues,' writes Walpole, 'we are

not very fond of sights.... Now and then we drop in at a procession,

or a high mass, hear the music, enjoy a strange attire, and hate the

foul monkhood. Last week was the feast of the Immaculate Conception.

On the eve we went to the Franciscans' church to hear the academical

exercises. There were moult and moult clergy, about two dozen dames,

that treated one another with _illustrissima_ and brown kisses, the

vice-legate, the gonfalonier, and some senate. The vice-legate ... is

a young personable person of about twenty, and had on a mighty pretty

cardinal-kind of habit; 'twou'd make a delightful masquerade dress.

We asked his name: Spinola. What, a nephew of the cardinal-legate?

_Signor, no; ma credo che gli sia qualche cosa._ He sat on the

right hand with the gonfalonier in two purple fauteuils. Opposite

was a throne of crimson damask, with the device of the Academy, the

Gelati;[33] and trimmings of gold. Here sat at a table, in black, the

head of the Academy, between the orator and the first poet. At two

semicircular tables on either hand sat three poets and three; silent

among many candles. The chief made a little introduction, the orator a

long Italian vile harangue. Then the chief, the poet, the poets,--who

were a Franciscan, an Olivetan, an old abbé, and three lay,--read their

compositions; and to-day they are pasted up in all parts of the town.

As we came out of the church, we found all the convent and neighbouring

houses lighted all over with lanthorns of red and yellow paper, and two

bonfires.'[34]

[32] Spence's _Anecdotes_, by Singer, 2d ed., 1858, pp. 305-8.

[33] Jarchius has taken the trouble to give us a list of those clubs,

or academies [i. e., _the academies of Italy_], which amount to five

hundred and fifty, each distinguished by somewhat whimsical in the

name. The academicians of Bologna, for instance, are divided into the

Abbandonati, the Ausiosi, Ociosi, Arcadi, Confusi, Dubbiosi, etc. There

are few of these who have not published their Transactions, and scarce

a member who is not looked upon as the most famous man in the world, at

home.--GOLDSMITH, in _The Bee_, No. vi., for 10 November, 1759.

[34] _Walpole to West_, no date, 1739.

In the Christmas of 1739, the friends crossed the Apennines, and

entered Florence. If they had wanted introductions at Bologna, there

was no lack of them in Tuscany, and they were to find one friend who

afterwards figured largely in Walpole's correspondence. This was Mr.

(afterwards Sir Horace) Mann, British Minister Plenipotentiary at the

Court of Florence. 'He is the best and most obliging person in the

world,' says Gray, and his house, with a brief interval, was their

residence for fifteen months. Their letters from Florence are less

interesting than those from which quotations have already been made,

while their amusements seem to have been more independent of each other

than before. Gray occupied himself in the galleries taking the notes of

pictures and statuary afterwards published by Mitford, and in forming

a collection of MS. music; Walpole, on the other hand, had slightly

cooled in his eagerness for the antique, which now 'pleases him

calmly.' 'I recollect'--he says--'the joy I used to propose if I could

but see the Great Duke's gallery; I walk into it now with as little

emotion as I should into St. Paul's. The statues are a congregation of

good sort of people that I have a great deal of unruffled regard for.'

The fact was, no doubt, that society had now superior attractions.

As the son of the English Prime Minister, and with Mann, who was a

relation,[35] at his elbow, all doors were open to him. A correct

record of his time would probably show an unvaried succession of

suppers, balls, and masquerades. In the carnival week, when he snatches

'a little unmasqued moment' to write to West, he says he has done

nothing lately 'but slip out of his domino into bed, and out of bed

into his domino. The end of the Carnival is frantic, bacchanalian; all

the morn one makes parties in masque to the shops and coffee-houses,

and all the evening to the operas and balls.' If Gray was of these

junketings, his letters do not betray it. He was probably engaged in

writing uncomplimentary notes on the Venus de' Medici, or transcribing

a score of Pergolesi.

[35] Dr. Doran ('_Mann_' and _Manners at the Court of Florence_, 1876,

i. 2) describes this connection as 'a distant cousinship.'

The first interruption to these diversions came in March, when they

quitted Florence for Rome in order to witness the coronation of the

successor of Clement XII., who had died in the preceding month. On

their road from Siena they were passed by a shrill-voiced figure in a

red cloak, with a white handkerchief on its head, which they took for

a fat old woman, but which afterwards turned out to be Farinelli's

rival, Senesino. Rome disappointed them,--especially in its inhabitants

and general desolation. 'I am very glad,' writes Walpole, 'that I see

it while it yet exists;' and he goes on to prophesy that before a

great number of years it will cease to exist. 'I am persuaded,' he

says again, 'that in an hundred years Rome will not be worth seeing;

'tis less so now than one would believe. All the public pictures are

decayed or decaying; the few ruins cannot last long; and the statues

and private collections must be sold, from the great poverty of the

families.' Perhaps this last consideration, coupled with the depressing

character of Roman hospitality ('Roman conversations are dreadful

things!' he tells Conway), revived his virtuoso tastes. 'I am far gone

in medals, lamps, idols, prints, etc., and all the small commodities

to the purchase of which I can attain; I would buy the Coliseum if I

could.' Meanwhile as the cardinals are quarrelling, the coronation is

still deferred; and they visit Naples, whence they explore Herculaneum,

then but recently exposed and identified. But neither Gray nor Walpole

waxes very eloquent upon this theme,--probably because at this time the

excavations were only partial, while Pompeii was, of course, as yet

under ground. Walpole's next letter is written from Radicofani,--'a

vile little town at the foot of an old citadel,' which again is at

'the top of a black barren mountain;' the whole reminding the writer

of 'Hamilton's Bawn' in Swift's verses. In this place, although the

traditional residence of one of the Three Kings of Cologne, there is

but one pen, the property of the Governor, who when Walpole borrows

it, sends it to him under 'conduct of a sergeant and two Swiss,' with

special injunctions as to its restoration,--a precaution which in

Walpole's view renders it worthy to be ranked with the other precious

relics of the poor Capuchins of the place, concerning which he

presently makes rather unkindly fun. A few days later they were once

more in the Casa Ambrosio, Mann's pleasant house at Florence, with

the river running so close to them that they could fish out of the

windows. 'I have a terreno [ground-floor] all to myself,' says Walpole,

'with an open gallery on the Arno, where I am now writing to you [_i.

e._, Conway]. Over against me is the famous Gallery; and, on either

hand, two fair bridges. Is not this charming and cool?' Add to which,

on the bridges aforesaid, in the serene Italian air, one may linger

all night in a dressing-gown, eating iced fruits to the notes of a

guitar. But (what was even better than music and moonlight) there is

the society that was the writer's 'fitting environment.' Lady Pomfret,

with her daughters, Lady Charlotte, afterwards governess to the

children of George III., and the beauty Lady Sophia, held a 'charming

conversation' once a week; while the Princess Craon de Beauvau has 'a

constant pharaoh and supper every night, where one is quite at one's

ease.' Another lady-resident, scarcely so congenial to Walpole, was

his sister-in-law, the wife of his eldest brother, Robert, who, with

Lady Pomfret, made certain (in Walpole's eyes) wholly preposterous

pretentions to the yet uninvented status of blue-stocking. To Lady

Walpole and Lady Pomfret was speedily added another 'she-meteor' in the

person of the celebrated Lady Mary Wortley Montagu.

When Lady Mary arrived in Florence in the summer of 1740, she

was a woman of more than fifty, and was just entering upon that

unexplained exile from her country and husband which was prolonged for

two-and-twenty years. Her brilliant abilities were unimpaired; but it

is probable that the personal eccentricities which had exposed her to

the satire of Pope, had not decreased with years. That these would

be extenuated under Walpole's malicious pen was not to be expected;

still less, perhaps, that they would be treated justly. Although,

as already intimated, he was not aware of the scandal respecting

himself which her descendants were to revive, he had ample ground for

antipathy. Her husband was the bitter foe of Sir Robert Walpole; and

she herself had been the firm friend and protectress of his mother's

rival and successor, Miss Skerret.[36] Accordingly, even before her

advent, he makes merry over the anticipated issue of this portentous

'triple alliance' of mysticism and nonsense, and later he writes to

Conway: 'Did I tell you Lady Mary Wortley is here? She laughs at my

Lady Walpole, scolds my Lady Pomfret, and is laughed at by the whole

town. Her dress, her avarice, and her impudence must amaze any one

that never heard her name. She wears a foul mob, that does not cover

her greasy black locks, that hang loose, never combed or curled; an

old mazarine blue wrapper, that gaps open and discovers a canvas

petticoat.... In three words, I will give you her picture as we drew it

in the _Sortes Virgilianæ_,--_Insanam vatem aspicies_. I give you my

honour we did not choose it; but Gray, Mr. Coke, Sir Francis Dashwood,

and I, with several others, drew it fairly amongst a thousand for

different people.'[37] In justice to Lady Mary it is only fair to say

that she seems to have been quite unconscious that she was an object of

ridicule, and was perfectly satisfied with her reception at Florence.

'Lord and Lady Pomfret'--she tells Mr. Wortley--'take pains to make

the place agreeable to me, and I have been visited by the greatest

part of the people of quality.'[38] But although Walpole's portrait is

obviously malicious (some of its details are suppressed in the above

quotation), it is plain that even unprejudiced spectators could not

deny her peculiarities. 'Lady Mary,' said Spence, 'is one of the most

shining characters in the world, but shines like a comet; she is all

irregularity, and always wandering; the most wise, the most imprudent;

loveliest, most disagreeable; best-natured, cruellest woman in the

world: "all things by turns, but nothing long."'[39]

[36] Shortly after Lady Walpole's death, Sir Robert Walpole married his

mistress, Maria Skerret, who died 4 June, 1738, leaving a daughter,

Horace Walpole's half-sister, subsequently Lady Mary Churchill.

[37] _Walpole to Conway_, 25 September, 1740.

[38] _Letters_, etc., of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, ii. 325.

[39] _Spence's Anecdotes_, by Singer, 2nd edn., 1858, p. xxiii.

By this time the new pope, Benedict XIV., had been elected. But

although the friends were within four days journey of Rome, the fear

of heat and malaria forced them to forego the spectacle of the

coronation. They continued to reside with Mann at Florence until May

in the following year. Upon Gray the 'violent delights' of the Tuscan

capital had already begun to pall. It is, he says, 'an excellent place

to employ all one's animal sensations in, but utterly contrary to

one's rational powers.' Walpole, on the other hand, is in his element.

'I am so well within and without,' he says in the same letter which

sketches Lady Mary, 'that you would scarce know me: I am younger than

ever, think of nothing but diverting myself, and live in a round of

pleasures. We have operas, concerts, and balls, mornings and evenings.

I dare not tell you all of one's idlenesses; you would look so grave

and senatorial at hearing that one rises at eleven in the morning,

goes to the opera at nine at night, to supper at one, and to bed at

three! But literally here the evenings and nights are so charming and

so warm, one can't avoid 'em.' In a later letter he says he has lost

all curiosity, and 'except the towns in the straight road to Great

Britain, shall scarce see a jot more of a foreign land.' Indeed,

save a sally concerning the humours of 'Moll Worthless' (Lady Mary)

and Lady Walpole, and the record of the purchase of a few pictures,

medals, and busts,--one of the last of which, a Vespasian in basalt,

was subsequently among the glories of the Twickenham Gallery,--his

remaining letters from Florence contain little of interest. Early in

1741, the homeward journey was mapped out. They were to go to Bologna

to hear the Viscontina sing, they were to visit the Fair at Reggio, and

so by Venice homewards.

But whether the Viscontina was in voice or not, there is, as far as

our travellers are concerned, absence of evidence. No further letter

of Gray from Florence has been preserved, nor is there any mention

of him in Walpole's next despatch to West from Reggio. At that place

a misunderstanding seems to have arisen, and they parted, Gray going

forward to Venice with two other travelling companions, Mr. John Chute

and Mr. Whitehed. In the rather barren record of Walpole's story, this

misunderstanding naturally assumes an exaggerated importance. But it

was really a very trifling and a very intelligible affair. They had

been too long together; and the first fascination of travel, which

formed at the outset so close a bond, had gradually faded with time. As

this alteration took place, their natural dispositions began to assert

themselves, and Walpole's normal love of pleasure and Gray's retired

studiousness became more and more apparent. It is probable too, that,

in all the Florentine gaieties, Gray, who was not a great man's son,

fell a little into the background. At all events, the separation was

imminent, and it needed but a nothing--the alleged opening by Walpole

of a letter of Gray[40]--to to bring it about. Whatever the proximate

cause, both were silent on the subject, although, years after the

quarrel had been made up, and Gray was dead, Walpole took the entire

blame upon himself. When Mason was preparing Gray's _Memoirs_ in 1773,

he authorized him to insert a note by which, in general terms, he

admitted himself to have been in fault, assigning as his reason for not

being more explicit, that while he was living it would not be pleasant

to read his private affairs discussed in magazines and newspapers. But

to Mason personally he was at the same time thoroughly candid, as well

as considerate to his departed friend: 'I am conscious,' he says, 'that

in the beginning of the differences between Gray and me, the fault was

mine. I was too young, too fond of my own diversions, nay, I do not

doubt, too much intoxicated by indulgence, vanity, and the insolence of

my situation, as a Prime Minister's son, not to have been inattentive

and insensible to the feelings of one I thought below me; of one, I

blush to say it, that I knew was obliged to me; of one whom presumption

and folly perhaps made me deem not my superior _then_ in parts, though

I have since felt my infinite inferiority to him. I treated him

insolently: he loved me, and I did not think he did. I reproached him

with the difference between us when he acted from conviction of knowing

he was my superior; I often disregarded his wishes of seeing places,

which I would not quit other amusements to visit, though I offered to

send him to them without me. Forgive me, if I say that his temper was

not conciliating. At the same time that I will confess to you that he

acted a more friendly part, had I had the sense to take advantage of

it; he freely told me of my faults. I declared I did not desire to hear

them, nor would correct them. You will not wonder that with the dignity

of his spirit, and the obstinate carelessness of mine, the breach must

have grown wider till we became incompatible.'[41]

[40] This rests upon the authority of a shadowy Mr. Roberts of the

Pell-office, who told it to Isaac Reed in 1799, more than half a

century after the event. The subject is discussed at some length, but

of necessity inconclusively, by Mr. D. C. Tovey in his interesting

_Gray and his Friends_, 1890. Mr. Tovey thinks that Ashton was

obscurely connected with the quarrel.

[41] _Walpole to Mason_, 2 March, 1773. The letters to Mason were first

printed in 1851 by Mitford. But Pinkerton, in the _Walpoliana_, i.

95, had reported much the same thing. 'The quarrel between Gray and

me [Walpole] arose from his being too serious a companion. I had just

broke loose from the restraints of the university, with as much money

as I could spend, and I was willing to indulge myself. Gray was for

antiquities, etc., while I was for perpetual balls and plays. The fault

was mine.'

'Sir, you have said more than was necessary' was Johnson's reply to a

peace-making speech from Topham Beauclerk. It is needless to comment

further upon this incident, except to add that Walpole's generous words

show that the disagreement was rather the outcome of a sequence of

long-strained circumstances than the result of momentary petulance. For

a time reconciliation was deferred, but eventually it was effected by

a lady, and the intimacy thus renewed continued for the remainder of

Gray's life.

Shortly after Gray's departure in May, Walpole fell ill of a quinsy.

He did not, at first, recognise the gravity of his ailment, and

doctored himself. By a fortunate chance, Joseph Spence, then travelling

as governor to the Earl of Lincoln, was in the neighbourhood, and,

responding to a message from Walpole, 'found him scarce able to

speak.' Spence immediately sent for medical aid, and summoned from

Florence one Antonio Cocchi, a physician and author of some eminence.

Under Cocchi's advice, Walpole speedily showed signs of improvement,

though, in his own words in the _Short Notes_, he 'was given over

for five hours, escaping with great difficulty.' The sequel may be

told from the same source. 'I went to Venice with Henry Clinton, Earl

of Lincoln, and Mr. Joseph Spence, Professor of Poetry, and after a

month's stay there, returned with them by sea from Genoa, landing

at Antibes; and by the way of Toulon, Marseilles, Aix, and through

Languedoc to Montpellier, Toulouse, and Orléans, arrived at Paris,

where I left the Earl and Mr. Spence, and landed at Dover, September

12th, 1741, O. S., having been chosen Member of Parliament for

Kellington [Callington], in Cornwall, at the preceding General Election

[of June], which Parliament put a period to my father's administration,

which had continued above twenty years.'

Horace Walpole: A memoir With an appendix of books printed at the Strawberry Hill Press · 第 2 / 10 章