Is a woman among those who oppose Abolition movements? She can urge such

inquiries as these: Ought not Abolitionists to be treated as if they

were actuated by the motives of benevolence which they profess? Ought

not every patriot and every Christian to throw all his influence against

the impeachment of motives, the personal detraction, and the violent

measures that are turned upon this body of men, who, however they may

err in judgment or in spirit, are among the most exemplary and

benevolent in the land? If Abolitionists are censurable for taking

measures that exasperate rather than convince and persuade, are not

their opponents, who take exactly the same measures to exasperate

Abolitionists and their friends, as much to blame? If Abolitionism

prospers by the abuse of its advocates, are not the authors of this

abuse accountable for the increase of the very evils they deprecate?

It is the opinion of intelligent and well informed men, that a very

large proportion of the best members of the Abolition party were placed

there, not by the arguments of Abolitionists, but by the abuse of their

opposers. And I know some of the noblest minds that stand there, chiefly

from the influence of those generous impulses that defend the injured

and sustain the persecuted, while many others have joined these ranks

from the impression that Abolitionism and the right of free discussion

have become identical interests. Although I cannot perceive why the

right of free discussion, the right of petition, and other rights that

have become involved in this matter, cannot be sustained without joining

an association that has sustained such injurious action and such

erroneous principles, yet other minds, and those which are worthy of

esteem, have been led to an opposite conclusion.

The South, in the moments of angry excitement, have made unreasonable

demands upon the non-slave-holding States, and have employed overbearing

and provoking language. This has provoked re-action again at the North,

and men, who heretofore were unexcited, are beginning to feel

indignant, and to say, "Let the Union be sundered." Thus anger begets

anger, and unreasonable measures provoke equally unreasonable returns.

But when men, in moments of excitement rush on to such results, little

do they think of the momentous consequences that may follow. Suppose the

South in her anger unites with Texas, and forms a Southern slave-holding

republic, under all the exasperating influences that such an avulsion

will excite? What will be the prospects of the slave then, compared with

what they are while we dwell together, united by all the ties of

brotherhood, and having free access to those whom we wish to convince

and persuade?

But who can estimate the mischiefs that we must encounter while this

dismemberment, this tearing asunder of the joints and members of the

body politic, is going on? What will be the commotion and dismay, when

all our sources of wealth, prosperity, and comfort, are turned to

occasions for angry and selfish strife?

What agitation will ensue in individual States, when it is to be decided

by majorities which State shall go to the North and which to the South,

and when the discontented minority must either give up or fight! Who

shall divide our public lands between contending factions? What shall be

done with our navy and all the various items of the nation's property?

What shall be done when the post-office stops its steady movement to

divide its efforts among contending parties? What shall be done when

public credit staggers, when commerce furls her slackened sail, when

property all over the nation changes its owners and relations? What

shall be done with our canals and railways, now the bands of love to

bind us, then the causes of contention and jealousy? What umpire will

appear to settle all these questions of interest and strife, between

communities thrown asunder by passion, pride, and mutual injury?

It is said that the American people, though heedless and sometimes

reckless at the approach of danger, are endowed with a strong and

latent principle of common sense, which, when they fairly approach the

precipice, always brings them to a stand, and makes them as wise to

devise a remedy as they were rash in hastening to the danger. Are we not

approaching the very verge of the precipice? Can we not already hear the

roar of the waters below? Is not now the time, if ever, when our stern

principles and sound common sense must wake to the rescue?

Cannot the South be a little more patient under the injurious action

that she feels she has suffered, and cease demanding those concessions

from the North, that never will be made? For the North, though slower to

manifest feeling, is as sensitive to her right of freedom of speech, as

the South can be to her rights of property.

Cannot the North bear with some unreasonable action from the South, when

it is remembered that, as the provocation came from the North, it is

wise and Christian that the aggressive party should not so strictly

hold their tempted brethren to the rules of right and reason?

Cannot the South bear in mind that at the North the colour of the skin

does not take away the feeling of brotherhood, and though it is a badge

of degradation in station and intellect, yet it is oftener regarded with

pity and sympathy than with contempt? Cannot the South remember their

generous feelings for the Greeks and Poles, and imagine that some such

feelings may be awakened for the African race, among a people who do not

believe either in the policy or the right of slavery?

Cannot the North remember how jealous every man feels of his domestic

relations and rights, and how sorely their Southern brethren are tried

in these respects? How would the husbands and fathers at the North

endure it, if Southern associations should be formed to bring forth to

the world the sins of Northern men, as husbands and fathers? What if the

South should send to the North to collect all the sins and neglects of

Northern husbands and fathers, to retail them at the South in tracts

and periodicals? What if the English nation should join in the outcry,

and English females should send forth an agent, not indeed to visit the

offending North, but to circulate at the South, denouncing all who did

not join in this crusade, as the defenders of bad husbands and bad

fathers? How would Northern men conduct under such provocations? There

is indeed a difference in the two cases, but it is not in the nature and

amount of irritating influence, for the Southerner feels the

interference of strangers to regulate his domestic duty to his servants,

as much as the Northern man would feel the same interference in regard

to his wife and children. Do not Northern men owe a debt of forbearance

and sympathy toward their Southern brethren, who have been so sorely

tried?

It is by urging these considerations, and by exhibiting and advocating

the principles of charity and peace, that females may exert a wise and

appropriate influence, and one which will most certainly tend to bring

to an end, not only slavery, but unnumbered other evils and wrongs. No

one can object to such an influence, but all parties will bid God speed

to every woman who modestly, wisely and benevolently attempts it.

I do not suppose that any Abolitionists are to be deterred by any thing

I can offer, from prosecuting the course of measures they have adopted.

They doubtless will continue to agitate the subject, and to form

voluntary associations all over the land, in order to excite public

sentiment at the North against the moral evils existing at the South.

Yet I cannot but hope that some considerations may have influence to

modify in a degree the spirit and measures of some who are included in

that party.

Abolitionists are men who come before the public in the character of

_reprovers_. That the gospel requires Christians sometimes to assume

this office, cannot be denied; but it does as unequivocally point out

those qualifications which alone can entitle a man to do it. And no man

acts wisely or consistently, unless he can satisfy himself that he

possesses the qualifications for this duty, before he assumes it.

The first of these qualifications is more than common exemption from the

faults that are reproved. The inspired interrogatory, "thou therefore

which teachest another, teachest thou not thyself?" enforces this

principle; and the maxim of common sense, that "reprovers must have

clean hands," is no less unequivocal. Abolitionists are reprovers for

the violation of duties in the domestic relations. Of course they are

men who are especially bound to be exemplary in the discharge of all

their domestic duties. If a man cannot govern his temper and his tongue;

if he inflicts that moral castigation on those who cross his will, which

is more severe than physical stripes; if he is overbearing or exacting

with those under his control; if he cannot secure respect for a kind and

faithful discharge of all his social and relative duties, it is as

unwise and improper for him to join an Abolition Society, as it would be

for a drunkard to preach temperance, or a slave-holder Abolitionism.

Another indispensable requisite for the office of reprover is a

character distinguished for humility and meekness. There is nothing more

difficult than to approach men for the purpose of convincing them of

their own deficiencies and faults; and whoever attempts it in a

self-complacent and dictatorial spirit, always does more evil than good.

However exemplary a man may be in the sight of men, there is abundant

cause for the exercise of humility. For a man is to judge of himself,

not by a comparison with other men, but as he stands before God, when

compared with a perfect law, and in reference to all his peculiar

opportunities and restraints. Who is there that in this comparison,

cannot find cause for the deepest humiliation? Who can go from the

presence of Infinite Purity after such an investigation, to "take his

brother by the throat?" Who rather, should not go to a brother, who may

have sinned, with the deepest sympathy and love, as one who, amid

greater temptations and with fewer advantages, may be the least offender

of the two? A man who goes with this spirit, has the best hope of doing

good to those who may offend. And yet even this spirit will not always

save a man from angry retort, vexatious insinuation, jealous suspicion,

and the misconstruction of his motives. A reprover, therefore, if he

would avoid a quarrel and do the good he aims to secure, must be

possessed of that meekness which can receive evil for good, with patient

benevolence. And a man is not fitted for the duties of a reprover, until

he can bring his feelings under this control.

The last, and not the least important requisite for a reprover, is

_discretion_. This is no where so much needed as in cases where the

domestic relations are concerned, for here is the place above all

others, where men are most sensitive and unreasonable. There are none

who have more opportunities for learning this, than those who act as

teachers, especially if they feel the responsibility of a Christian and

a friend, in regard to the moral interests of pupils. A teacher who

shares with parents the responsibilities of educating their children,

whose efforts may all be rendered useless by parental influences at

home; who feels an affectionate interest in both parent and child, is

surely the one who might seem to have a right to seek, and a chance of

success in seeking, some modifications of domestic influences. And yet

teachers will probably testify, that it is a most discouraging task, and

often as likely to result in jealous alienation and the loss of

influence over both parent and child, as in any good. It is one of the

greatest compliments that can be paid to the good sense and the good

feeling of a parent to dare to attempt any such measure. This may show

how much discretion, and tact, and delicacy, are needed by those who aim

to rectify evils in the domestic relations of mankind.

The peculiar qualifications, then, which make it suitable for a man to

be an Abolitionist are, an exemplary discharge of all the domestic

duties; humility, meekness, delicacy, tact, and discretion, and these

should especially be the distinctive traits of those who take the place

of _leaders_ in devising measures.

And in performing these difficult and self-denying duties, there are no

men who need more carefully to study the character and imitate the

example of the Redeemer of mankind. He, indeed, was the searcher of

hearts, and those reproofs which were based on the perfect knowledge of

"all that is in man," we may not imitate. But we may imitate him, where

he with so much gentleness, patience, and pitying love, encountered the

weakness, the rashness, the selfishness, the worldliness of men. When

the young man came with such self-complacency to ask what more he could

do, how kindly he was received, how gently convinced of his great

deficiency! When fire would have been called from heaven by his angry

followers, how forbearing the rebuke! When denied and forsaken with

oaths and curses by one of his nearest friends, what was it but a look

of pitying love that sent the disciple out so bitterly to weep? When, in

his last extremity of sorrow, his friends all fell asleep, how gently

he drew over them the mantle of love! Oh blessed Saviour, impart more of

thy own spirit to those who profess to follow thee!

THE END.

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|Transcriber's Notes. |

| |

| |

|The following changes were made to the original text (correction |

|in brackets): |

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|Page 3: to this request, MISS GRIMKE's(Grimke) Address was |

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|Page 19: associated CLARKSON, SHARPE, MACAULEY(Macaulay), and |

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|Page 44: (than) it is with "sheep-stealer." But Abolitionists |

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|Page 53: Secondly,(.) To make them willing to relinquish |

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|Page 59: sustained this trafic(traffic), in that nation. What |

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|Page 71: visiter's(visitor's) intention to devote himself to this|

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|Page 77: Footnote 3: suffer from such persecution;(") and he |

|honourably and nobly |

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|Page 84: Mr. Clarkson continued his efficient |

|co-opetion(co-operation) |

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|Page 101: so benevolent in feeling and action;(,) that her |

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|Page 108: when she cannot please, or by petulent(petulant) |

|complaints |

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|Page 112: Every man is saying, "let(Let) me have |

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|Page 124: and prejudiced bigot.(") |

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|Page 134: tempation(temptation), and lead to greater evils than |

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An Essay on Slavery and Abolitionism With reference to the duty of American females · 第 6 / 6 段