Wilberforce. At their first interview, the latter frankly stated, 'that
the subject had often employed his thoughts, and was near his heart,'
and learning his visitor's intention to devote himself to this
benevolent object, congratulated him on his decision; desired to be made
acquainted with his progress, expressing his willingness, in return, to
afford every assistance in his power. In his intercourse with members of
parliament, Mr. Clarkson was now frequently associated with Mr.
Wilberforce, who daily became more interested in the fate of Africa. The
intercourse of the two philanthropists was mutually cordial and
encouraging; Mr. Clarkson imparting his discoveries in the custom-houses
of London, Liverpool, and other places; and Mr. Wilberforce
communicating the information he had gained from those with whom he
associated.
"In 1788, Mr. Clarkson published his important work on the Impolicy of
the Slave-Trade.
"In 1789, this indefatigable man went to France, by the advice of the
Committee which he had been instrumental in forming two years before;
Mr. Wilberforce, always solicitous for the good of the oppressed
Africans, being of opinion that advantage might be taken of the
commotions in that country, to induce the leading persons there to take
the slave-trade into their consideration, and incorporate it among the
abuses to be removed. Several of Mr. Clarkson's friends advised him to
travel by another name, as accounts had arrived in England of the
excesses which had taken place in Paris; but to this he could not
consent. On his arrival in that city he was speedily introduced to those
who were favourable to the great object of his life; and at the house of
M. Necker dined with the six deputies of colour from St. Domingo,--who
had been sent to France at this juncture, to demand that the free people
of colour in their country might be placed upon an equality with the
whites. Their communications to the English philanthropist were important
and interesting; they hailed him as their friend, and were abundant in
their commendations of his conduct.
"Copies of the Essay on the Impolicy of the Slave-Trade, translated into
French, with engravings of the plan and section of a slave ship, were
distributed with apparent good effect. The virtuous Abbe Gregoire, and
several members of the National Assembly, called upon Mr. Clarkson. The
Archbishop of Aix was so struck with horror, when the plan of the slave
ship was shown to him, that he could scarcely speak; and Mirabeau ordered
a model of it in wood to be placed in his dining-room.
"The circulation of intelligence, although contributing to make many
friends, called forth the extraordinary exertions of enemies. Merchants,
and others interested in the continuance of the slave-trade, wrote
letters to the Archbishop of Aix, beseeching him not to ruin France;
which they said he would inevitably do, if, as the president, he were
to grant a day for hearing the question of the abolition. Offers of
money were made to Mirabeau, if he would totally abandon his intended
motion. Books were circulated in opposition to Mr. Clarkson's; resort
was had to the public papers, and he was denounced as a spy. The clamour
raised by these efforts pervaded all Paris, and reached the ears of the
king. M. Necker had a long conversation with his royal master upon it,
who requested to see the Essay, and the specimens of African
manufactures, and bestowed considerable time upon them, being surprised
at the state of the arts there. M. Necker did not exhibit the section of
the slave ship, thinking that as the king was indisposed, he might be
too much affected by it. Louis returned the specimens, commissioning M.
Necker to convey his thanks to Mr. Clarkson, and express his
gratification at what he had seen.
"No decided benefit appears at this time to have followed the visit: but
though much depressed by his ill success in France, Mr. Clarkson
continued his labours, till excess of exertion, joined to repeated and
bitter disappointments, impaired his health, and, after a hard struggle,
subdued a constitution, naturally strong and vigorous beyond the lot of
men in general, but shattered by anxiety and fatigue, and the sad
probability, often forced upon his understanding, that all might at last
have been in vain. Under these feelings, he retired in 1794 to the
beautiful banks of Ulleswater; there to seek that rest which, without
peril to his life, could no longer be delayed.
"For seven years he had maintained a correspondence with four hundred
persons; he annually wrote a book upon the subject of the abolition, and
travelled more than thirty-five thousand miles in search of evidence,
making a great part of these journeys in the night. 'All this time,' Mr.
Clarkson writes, 'my mind had been on the stretch; it had been bent too
to this one subject; for I had not even leisure to attend to my own
concerns. The various instances of barbarity, which had come
successively to my knowledge within this period, had vexed, harassed,
and afflicted it. The wound which these had produced was rendered still
deeper by the reiterated refusal of persons to give their testimony,
after I had travelled hundreds of miles in quest of them. But the
severest stroke was that inflicted by the persecution begun and pursued
by persons interested in the continuance of the trade, of such witnesses
as had been examined against them; and whom, on account of their
dependent situation in life, it was most easy to oppress. As I had been
the means of bringing them forward on these occasions, they naturally
came to me, as the author of their miseries and their ruin.[3] These
different circumstances, by acting together, had at length brought me
into the situation just mentioned; and I was, therefore, obliged, though
very reluctantly, to be borne out of the field where I had placed the
great honour and glory of my life.'"
[3] The father of the late Samuel Whitbread, Esq., generously
undertook, in order to make Mr. Clarkson's mind easy upon the
subject, "to make good all injuries which any individuals might
suffer from such persecution;" and he honourably and nobly
fulfilled his engagement.
It was while thus recruiting the energies exhausted in the conflict,
that Clarkson, and the compatriot band with which he had been associated
in the long and arduous struggle, were crowned with victory, and
received the grateful reward of their honourable toil in the final
abolition of the slave-trade by the British nation, in 1807, the last
but most glorious act of the Grenville administration.
The preceding shows something of the career of Clarkson while labouring
to convince the people of Great Britain of the iniquity of _their own_
trade, a trade which they had the power to abolish. During all this
time, Clarkson, Wilberforce, and their associates avoided touching the
matter of _slavery_. They knew that one thing must be gained at a time,
and they as a matter of expediency, avoided discussing the duty of the
British nation in regard to the system of slavery in their Colonies
which was entirely under their own control. During all the time that was
employed in efforts to end the slave-trade, slavery was existing in the
control of the British people, and yet Clarkson and Wilberforce decided
that it was right to let that matter entirely alone.
The following shows Clarkson's proceedings after the British nation had
abolished the slave-trade.
"By the publication of his Thoughts on the Abolition of Slavery, Mr.
Clarkson showed that neither he nor those connected with him, considered
their work as accomplished, when the laws of his country clasped with
its felons those engaged in the nefarious traffic of slaves. But the
efforts of Mr. Clarkson were not confined to his pen. In 1818, he
proceeded to Aix la Chapelle, at the time when the sovereigns of Europe
met in congress. He was received with marked attention by the Emperor of
Russia, who listened to his statements (respecting the _slave-trade_,)
and promised to use his influence with the assembled monarchs, to secure
the entire suppression of the trade in human beings, as speedily as
possible. Describing his interview with this amiable monarch, in which
the subject of peace societies, as well as the abolition of the
slave-trade was discussed, Mr. Clarkson, in a letter to a friend, thus
writes:
"'It was about nine at night, when I was shown into the emperor's
apartment. I found him alone. He met me at the door, and shaking me by
the hand, said, 'I had the pleasure of making your acquaintance at
Paris.' He then led me some little way into the room, and leaving me
there, went forward and brought me a chair with his own hand, and
desired me to sit down. This being done, he went for another chair, and
bringing it very near to mine, placed himself close to me, so that we
sat opposite to each other.
"'I began the conversation by informing the emperor that as I supposed
the congress of Aix la Chapelle might possibly be the last congress of
sovereigns for settling the affairs of Europe, its connexions and
dependencies, I had availed myself of the kind permission he gave me at
Paris, of applying to him in behalf of the oppressed Africans, being
unwilling to lose the last opportunity of rendering him serviceable to
the cause.
"'The emperor replied, that he had read both my letter and my address to
the sovereigns, and that what I asked him and the other sovereigns to
do, was only reasonable.
"'Here I repeated the two great propositions in the address--the
necessity of bringing the Portuguese time for continuing the trade
(which did not expire till 1825, and then only with a condition,) down
to the Spanish time, which expired in 1820; and secondly, when the two
times should legally have expired, (that is, both of them in 1820,) then
to make any farther continuance _piracy_. I entreated him not to be
deceived by any other propositions; for that Mr. Wilberforce, myself,
and others, who had devoted our time to this subject, were sure that no
other measure would be effectual.
"'He then said very feelingly in these words, 'By the providence of God,
I and my kingdom have been saved from a merciless tyranny, (alluding to
the invasion of Napoleon,) and I should but ill repay the blessing, if I
were not to do every thing in my power to protect the poor Africans
against their oppression also.'
"'The emperor then asked if he could do any thing else for our cause. I
told him he could; and that I should be greatly obliged to him if he
would present one of the addresses to the Emperor of Austria, and
another to the King of Prussia, _with his own hand_. I had brought two
of them in my pocket for the purpose. He asked me why I had not
presented them before. I replied that I had not the honour of knowing
either of those sovereigns as I knew him; nor any of their ministers;
and that I was not only fearful lest these addresses would not be
presented to them, but even if they were, that coming into their hands
without any recommendation, they would be laid aside and not read; on
the other hand, if he (the emperor,) would condescend to present them,
I was sure they would be read, and that coming from him, they would come
with a weight of influence, which would secure an attention to their
contents. Upon this, the emperor promised, in the most kind and affable
manner, that he would perform the task I had assigned to him.
"'We then rose from our seats to inspect some articles of manufacture,
which I had brought with me as a present to him, and which had been laid
upon the table. We examined the articles in leather first, one by one,
with which he was uncommonly gratified. He said they exhibited not only
genius but taste. He inquired if they tanned their own leather, and how:
I replied to his question. He said he had never seen neater work, either
in Petersburg or in London. He then looked at a dagger and its scabbard
or sheath. I said the sheath was intended as a further, but more
beautiful specimen of the work of the poor Africans in leather; and the
blade of their dagger as a specimen of their work in iron. Their works
in cotton next came under our notice. There was one piece which
attracted his particular notice, and which was undoubtedly very
beautiful. It called from him this observation, 'Manchester,' said he,
'I think is your great place for manufactures of this sort--do you think
they could make a better piece of cotton there?' I told him I had never
seen a better piece of workmanship of the kind any where. Having gone
over all the articles, the emperor desired me to inform him whether he
was to understand that these articles were made by the Africans in their
own country, that is, in their native villages, or _after they had
arrived in America_, where they would have an opportunity of seeing
European manufactures, and experienced workmen in the arts? I replied
that such articles might be found in every African village, both on the
coast and in the interior, and that they were samples of their own
ingenuity, without any connexion with Europeans. 'Then,' said the
emperor, 'you astonish me--you have given me a new idea of the state of
these poor people. I was not aware that they were so advanced in
society. The works you have shown me are not the works of brutes--but of
men, endued with rational and intellectual powers, and capable of being
brought to as high a degree of proficiency as any other men. _Africa
ought to have a fair chance of raising her character in the scale of the
civilized world._' I replied that it was this cruel traffic alone, which
had prevented Africa from rising to a level with other nations; and that
it was only astonishing to me that the natives there had, under its
impeding influence, arrived at the perfection which had displayed itself
in the specimens of workmanship he had just seen.'"
Animated by a growing conviction of the righteousness of the cause in
which he was engaged, and encouraged by the success with which past
endeavours had been crowned, Mr. Clarkson continued his efficient
co-operation with the friends of Abolition, advocating its claims on all
suitable occasions.
It would be superfluous to recount the steps by which, even before the
venerated Wilberforce was called to his rest, this glorious event was
realized, and Clarkson beheld the great object of his own life, and
those with whom he had acted, triumphantly achieved. The gratitude
cherished towards the Supreme Ruler for the boon thus secured to the
oppressed--the satisfaction which a review of past exertions afforded,
were heightened by the joyous sympathy of a large portion of his
countrymen.[4]
[4] This account of Clarkson, and the preceding one of Wilberforce,
are taken from the Christian Keepsake of 1836 and 1837.
The History of the Abolition of the Slave-trade, by Clarkson himself,
presents a more detailed account of his own labours and of the labours
of others, and whoever will read it, will observe the following
particulars in which this effort differed from the Abolition movement
in America.
In the first place, it was conducted by some of the wisest and most
talented statesmen, as well as the most pious men, in the British
nation. Pitt, Fox, and some of the highest of the nobility and bishops
in England, were the firmest friends of the enterprise from the first.
It was conducted by men who had the intellect, knowledge, discretion,
and wisdom demanded for so great an enterprise.
Secondly. It was conducted slowly, peaceably, and by eminently judicious
influences.
Thirdly. It included, to the full extent, the doctrine of expediency
denounced by Abolitionists.
One of the first decisions of the "Committee for the Abolition of the
Slave-trade," which conducted all Abolition movements, was that
_slavery_ should not be attacked, but only the _slave-trade_; and
Clarkson expressly says, that it was owing to this, more than to any
other measure, that success was gained.
Fourthly. Good men were not divided, and thrown into contending
parties.--The opponents to the measure, were only those who were
personally interested in the perpetuation of slavery or the slave-trade.
Fifthly. This effort was one to convince men of their _own_ obligations,
and not an effort to arouse public sentiment against the sinful
practices of another community over which they had no control.
I would now ask, why could not some southern gentleman, such for example
as Mr. Birney, whose manners, education, character, and habits give him
abundant facilities, have acted the part of Clarkson, and quietly have
gone to work at the South, collecting facts, exhibiting the impolicy and
the evils, to good men at the South, by the fire-side of the planter,
the known home of hospitality and chivalry. Why could he not have
commenced with the most vulnerable point, the _domestic slave-trade_,
leaving emancipation for a future and more favourable period? What right
has any one to say that there was no southern Wilberforce that would
have arisen, no southern Grant, Macaulay or Sharpe, who, like the
English philanthropists, would have stood the fierce beating of angry
billows, and by patience, kindness, arguments, facts, eloquence, and
Christian love, convinced the skeptical, enlightened the ignorant,
excited the benevolent, and finally have carried the day at the South,
by the same means and measures, as secured the event in England? All
experience is in favour of the method which the Abolitionists have
rejected, because it involves _danger to themselves_. The cause they
have selected is one that stands alone.--No case parallel on earth can
be brought to sustain it, with probabilities of good results. No
instance can be found, where exciting the public sentiment of one
community against evil practices in another, was ever made the means of
eradicating those evils. All the laws of mind, all the records of
experience, go against the measures that Abolitionists have taken, and
in favour of the one they have rejected. And when we look still farther
ahead, at results which time is to develope, how stand the probabilities,
when we, in judging, again take, as data, the laws of mind and the
records of experience?
What are the plans, hopes, and expectations of Abolitionists, in
reference to their measures? They are now labouring to make the North a
great Abolition Society,--to convince every northern man that slavery at
the South is a great sin, and that it ought immediately to cease.
Suppose they accomplish this to the extent they hope,--so far as we have
seen, the more the North is convinced, the more firmly the South rejects
the light, and turns from the truth.
While Abolition Societies did not exist, men could talk and write, at
the South, against the evils of slavery, and northern men had free
access and liberty of speech, both at the South and at the North. But
now all is changed. Every avenue of approach to the South is shut. No
paper, pamphlet, or preacher, that touches on that topic, is admitted in
their bounds. Their own citizens, that once laboured and remonstrated,
are silenced; their own clergy, under the influence of the exasperated
feelings of their people, and their own sympathy and sense of wrong,
either entirely hold their peace, or become the defenders of a system
they once lamented, and attempted to bring to an end. This is the record
of experience as to the tendencies of Abolitionism, as thus far
developed. The South are now in just that state of high exasperation, at
the sense of wanton injury and impertinent interference, which makes the
influence of truth and reason most useless and powerless.
But suppose the Abolitionists succeed, not only in making northern men
Abolitionists, but also in sending a portion of light into the South,
such as to form a body of Abolitionists there also. What is the thing
that is to be done to end slavery at the South? It is to _alter the
laws_, and to do this, a small minority must begin a long, bitter,
terrible conflict with a powerful and exasperated majority. Now if, as
the Abolitionists hope, there will arise at the South such a minority,
it will doubtless consist of men of religious and benevolent
feelings,--men of that humane, and generous, and upright spirit, that
most keenly feel the injuries inflicted on their fellow men. Suppose
such a band of men begin their efforts, sustained by the northern
Abolitionists, already so odious. How will the exasperated majority act,
according to the known laws of mind and of experience? Instead of
lessening the evils of slavery, they will increase them. The more they
are goaded by a sense of aggressive wrong without, or by fears of
dangers within, the more they will restrain their slaves, and diminish
their liberty, and increase their disabilities. They will make laws so
unjust and oppressive, not only to slaves, but to their Abolitionist
advocates, that by degrees such men will withdraw from their bounds.
Laws will be made expressly to harass them, and to render them so
uncomfortable that they must withdraw. Then gradually the righteous will
flee from the devoted city. Then the numerical proportion of whites will
decrease, and the cruelty and unrestrained wickedness of the system will
increase, till a period will come when the physical power will be so
much with the blacks, their sense of suffering so increased, that the
volcano will burst,--insurrection and servile wars will begin. Oh, the
countless horrors of such a day! And will the South stand alone in that
burning hour? When she sends forth the wailing of her agonies, shall not
the North and the West hear, and lift up together the voice of wo? Will
not fathers hear the cries of children, and brothers the cries of
sisters? Will the terrors of insurrection sweep over the South, and no
Northern and Western blood be shed? Will the slaves be cut down, in such
a strife, when they raise the same paean song of liberty and human
rights, that was the watchword of our redemption from far less dreadful
tyranny, and which is now thrilling the nations and shaking monarchs on
their thrones--will this be heard, and none of the sons of liberty be
found to appear on their side? This is no picture of fancied dangers,
which are not near. The day has come, when already the feelings are so
excited on both sides, that I have heard intelligent men, good men,
benevolent and pious men, in moments of excitement, declare themselves
ready to take up the sword--some for the defence of the master, some for
the protection and right of the slave. It is my full conviction, that if
insurrection does burst forth, and there be the least prospect of
success to the cause of the slave, there will be men from the North and
West, standing breast to breast, with murderous weapons, in opposing
ranks.
Such apprehensions many would regard as needless, and exclaim against
such melancholy predictions. But in a case where the whole point of
duty and expediency turns upon the probabilities as to results, those
probabilities ought to be the chief subjects of inquiry. True, no one
has a right to say with confidence what will or what will not be; and it
has often amazed and disturbed my mind to perceive how men, with so
small a field of vision,--with so little data for judging,--with so few
years, and so little experience, can pronounce concerning the results of
measures bearing upon the complicated relations and duties of millions,
and in a case where the wisest and best are dismayed and baffled. It
sometimes has seemed to me that the prescience of Deity alone should
dare to take such positions as are both carelessly assumed, and
pertinaciously defended, by the advocates of Abolitionism.