MR. ROOSEVELT'S LETTER.

My Dear Mr. Maxim:

I thank you heartily for your book on "Defenseless America." It is a

capital book and I believe it is safe to say that no wise and

patriotic American can fail to recognize the service that you have

rendered in writing it. I hope it will have the widest possible

circulation throughout our country.

I was glad to see the first-class letters that have been written you

by such good Americans as Oscar Straus, Garrett P. Serviss, Rear

Admiral W.W. Kimball, C.P. Gray, Holman Day, and the others. On the

other hand, I was saddened by the extraordinary letter sent you by the

three young men who purported to speak for the senior class of the

college of which they are members. The course of conduct which these

men and those like them advocate for the nation would, of course, not

only mean a peculiar craven avoidance of national duty by our people

at this time, but would also inevitably tend permanently to encourage

the spirit of individual cowardice no less than of national cowardice.

The professional pacifists, the professional peace-at-any-price men,

who during the last five years have been so active, who have pushed

the mischievous all-arbitration treaties at Washington, who have

condoned our criminal inactivity as regards Mexico and, above all, as

regards the questions raised by the great world war now raging, and

who have applauded our abject failure to live up to the obligations

imposed upon us as a signatory power of The Hague Convention, are, at

best, an unlovely body of men, and taken as a whole are probably the

most undesirable citizens that this country contains.

But it is less shocking to see such sentiments developed among old men

than among young men. The college students who organize or join these

peace-at-any-price leagues are engaged, according to their feeble

abilities, in cultivating a standard of manhood which, if logically

applied, would make them desire to "arbitrate" with any tough

individual who slapped the sister or sweetheart of one of them in the

face.

Well-meaning people, as we all know, sometimes advocate a course of

action which is infamous; and, as was proved by the great Copperhead

Party fifty years ago, there are always some brave men to be found

condoning or advocating deeds of national cowardice. But the fact

remains that the advocates of pacifism who have been most prominent in

our country during the past five years have been preaching

poltroonery.

Such preaching, if persevered in long enough, softens the fibre of any

nation, and, above all, of those preaching it; and if it is reduced to

practice it is ruinous to national character. These men have been

doing their best to make us the China of the Occident, and the college

students, such as those of whom you speak, have already reached a

level considerably below that to which the higher type of Chinaman has

now struggled on his upward path.

On the whole, for the nation as for the individual, the most

contemptible of all sins is the sin of cowardice; and while there are

other sins as base there are none baser. The prime duty for this

nation is to prepare itself so that it can protect itself--and this

is the duty that you are preaching in your admirable volume. It is

only when this duty has been accomplished that we shall be able to

perform the further duty of helping the cause of the world

righteousness by backing the cause of the international peace of

justice (the only kind of peace worth having) not merely by words but

by deeds.

A peace conference such as that which some of our countrymen propose

at the moment to hold is purely noxious, until as a preliminary we put

ourselves in such shape that what we say will excite the respect and

not the derision of foreign nations; and, furthermore, until we have

by practical action shown that we are heartily ashamed of ourselves

for our craven abandonment of duty in not daring to say a word when

The Hague Conventions were ruthlessly violated before our eyes.

Righteousness must be put before peace, and peace must be recognized

as of value only when it is the hand-maiden of justice. The doctrine

of national or individual neutrality between right and wrong is an

ignoble doctrine, unworthy the support of any brave or honorable man.

It is wicked to be neutral between right and wrong, and this statement

can be successfully refuted only by men who are prepared to hold up

Pontius Pilate, the arch-typical neutral of all time, as worthy of our

admiration.

An ignoble peace may be the worst crime against humanity, and

righteous war may represent the greatest service a nation can at a

given moment render to itself and to mankind.

Our people also need to come to their senses about the manufacture and

sale of arms and ammunition. Of course, the same moral law applies

here between nations as between individuals within a nation. There is

not the slightest difference between selling ammunition in time of war

and in time of peace, because when sold in time of peace it is only

sold with a view to possibility or likelihood of war. It should never

be sold to people who will make bad use of it, and it should be

freely sold at all times to those who will use it for a proper

purpose.

It is absolutely essential that we should have stores where citizens

of a nation can buy arms and ammunition. It is a service to good

citizenship to sell a revolver to an honest householder for use

against burglars or to a policeman for use against "gunmen." It is an

outrage against humanity knowingly to sell such a revolver to a

burglar or a "gunman." The morality of the sale depends upon the

purpose and the probable use. This is true among individuals. It is no

less true among nations.

I am speaking of the moral right. Our legal right to sell ammunition

to the Allies is, of course, perfect, just as Germany, the greatest

trader in ammunition to other nations in the past, had an entire legal

right to sell guns and ammunition to Turkey, for instance. But, in

addition to our legal right to sell ammunition to those engaged in

trying to restore Belgium to her own people, it is also our moral duty

to do so, precisely as it is a moral duty to sell arms to policemen

for use against "gunmen."

Wishing you all possible success, I am, faithfully yours,

New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 4, July, 1915 April-September, 1915 · 第 69 / 233 题