Lloyd George's Appeal to Labor

In a speech at Manchester on June 4, and again on June 5,

before the employers and workmen of Lancashire, the new

Minister of Munitions announced his policy of discontinuing

the methods of red tape that had hindered the mobilization

of labor for the production of arms and ammunition. His

speech at Lancashire appears below in full.

I have come here not for speech but for business, and I shall only

indulge in speech to the extent that speaking is the essential

preliminary to business. I placed yesterday before a meeting in

Manchester my general views of the position, and I have very little to

add to what I then said. But I have come here to appeal for the

assistance of the men of Liverpool and the surrounding districts.

The situation is a serious one. It is as grave a situation as this

country has ever been confronted with. You need have no special

knowledge in order to ascertain that yourselves. A careful,

intelligent perusal of the published dispatches in the newspapers must

have caused you to come to the conclusion that this country is

engaging one of the most formidable enemies that it has ever waged war

against.

The issues are great, the perils are great, and nothing can pull us

through but the united effort of every man in the British Empire. If

you look at what our brave fellows are doing at the front you can see

the perils there facing them, the trials, the privations, and they are

doing it without flinching. ["Hear, hear!"] Never in the history of

this country have our men shown greater courage and endurance than

they have during this war. They have done all you can expect of mortal

man.

We who are comfortable at home, free from privations, free from

danger, let us, each of us, do his part as nobly as those heroes of

ours are doing it at the front. [Cheers.] It would be horrible for us

to think that those who fall fall through our neglect. It would be a

still more ghastly reflection to think that those who fell have given

their lives in vain through any slackness or selfishness on the part

of any one of us in this land.

Yesterday we had a very important gathering of the employers and the

representatives of labor in the great engineering firms in Manchester

and other parts of this great county. The response made to our appeal

was gratifying. Every man there showed a disposition to do all in his

power to assist the country to pull through its difficulties

triumphantly, and I feel perfectly certain that the same ready

response will be given to the same appeal which I am now about to make

to the men of Liverpool and the area surrounding it.

What makes Germany a formidable enemy is not merely its preparation

for war, it is not merely its organization, potent as that is, but it

is the spirit of every class and section of its population. You have

only got to read the papers to see that as far as they are concerned

they are all of them subordinating everything to the one great

national purpose of winning victory for their Fatherland. That is the

least we can do in this country for our land. [Cheers.]

I never doubted where ultimate victory would lie, never for a moment.

Nor have I ever underestimated the difficulties. But although I have

never doubted where victory would rest, all the same I know that

victory will come the sooner for recognizing the difficulties there

are.

You cannot remove difficulties without looking at them, and you cannot

look at difficulties without seeing them, and that is why the business

of a Minister is to point them out, and then to appeal to every

section of the community to assist the Government in overcoming the

obstacles in the way.

Now we want especially the help of those who can contribute to the

increase of the munitions, the equipment, and the material of war. We

want the help of employers, we want the help of the workers. We want

employers and workmen to feel their responsibility in this matter. It

is my intention to utilize as much as I possibly can the business

brains of the community. I hope to get their assistance. Some of them

will be at my elbow in London to advise, to counsel, to guide, to

inform and instruct and to direct, but I want the help of the business

brains in the localities.

This is no time for the usual methods of doing business with the

Government. ["Hear, hear!"] I am assuming that Governments in the past

have done their business in the most perfect way. This is not a time

for the usual roundabout methods of Government business. ["Hear,

hear!"]

We have got to trust business men in the localities to organize for

us, to undertake the business in the particular locality on our

behalf. We want to suspend during the war not merely trade-union

regulations, but some Government regulations, too. ["Hear, hear!"]

We want rifles, we want guns, we want shells, fuses, chemicals, and

explosives. There is one thing we want less of than usual, and that is

red tape. It takes such a long time to unwind--[laughter]--and we

can't spare the time. Therefore, the first thing I am going to ask you

to do is to organize for yourselves in this locality, and in every

other locality, the engineering resources, for the purpose of

assisting the Government. You know best what you can do. I know the

resourcefulness of the engineers of this country, I know, as the Lord

Mayor has already pointed out, their adaptability. I want you to come

together and form your own committee of management. Having done that,

organize among yourselves the engineering resources of the locality,

with a view to producing the greatest result in the way of helping our

gallant forces at the front.

That involves a good deal more confidence and trust than usual. We

have no time to go through the same processes of examination, of

bargaining, as you get usually in the matter of Government contracts.

["Hear, hear!"]

Whatever is done has got to be done with promptitude. That involves

our trusting to the integrity, to the loyalty, to the patriotism of

the business men to do their best for us in these localities, and do

it on fair terms. That is the first thing I have got to say to the

business men of the community. I want you to regard this as your

business as well as ours. This is not a Government entering into

negotiations with you. You are the Government, you have got an

interest in this concern, it is your concern, just as much as it is

ours, and I want you to help us.

This is a business for all of us, and we want every business man in

the community to give his very best to help the old country through in

the great emergency and crisis. [Cheers.] That means that you will, as

soon as you possibly can, get your committee of management, and,

through that committee of management, organize your district for the

purpose of producing such material of war, or such other component

parts of any particular material of war, you can help us to produce.

I would make the same appeal to labor. I want them also to feel that

this is their business. Should Germany win, God help labor! ["Hear,

hear!"] It will come out of it worst of all. The victory of Germany

will be the victory of the worst form of autocracy that this world has

seen for many a century. There is no section of the community has

anything like the interest in the overthrow of this military caste

which labor has--["Hear, hear!"]--and the more they realize that,

difficulties will vanish, obstacles will go, and bickerings and

slackness. We have to get to work as one man to help to win a triumph

for democratic free government against the autocratic systems of

Germany and Austria. [Cheers.]

Now, I should like to say one or two words beyond what I said

yesterday on this particular aspect of the business. I have had the

privilege, both yesterday and today, of meeting some of the leading

representatives of labor in Manchester and Liverpool. And let me say

this: As far as the official representatives of organized labor are

concerned, we have had nothing but help. The difficulty has been when

you get beyond.

I am not saying a word about trade-union regulations during a period

of peace. I have no doubt they were essential safeguards to the

protection of labor against what otherwise might have been a serious

interference with their rights and with their prospects. But as I have

already pointed out to you, Government regulations have to be

suspended during the period of the war because they are inapplicable

in a time of urgency. The same thing applies to many trade-union

regulations and practices. ["Hear, hear!"]

The first I should like to call attention to are those rules which had

been set up for very good reasons to make it difficult for purely

unsullied men to claim the position and rights of men who have had a

training--that is true in every profession.

I happen, my Lord Mayor, to belong to about the strictest trade union

in the world--[laughter]--the most jealous trade union in the world.

If any unskilled man--and by an unskilled man we mean a man who has

not paid our fees--if any man of that sort, however brainy he was,

tried to come in and interfere with our business, well, we would soon

settle him. [Laughter.] But if during the period of the war there were

any particular use for lawyers--[laughter]--if you find that upon

lawyers depended the success of the war, and it requires a good deal

of imagination; even my Celtic imagination will hardly attain to the

exalted height--[more laughter]--but if that were possible for a

moment, do you suppose that even the Incorporated Law Society, the

greatest and narrowest of all trade unions, could stand in the way of

bringing in outside help in order to enable us to get through our

work?

Well, now, the same thing applies here. If all the skilled engineers

in this country were turned on to produce what is required, if you

brought back from the front every engineer who had been recruited, if

you worked them to the utmost limits of human endurance, you have not

got enough labor even then to produce all we are going to ask you to

produce during the next few months. Therefore, we must appeal to the

patriotism of the unions of this country to relax these particular

rules, in order to eke out, as it were, the skill, to make it go as

far as it possibly can go, in order to enable us to turn out the

necessary munitions of war to win a real and a speedy triumph for our

country in this great struggle.

Now, the same thing applies to the work of women in the factories.

There is a good deal of work now done by men, and men only, in this

country which is done in France at the present moment in shell

factories by women. Why is that? They have not enough men to go round.

The men are working as hard as they can, for as long hours as they

possibly can support, but in spite of that they would not turn out a

sufficient number of shells and other material of war without doling

out a good part of the work to women in those factories. Well, now, if

there are any trade-union regulations to prevent the possibility of

that being done, I hope during the period of war these will be

suspended. ["Hear, hear!"]

Now, I am coming to another thing--and I am here to talk quite

frankly--it is very much better to do so. ["Hear, hear!"] There must

be no deliberate slowing down of work. I have had two or three very

painful cases put before me. One was from an arsenal upon which we

were absolutely dependent for the material of war. There was a very

skilled workman there who worked very hard and who earned a good deal

of money. He was doing his duty by the State. He was not merely warned

that if he repeated that offense he would be driven out, I am not

quite sure that he was not actually driven out.

The same thing happened in another factory. Now, in the period of war

this is really intolerable. ["Hear, hear!"] We cannot do with it. We

cannot afford it, I say again. There may be reasons, there might be

very good reasons, that a policy of that sort should be adopted in the

period of peace. I am expressing no opinions about that. I am simply

stating the case of this particular emergency, and I am sure that the

only thing in this emergency is that everybody should put forward all

his strength in order to help the country through. [Cheers.]

Therefore, I do hope that whatever regulation, whatever practice,

whatever custom there may be in existence at the present moment which

interferes in the slightest degree in the increase of war material,

will be suspended during the period of war.

We have given our undertaking as a Government, and that undertaking

has been inherited by a new Government. That is that those safeguards

which have been established by trade-union action prior to the war

will be restored exactly to the position they were when the war is

over, in so far as the action of the Government is concerned. We can

only ask for a suspension of these regulations during the period of

the war, then afterward the same process of discussion will go on

between capital and labor as has gone on, I have no doubt, during the

last fifty or one hundred years.

Those are two or three of the things which I wanted to put. The lives

of our men at the front depend upon the amount of war material we are

able to equip them with, success depends upon it, the lives of men

depend upon it. Everybody ought to do his best. There is no room for

slackers. ["Hear, hear!"] I don't want to get rid of the slackers, I

only want to get rid of their slackness--[laughter and cheers]--and we

really must.

In this war every country is demanding as a matter of right--not as a

matter of appeal--as a matter of right from every one of the citizens,

that he should do his best--[cheers]--and that is one of the problems

with which we have to deal in this country. It ought to be established

as a duty, as one of the essential duties of citizenship, that every

man should put his whole strength into helping the country through.

[Cheers.] And I don't believe any section of the community would

object to it, if it were made a legal right and duty expected of every

one. [Cheers.]

I don't know that I have anything further that I want specially to say

to you, because I want to get to business as quickly as possible. Sir

Frederick Donaldson of Woolwich Arsenal and Sir Percy Girouard are

here to answer any question you may put to them on the business of the

meeting. They can inform you on the technical side in a way that I

can't pretend to. I can only ask you to help us. I know that appeal to

you won't be in vain.

We are engaged in the greatest struggle this country has ever been

precipitated into. It is no fault of ours. ["Hear, hear!"] We sought

peace, we asked for peace, we avoided all the paths that led to war,

but we should have forever been dishonored if we had shirked the

conflict when it came. [Cheers.]

Harried into it, we are there to champion the deepest, the highest,

the greatest interest ever committed to the charge of any nation. Let

us equip ourselves in such a way that Great Britain through the war

will be still great, and when the war is over it will be a Greater

Britain than ever. [Cheers.]

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New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 4, July, 1915 April-September, 1915 · 第 170 / 233 题