CHAPTER XXIV.

"THE STOUT EARL" AND "THE FOREIGN WOMAN."

It was the spring of 1470 when Warwick left the shores of England,

accompanied by the Duke of Clarence, by the Countess of Warwick, and by

her two daughters. The king-maker sailed toward Calais, of which, since

1455, he had been captain-general. At Calais Warwick expected welcome

and safety. Such, indeed, had been his influence in the city in former

days that his dismissal by the Lancastrian king had proved an idle

ceremony; and, moreover, he relied with confidence on the fidelity of

Lord Vauclerc, a Gascon, whom, years before, he had left as his deputy

in the government.

Warwick was doomed to disappointment. News of the earl's rupture with

the king had preceded him to Calais; and, as his ships approached

the city of refuge, Vauclerc, far from according to his patron the

anticipated welcome, ordered the artillery of the fort to be pointed

against the fleet. This was not the worst. While the exiles, somewhat

perplexed, lay before Calais, the Duchess of Clarence became a mother;

and the earl appealed to the governor's humanity to admit her into the

city. But Vauclerc resolutely refused to countenance Edward's enemies,

and the Gascon was with no slight difficulty persuaded to send on board

two flagons of wine. Even the privilege of baptism in the city, which

stood as a monument of the Continental triumphs of the Plantagenets,

was refused to the infant destined to be the last male heir of that

illustrious race.

Vauclerc, however, gave the earl information by no means valueless,

in the shape of a warning that on putting to sea he must beware where

he landed, as the myrmidons of Burgundy were on the watch to seize

him. At the same time, he took occasion secretly to send an apology

to Warwick, and to represent his conduct as being entirely guided by

zeal for the earl's safety. "Calais," said he, "is ill-supplied with

provisions; the garrison can not be depended on; the inhabitants,

who live by the English commerce, will certainly take part with the

established government; and the city is in no condition to resist

England on one side and Burgundy on the other. It is better, therefore,

that I should seem to declare for Edward, and keep the fortress in my

power till it is safe to deliver it to you." Warwick was not, probably,

in a very credulous mood; but he took Vauclerc's explanation for what

it was worth, ordered the anchors to be hauled up, and, having defied

Burgundy's enmity by seizing some Flemish ships that lay off Calais,

sailed toward the coast of Normandy.

King Edward, on hearing of Vauclerc's refusal to admit Warwick,

expressed himself highly pleased with the deputy-governor,

and manifested his approval by sending the Gascon a patent

as Captain-general of Calais. Burgundy, not to be behind his

brother-in-law, dispatched Philip de Comines to announce to Vauclerc

that he should have a pension of a thousand crowns for life, and to

keep him true to his principles. Vauclerc must have laughed in his

sleeve at all this. "Never man," says Sir Richard Baker, "was better

paid for one act of dissembling."

Meanwhile, Warwick landed at Harfleur, where his reception was all

that could have been wished. The governor welcomed the exiles with

every token of respect, escorted the ladies to Valognes, and hastened

to communicate Warwick's arrival to the king. Louis exhibited the most

unbounded confidence in the earl's fortunes. Indeed, so confident in

the king-maker's alliance was the crafty monarch, that he prepared

to brave the united enmity of Edward of England and Charles of

Burgundy. Without delay he invited the great exile to court; and,

as Warwick and Clarence--whom Warwick then intended to place on the

English throne--rode toward Amboise, their journey excited the utmost

curiosity. Every where the inhabitants were eager to see "The Stout

Earl;" and Jacques Bonnehomme came from his cabin to gaze on the man

who made and unmade kings, and who, unlike the nobles of France, took

pride in befriending the people in peace and sparing them in war.

At Amboise Warwick met with a reception which must have been gratifying

to his pride. Louis was profuse of compliments and lavish of promises.

The French king, however, took occasion to suggest to Warwick the

expediency of finding some more adequate instrument than Clarence

wherewith to work out his projects; and the English earl, bent on

avenging England's injuries and his own, listened with patience, even

when Louis proposed an alliance with Lancaster.

Ere this Margaret was on the alert. When, in the autumn of 1469,

the exiled queen learned that the house of York was divided against

itself, and that the king and the king-maker were mortal foes, she

left her retreat at Verdun, and, with her son, repaired to the French

king at Tours. Thither, to renew their adhesion to the Red Rose,

came, among other Lancastrians, Jasper Tudor, Earl of Pembroke, who

had been wandering over Europe like a vagabond, and Henry Holland,

Duke of Exeter, and Edmund Beaufort, Duke of Somerset, with his

brother John, who, since the rout of Hexham, had been lurking in

Flanders, concealing their names and quality, and suffering all

those inconveniences that arise from the ill-assorted union of

pride and poverty. A man bearing a nobler name, and gifted with a

higher intellect than Tudors, Hollands, or Beauforts, now joined the

Lancastrian exiles. It was John De Vere, Earl of Oxford.

At the beginning of the contentions of York and Lancaster, the De Veres

naturally took part against the misleaders of the monk-monarch, and as

late, at least, as 1455, John, twelfth Earl of Oxford, was a friend

of the duke. Oxford, however, was not prepared for a transfer of the

crown; and when the dispute assumed the form of a dynastic war, he

took the losing side, and in 1461 was beheaded on Tower Hill, with his

eldest son, Aubrey. At the time of the old earl's execution, his second

son, John, was twenty-three; and, being husband of Margaret Neville,

the sister of Warwick, he was allowed to remain undisturbed in England,

to bear the title of Oxford, and, without taking any part in politics,

to maintain feudal state at Wyvenhoe and Castle Hedlingham. Oxford,

however, was "linked in the closest friendship with Warwick;" and when

the Yorkist king shook off the influence of "The Stout Earl," England

was no longer a place of safety for the chief of the De Veres. In 1470

Oxford followed his great brother-in-law to France, hoping, perhaps,

to mediate between Warwick and the Lancastrian queen who had ever hated

the earl as her mightiest foe.

At this period Margaret of Anjou had seen forty summers, and,

doubtless, felt somewhat less strongly than in earlier days the

ambition which had animated her before Wakefield and Hexham. But the

Prince of Wales was now in his eighteenth year, and, inspired by

maternal love, she was ready, in order to regain the crown for him, to

brave new dangers and endure fresh hardships.

Young Edward was, indeed, a prince on whom a mother might well look

with pride. Every thing had been done to make him worthy of the throne

he had been born to inherit. Fortescue had instructed the royal boy in

the duties necessary for his enacting the part of "a patriot king;"

and, while engaged in studies so grave, the prince had not neglected

those accomplishments essential to his rank. Ere leaving Verdun he had

become a handsome and interesting youth. His bearing was chivalrous;

his manner graceful; his countenance of almost feminine beauty, shaded

with fair hair, and lighted up with a blue eye that sparkled with valor

and intelligence. Such, arrayed in the short purple jacket trimmed with

ermine, the badge of St. George on his breast, and a single ostrich

feather--his cognizance as Prince of Wales--in his high cap, was the

heir of Lancaster, whom Margaret of Anjou presented to the devoted

adherents of the Red Rose, who, having lost every thing else, came to

the French court to place their swords at his disposal.

Louis was now in his element; and to reconcile the Yorkist earl and the

Lancastrian queen, he exerted all his powers of political intrigue. His

task, indeed, was not easy. Warwick had accused Margaret of plotting

against his life, and murdering his father. Margaret had charged

Warwick--whom she hated more bitterly even than she had hated the Duke

of York--with depriving her of a crown, and destroying her reputation.

The earl's wish, in the event of deposing Edward, still was to place

Clarence on the throne; and, even since quarreling with the Yorkist

king, he had taken part against the Lancastrians. The queen was, on

her part, utterly averse to friendship with her ancient adversary.

"My wounds," she exclaimed, "must bleed till doomsday, when to GOD'S

justice I will appeal for vengeance!"

Most men would have regarded the case as desperate. But Louis viewed

it in another light. Between the queen and the earl, indeed, there

was a wide gulph, in which ran the blood of slaughtered friends and

kinsmen; but one sentiment the queen without a crown and the earl

without an earldom had in common--an intense antipathy to Edward of

York. Moreover, the Prince of Wales had, on some festive occasion, seen

Anne Neville, the earl's daughter, and the sight had inspired him with

one of those romantic attachments which call into action the tenderest

sympathies and the noblest aspirations. A fear that Margaret and

Warwick would never consent to a union might have daunted young Edward,

but Louis had seen more of the world. He knew that Warwick could hardly

see the prince without being covetous to have him as a son-in-law; and

he knew that Margaret would be prompted by the ambition of a queen, and

the tenderness of a mother, to recover by compromise the crown which

she had been unable to gain by force. In one important respect the

mind of Louis was made up--that, on all points, he would intrigue and

negotiate with an eye to his own profit.

Louis had correctly calculated the effect of circumstances on those

with whom he had to deal. The earl, being flesh and blood, could not

resist the prospect of a throne for his daughter, and indicated his

readiness to make peace. Margaret was not quite so reasonable; but, at

length, she yielded so far as to agree to a meeting with the man whom

she had accused of piercing her heart with wounds that could never be

healed.

Accordingly, a conference was appointed; and in June, 1470, Warwick, in

the Castle of Amboise, met the queen, from the brow of whose husband

he had torn the English crown, and the prince, the illegitimacy of

whose birth he had proclaimed at Paul's Cross. Now, however, the earl

was prepared to give his hand in friendship to one, and his daughter

as wife to the other. He offered to restore Henry of Windsor, if

Margaret would consent to unite the Prince of Wales to Anne Neville.

Margaret, however, felt the sharpness of the sacrifice, and, after some

hesitation, asked for time to consider the proposal.

Ere the time expired, the queen's aversion to the match was

strengthened. She showed Louis a letter from England, in which the

hand of Edward's daughter, Elizabeth, then recognized as heiress to

the crown, was offered to her son. "Is not that," she asked, "a more

profitable party? And if it be necessary to forgive, is it not more

queenly to treat with Edward than with a twofold rebel?" Louis, who

was bent on business, did not relish such talk as this. To Margaret

he became so cool, that she could hardly help seeing he would have

thought little of throwing her interests overboard. To Warwick he was

all kindness, declaring that he cared far more for the earl than he did

either for Margaret or her son, and even giving an assurance that he

would aid Warwick to conquer England for any one he chose.

Margaret perceived that it was no time for exhibitions of vindictive

feeling; and, with undisguised reluctance, she consented to the match.

After thus sacrificing her long-cherished prejudices, the exiled queen

proceeded to Angers, on a visit to the Countess of Warwick and to Anne

Neville, at that time in her sixteenth year. Preparations were then

made for the marriage which was to cement the new alliance, and, in

July, the daughter of "The Stout Earl" was solemnly espoused to the son

of "The Foreign Woman."

About this time there arrived at Calais an English lady of quality,

who stated that she was on her way to join the Duchess of Clarence.

Vauclerc, believing that she brought overtures of peace from Edward

to Warwick, and feeling a strong interest in the reconciliation of

the king and the earl, allowed her to pass, and she found her way

to Angers, where the marriage was then being celebrated. The errand

of this lady was not quite so amiable as Vauclerc had supposed. On

arriving at Angers, she revealed herself to Clarence as having been

sent by his brothers to tempt him to betray Warwick--to implore him, at

all events, not to aid in the subversion of their father's house.

Clarence was just in the state of mind to be worked upon by a skillful

diplomatist; and the female embassador executed her mission with a

craft that Louis might have envied. The duke, so long as he had simply

been taking part in a feud between Warwick and the Woodvilles, was all

zeal for the earl, and not without hope that he himself might profit

by the strife; but no sooner did the weak prince find himself engaged

with the adherents of the Red Rose in a contest to substitute the heir

of the house of Lancaster for the chief of the house of York, than he

began to pause and ponder. At this stage the lady of quality appeared

at Angers, and managed her part of the business with the requisite

dexterity; in fact, Clarence declared that he was not so great an enemy

to his brother as was supposed, and he promised, significantly, to

prove that such was the case when he reached England. The lady departed

from Angers, and returned to Edward's court with a full assurance that

her mission would produce important results.

The bridal of the prince and Anne Neville having been celebrated,

Warwick and Oxford prepared to return to England. Fortune, with fickle

smile, cheered the king-maker's enterprise. Every thing was promising;

for the English people, since Warwick had been exiled to a foreign

strand, complained that England without "The Stout Earl" was like a

world without a sun; and day after day came messengers to tell that

thousands of men were ready to take up arms in his cause whenever he

set foot on his native soil.

Delay was not to be thought of under such circumstances. The earl did

not lose any time. With Pembroke and Clarence, and Oxford and George

De Vere, Oxford's brother, he went on board the fleet that lay at

Harfleur. The French coast was not, indeed, clear; for Burgundy had

fitted out a fleet, which blockaded Harfleur and the mouth of the

Seine. But even the elements favored Warwick at this crisis of his

career. A storm arising dispersed the duke's fleet; and, next morning,

the weather being fine, the earl and the Lancastrians gave their

sails to the wind, and, confident of bringing their enterprise to a

successful issue, left behind them the coast of Normandy.

The Wars of the Roses; or, Stories of the Struggle of York and Lancaster · 第 24 / 52 章