Ganem, Bagharny, Foor, and Wady, are eastward in rotation from Bornou,
on the southern route to Masser (Egypt) and the Holy Land, called Shem,
or Shemo. The principal stages, or places where pilgrims and travellers
alight to refresh, are marked in the map called Soudan, from Wady to
Upper Egypt. The Shary is a great river, running easterly into the Nile,
at Sennar. More than these general outlines of Bornou and the districts
eastward of that empire, I dare not take upon myself to give, for all
those countries were but imperfectly known to my informers, as they
confessed themselves. From Wady to Egypt it is fifty-three days direct,
or sixty by the usual track through the heart of Sennar and Nubia.
Another route called, by way of distinction, the direct track from
Coomassy, or from Salgha to Youry in Haoussa, takes from the Aswada
river through Tonouma, Simmer, and the mountains of Gofil and Yarako to
Zogho, the metropolis of the kingdom so called. From thence through part
of Killinga to the Ghulby, in the neighbourhood of Nikky or Kook; then
over the river to the kingdom of Bargho and that part of Killinga which
stretches away to the south western banks of the Koara, and which
contains the kingdoms and principalities of Baman and Zamberma in the
west; and Batako, Wawa, and Fagh, in the east. This is a road as well
beaten, and, perhaps, as safe as any in Africa; and by this channel
there is a constant communication kept up with Haoussa, Killinga, Kaima,
Maury, Atagaru, and Yakoo. The towns on this route (from Salgha) are
Bokoky, Yanomo, and Kanyasha[165]; the last mentioned a city of great
renown in Tonouma. From Kanyasha, to Kadanki, Cabouto, and Konjasi
another city of some magnitude near the neighbourhood of the Komashar
river, or perhaps a branch of it, which explores a course through Dahomy
in its passage to the sea; and which I imagine to be the Logos, or
connected with that river. From Konjasi the road leads on to Zonkoma,
Jadagho, and Keno, another capital city of Dagomba, where the Moslems
are very powerful. From Keno, over the mountains to Gofil, a frontier
town of Zogho, on the south west. These mountains, which are described
to be very lofty, precipitous, and barren, and which usually occupy the
traveller three days, to traverse from south west to north east, are the
natural boundaries between Zogho and that part of Dagomba which is
governed by the sovereigns of Yandy, the former power having from time
to time made great encroachments on the latter district. To Gofil, which
is eleven journies E.SE. from Salgha, or about one hundred and seventy
British miles, (horizontal) I have assigned the latitude of 9° 45′
north, longitude 2° 39′ east. The Yagah tribes, who are heathens, lay to
the right of it, or easterly. The Ayoh, and their lake, are in the
south; the latter distant from it five good stages. Khimbee, and the
“land of the great waters which flow to Benin,” are still further to the
east.
From Gofil the road leads on to Arjou, Motom, and over another chain of
mountains in Zogho, of two good days march to Yarakoo, from whence it is
one more journey to the city of Zogho. This, as I have elsewhere
observed, is a place of very great importance as regards its relations
both commercial and political, with all parts of Wangara; and with
Killinga, Haoussa, Dagomba, and Yarraba. Its influence between the
longitudinal parallels of the Volta and Callebar rivers, is said to be
bounded only by the ocean.
The Moslems are incredibly numerous in these parts; the government
exclusively belongs to them, and more than half the population of the
empire are probably of the Mohammedan faith. To Zogho I have assigned
the latitude 10° 27′, longitude 3° 34′ east, and which I have reason to
think will not be found to be many miles from its true position. It is
distant from the ocean at the nighest point of approximation (near its
parallel, the Logos river,) twenty journies or little more than three
hundred horizontal miles. And Yandy, to which I have assigned 9° 42′
north latitude, 1° 14′ east longitude, is distant from the sea coast in
the neighbourhood of Whydah no more than fifteen journies, or about two
hundred and forty horizontal miles.
From Zogho the traders journey forward to Dankou, then over a forest of
small dimensions to Salano, a town of considerable note. The route then
inclines north, through Jambodo, Sooso, and Corerey to the capital city
of Kook, a station of the Moslems, and a place of great trade on the
Ghulby. To Kook I have assigned a station in my map at 11° 50′ latitude
north, and 4° 45′ east longitude. From Kook to Nikky the capital of
Bargho, or Killinga, it is no more than two stages by land. The whole
distance from Salgha to Nikky being no more than twenty-five journeys,
or about four hundred miles (horizontal distance). This will assign to
Nikky a station at the latitude 12° 7′ north, longitude 5° 12′ east.
From Nikky to the Niger, in the neighbourhood of Youry (the most
powerful of the kingdoms tributary to the government of Haoussa,) it is
no more than twelve days, or short of two hundred miles horizontal,
making the whole distance from Salgha to that station upon its banks, no
more than thirty-eight moderate journies, or fifty-two from Coomassy.
The towns on the route from Nikky to Youry are, first Rougha, a place of
great magnitude on the Ghulby; over that river to Sabonsara; then Wory,
a city also of the first class in Baman; then Roa, Ghado, Doshi, Confi,
and Wado, the metropolis of Wawa. From Wado to Sholo, and Ghasaghasa,
where the Koara is crossed over to Youry, which is distant about half a
day from the river. To Youry, therefore, I have assigned the latitude of
14° 30′ north, longitude 7° 33′ east. The Noufy lake and town are seven
journies to the east or south east of Youry; Bousa is midway on that
track, and it is eight journies more to Kassina, by the route north of
the Koara. From Youry to Timbuctoo it is twenty-six journies westerly by
the route north of the Koara, through Kaby and Ghou. Bargho, better
known to the eastern Moslems by the name of Killinga, is a kingdom of
equal renown with Zogho, and the Moslems are, in most of its districts,
in greater numbers than the heathens.[166]
The Jews of Soudan are, according to my informers, divided into many
large and small tribes, with whose names they are unacquainted. Their
mode of life in some countries is pastoral; but the towns are filled
with traders and artificers of that faith, who gain a subsistence at
their several employments, in the service of the Moslems, under whose
government they live as vassals. This, in reference to Mr. Bowdich’s
kingdom of “Yahoodie,” I may be permitted to say, is the only state of
society in which that oppressed nation is suffered to live; and the
tribes, without security in their possessions, without public revenue or
arms, are hourly exposed to insult and rapine from the blind zeal and
active bigotry by which their lords are animated in those countries. The
lands occupied by these people cover a wide extent, between Massina and
Kaby. They are said to be mingled also with the upper Foulaha tribes,
eastward of Timbuctoo, and in many parts of Marroa they have
inheritances or are employed as artificers in the cities and towns; “As
we live among the heathens,” said the Bashaw, “so do the Jews in Marroa
and Fillany with our brethren; but they are not esteemed like us, for
they are a people hardened in their sins and obstinate in infidelity;
the anger of God is upon them, and therefore are they given to the rule
of the Moslems, until they shall become incorporated with the faithful.
The tribes are not black, but of a colour resembling the Arabs of the
north. But what is more material, these Soudanic Jews are reported to
have been the original inhabitants thereabout, before the Arabs were
acquainted with central Africa. They are, perhaps, distinguished from
the Hebrews, the posterity of Abraham, inasmuch as I never heard them
described under the appellation of Bani Israel; although that name must
have been familiar to the Moslems from the pages of the Koran; and I
found, in antecedent conversations, upon the subject of Egypt, they were
well informed of the events which befel the children of Israel in the
days of Moses. The estimation in which the Moslems of Wangara hold the
glorious reign of Solomon, King of Israel, is equal to that of their
northern brethren; and does not materially vary from the translations
that have been given of the works of Arabian authors who have written
fictitious popular tales known in Europe as such, and which occasionally
refer to that age or the relics of that miraculous power over the
elements and invisible spirits with which Solomon was entrusted. I shall
not, however, tire the patience of the reader with what might be too
marvellous for the comprehension of any but a Moslem. It will be
sufficient to say, that the introduction of the Jews to Soudan is a
subject worthy of investigation. If my information be well grounded, and
a correspondence could by any means be opened with these insulated
tribes, much important information relative to the early ages in Africa,
might be derived through their agency, as they would have been the first
people, it is presumed, who were gifted with the art of writing. These
tribes, whether Hebrew or African, wandered, it is believed, originally
from the neighbourhood of Upper Egypt, while the children of Israel were
held in captivity.
The countries westward of Gaman are but little known to the Ashantees,
who court no alliance in that quarter, nor does an Ashantee trader ever
venture his person beyond the distance of fourteen journies west. In the
north they sometimes travel as far as Aughoa, the capital of the heathen
kingdom of Mousee, whose position is to the south of Magho, and to the
east of Kasogho. Aughoa is distant from Coomassie twenty-five journies
by the Salgha and Yandy Roads, which would give a distance of three
hundred and sixty British miles. Their object in frequenting this place
is to collect that vegetable substance called in Park’s Travels by the
name of Shea Butter, although oftentimes they draw their supplies from a
forest in Banna, near the town of Kantano its capital, where it does not
grow so spontaneous, nor are the trees so prolific.
The Ashantees now constantly visit Ghofan, south of the Aswada, and
sometimes also Baddim,[167] a district in Manding by a circuitous route,
avoiding the territory of Kong, which is considered politically hostile
to their country, and occasionally, although very rarely, they visit the
Niger at Sago, where the Moslems say a remnant of one of the tribes fled
during a former reign, and are to this day retained in the service of
the king of that country, but in these journies they must first consult
their safety by a religious escort, or by their ability to obtain the
use of the king’s name.
Eastward, the Ashantees rarely visit Dahomy, and never Benin. Between
the feelings of the three courts there is a rankling, although somewhat
torpid inclination to hostility, founded upon jealousy and maritime
influence. As regards Dahomy, Mr. Bowdich was misinformed if he was told
that the kings of Ashantee and Dahomy had but once exchanged
compliments, for it is a practice which is politically adopted on
various occasions. At Benin, the Ashantees have no friends, consequently
there is no correspondence between the two courts.
The NE. is mainly the track of amity and alliance, and this, which is
one of the most beaten roads in Africa, the Ashantees travel over
without scruple, but mostly in the society of Moslems, to Salgha,
Tonoma, Ghamba, Yandy, and other parts of Dagomba. Sometimes these
traders extend their journies to Kook, Makrari, Nikky, &c. and
sometimes, although less frequently, to the Koara at Haoussa. But in
these latter excursions they require the aid of the Moslems as religious
protectors.
More to the northward of east, there is another great track leading
through Dagomba to the great kingdom of Magho on the Ghulby. This road
the traders are also familiar with, and they now and then extend their
journey as far as Ghoroma, and more rarely to the northward of that
station, but never without the usual precaution. It is a fact of
notoriety in the countries of Wangara, that no heathen can be perfectly
secure in his person and property beyond the precincts of his
sovereign’s jurisdiction, excepting, however, the character of
ambassador, whose person should be held inviolate, that of king’s
merchant or trader which is equally sacred, hunters of elephants in the
king’s name, and on his account; and lastly, men of rank, or others
whose influence or interest at court is powerful enough to gain for them
a travelling protection by the use of the king’s name, and
recommendation to other sovereigns and princes. These, and only such
characters, are passports for the subjects of Ashantee, by which they
may travel in security, and this maxim, I am credibly assured, relates
not only to the empire in question, but also to all the heathen kingdoms
thereabouts. It is the practice to arrest all strangers upon the
confines, and conduct them to court, where the _palaver_ is discussed,
and the fate of the intruder, should he have ventured without the
necessary precautions, terminates either in detention, slavery, or
death. Hence the favour of using the king’s name is great, and the king
of Ashantee never confers it except upon those whom he has confidence
in, as men of ability and prudence.
The Moslems, as it has been stated, may travel secure and unmolested in
all known parts of the African continent, yet such of them as are
subject to the rule of heathen princes, will not willingly venture their
persons in the territory of a hostile state; like the heathens they may
not pursue a direct journey to the place of their destination, avoiding
thereby the capital cities and abodes of princes and sovereigns, but
must directly shape a course to the metropolis of each kingdom, there to
participate in the hospitality of the court, to make known their
intentions, and to claim the protection of the sovereign as far as his
influence may extend,[168] and all this may be accomplished by the
Moslem with or without a present, as his property or circumstances
suggest themselves to his royal host. Nay, on the journey from Coomassy
to Haoussa, he seldom disburses a mitskal of gold or cowrees (the value
of ten shillings) but, on the contrary, is frequently a gainer by the
generosity of princes, and his daily wants are moreover liberally
supplied at their expence, and oftentimes with unbounded hospitality.
The river of Sago and Janny is called by the natives of those countries
Joulaba, (or Jolliba) they have also distinct names for the other
rivers, that flow into and from the Dibber, but the Arabs call the water
Bahar Neel, or Neel Zakhar, the swelling Nile.
Ghimbala, the Jimbala of Park, is a sort of principality dependent upon
the sovereign of Massina, and Wakwari is the metropolis of the country.
I did not meet with a man who had visited the celebrated city of
Timbuctoo, although I conversed with two or three whose travels extended
to Sago and Janny. The travellers frequently saw canoes and caravans
arrive at Janny, from the interior, by the way of Walet Tuano, or
Timbuctoo; the latter journey, which they also performed by land,
occupied seven days, the route lying through Ghimbala and Massina. The
journey from Janny to Walet, cities purely Moslem, took up ten days, in
the direction of the Great Desert, west of Massina. The Moslems were
reported to be very numerous on the southern plains; but the unbelievers
were not less so in the mountains which separate Fillany from Bambara,
and the greater proportion of both sects marked their faces and bodies
with cuts or punctures, to distinguish the tribes they belonged to, the
same as is practised in Sarem and Ghunja. During my informer’s residence
at Janny, he had seen many opulent traders arrive from Ismaelia
(Mauritania), from Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli. Those from the north and
east came by the way, either of Mobaruka, Woled Gormah, Woled Mohata, or
Jekky. It was usual with these traders to arrive in Soudan about the
close of the rains, and return homewards at all seasons; but more
frequently when the river began to swell and the rains were far
advanced. The natives of the Niger, according to this authority, were as
black as most of the Wangara tribes; and the Arabs, called Woled
Moghata, were few, if any, shades lighter. Between Safany and Ghimbala,
the houses are all flat roofed, and built of clay, the same as the
mosques; but where lime is to be procured the natives use a thick wash,
which looks much brighter than the white or grey clay of Ashantee. In
some countries, however, they build with stone and mortar, and the
houses of the rich are generally of two stories; i.e. the ground floor,
as it may be called, raised two or three feet, and another floor above
it; upon this principle the palaces of Calamby, Sago, Baâ, Taslima, and
Janny, are all constructed.
Couries are the current coin of the Niger, and of most or of all the
interior parts of the continent, excepting the westernmost countries of
Wangara, Ashantee, Gaman, and some of their dependencies, where gold
also is found. Large payments, however, are usually made in Upper Soudan
in coin, in manufactured trinket gold, or by bartering one commodity for
another, and paying the balance in couries, salt, or grain; but in the
countries before named (as the gold mines exist no where else) the
people use the crude metal in lump or dust for the same purpose. In
Salgha, Zogho, Nikky, Bargho, Youry, and the eastern countries, the
people either use a substantial or a nominal coin, of the same name and
value, and this is called mitskal, a thin gold coin, varying in its
value in proportion to the weight. It is the same, in fact, which is the
national coin of Mauritania, and of most of the Arabian and Turkish
governments. This piece of money is esteemed of high antiquity, having
been introduced into Soudan beyond the Niger, as it is related, as early
as the second or third hejyran centuries, and many, it is added, are
still current which were fabricated at Damascus, Baghdad, Mehedia, and
Morocco, during the reigns of the houses or dynasties of Abbas and
Ismaelouni. The mitskal has a general circulation, even in countries
where it is not a national coin; nor do the Ashantees refuse them in
payment; but such of them as are esteemed by the Moslems for antiquity
and the epoch of a celebrated prince are highly prized by the heathens,
who, when they are to be procured, give a great price for them, for the
purpose of dedicating to their patron gods, and wearing on days
appropriated to religious ceremony. In fact, some of these mitskals are
the fetische of the sovereign and nobles.[169]
In Entaa, Tonouma, Ghobagho, Zogho, and many neighbouring countries the
mitskal which is employed as the medium of exchange, is considered
nevertheless a nominal coin, for they are not manufactured in those
countries; they are only partially current from the influx of specie
brought by the northern traders. Nikky, the capital of Bargho or
Killinga, is the great mint of Soudan, south of the Niger, as Bornou is
that of the north; such was the similitude used by my informers, who
shewed me two pieces of money of that description, which were stamped,
as clearly as I could discern, with characters similar to the mitskal of
Morocco, although the impression, from the purity of the metal, was too
much defaced to enable me to trace the year, or the whole of the
writing. I was told they were the coin of Killinga, and that they were
current not only in Wangara, but also in Bambara, Marroa, Fillany,
Haoussa, some parts of the Desert, and even in Egypt. Thirteen of these
mitskals (metsakol in the plural) were considered in Ashantee equivalent
to the Benda,[170] or two ounces of pure gold. Thus supposing 11_s._
2_d._ to be an average value for the mitskal, it would shew the true
value of pure gold in Ashantee, 3_l._ 12_s._ 7_d._ sterling, the ounce
weight of that country, which may be about sixteen grains heavier than
our ounce troy; reducing it therefore, in sterling money, to 3_l._
10_s._ or thereabouts.
The minkali of Park is evidently no other than the true mitskal, and the
value in sterling money, at which his editor has estimated it, _i.e._
12_s._ 6_d._ is, as it would seem, overrated 2_s._ a trifle more or
less. This mistake cannot indeed be satisfactorily accounted for, as it
rests entirely with that unfortunate traveller, who describes the weight
of the minkali about eighty grains, and its value in British currency,
as before quoted; whereas I seldom have had possession of one of those
coins that would turn the scale at seventy four grains, and they were
not to be rejected at sixty-eight or sixty-seven. It is probable that
circumstanced as Park was at Sansanding, the sales he effected are what,
commercially speaking, would deserve the name of sacrifices; for his
object was to disencumber himself of those bulky packages which could
not conveniently be stowed in the canoe, and of such articles as could
be dispensed with, for the more portable coin in gold and cowries, hence
the profits calculated upon his account of sales, must not be considered
by any means equivalent to what a Barbary merchant would realize for the
same articles.
The mitskal is, according to a tradition in the north, even of older
standing than the first emigrations of the Arabian tribes; but the
Guinea Moslems trace their circulation, in Soudan, to the conquests
effected by those tribes in Marroa, Fillany, Killinga, &c. before and
after the celebrated dynasty of Mohahidouni, or Mahadi.
The following, shewing the relative value of the mitskal in cowries, as
furnished by the Bashaw, may not be uninteresting to the reader.
COWRIES.
In Dahomy and Benin it is equivalent to 4500.
In Salgha, Bouromy, and Banna to 4300.
In Yandy 4200.
In Zogho 4000.
In Nikky 3800.
On the Niger at Haoussa between 3500 and 3400.
The mitskal of Nikky, I was informed, never varied from the standard
that passed for currency in all parts of the continent; and it was not
the usual practice to weigh them as the Ashantees do gold dust. The same
mitskal was the coin of Janny and Sago, as well as Youry, Kassina, Wawa,
Boussa, &c. They are also circulated in Kambah, Magho, and Manding; but
where they did not abound, the value in cowries, rock or dust gold, and
merchandize to that amount, was established in most countries and served
as a standard medium of currency, by which the natives computed large
sums.
Besides the coin of the Arabians, many or most of the African tribes
beyond the Volta, make use of the same weights and measures. Thus the
Khroba is a corn measure, containing about two pecks; the Kantar, is one
hundred pounds (the same probably as the Mauritanian, which is
equivalent to one hundred weight and six pounds English, or one hundred
and eighteen pounds). The ratal is a single pound; the kama is a fathom;
and the kaâla the cubit measure of twenty-two inches, which they
subdivide into three spans.
[Footnote 158: If what may be described with the greatest simplicity,
suitable to the understandings of all men, is also the most beautiful,
as many are inclined to believe, these names of the Arabs are not to be
called trifling.]
[Footnote 159: This happened in the reign of the Khalifa Walid ben
Abdalmalek the 6th sovereign of the dynasty called Bani Ommeya (Ommiade)
who governed the empire about ten years and six months, namely, till the
year of Christ 715.]
[Footnote 160: In the construction of my map, it may be necessary to
remind the reader, that I have studied nothing as regards the probable
termination of rivers, &c.; not conceiving myself warranted to do so in
a work of this kind: but where the natives described water to exist, or
any other local object, there I have simply inserted it, leaving all
speculative matter out of the question; so that the map itself is no
other than a compilation of their own, at least founded upon their
authority exclusively.]
[Footnote 161: All the countries in this direction, from Ghobago and
Mousee to the kingdom of Kaima, are considered only in the light of
provinces or principalities of the great kingdom of Zogho, whose sultan
receives tribute or presents from most of the neighbouring nations,
Dahomy and Benin included.]
[Footnote 162: Fairs and public markets are common in all parts of
Soudan, as well as in the states beyond the deserts. The African,
indeed, gives his confidence to no other medium of intercourse. Even
among the ferocious tribes of Guinea, the people are in the enjoyment of
their weekly or monthly markets.]
[Footnote 163: The name of the reigning monarch, as described to me,—I
think it will be seen in the MSS. is مَرِبَي شِخْيِ, Mariba Sheikhy.]
[Footnote 164: This is the city of which mention has been already made,
that its name is the same as a great southern river called Shaderbah, or
Bahar Kanbaja.]
[Footnote 165: From Kanyash or Kanjasa there is another main road,
leading a little to the right (east) of north, through Masoko, to the
great cities of Dagomba, Banko, and Yandy; the former as prosperous and
extensive, and the latter more so than Coomassy. From Yandy the traders
frequent the Ghulby by another road, leading to the city of Kisba, in
the principality of Simmer; easterly and on to Arigoh, the wilderness of
Ghomaty and Banano, or Grogary in the little kingdom of Kambah. All
these countries are either Moslem, or under Moslem laws.]
[Footnote 166: The other list of routes, their bearing, distance, &c. in
day’s journies, according to the Moslem maps, or manuscripts, caravan
and pilgrim tracks, &c., it has not been deemed essential to copy here,
as they may be referred to by the reader in a more systematical
arrangement in the little map entitled Soudan.]
[Footnote 167: Perhaps the Baedo of Park.]
[Footnote 168: This is also the simple method practised by the Arabs and
the northern nations of Africa, in journeying from the shores of the Red
Sea, from Syria, Egypt, Tripoli, Tunis, Algiers, &c. to the remote parts
of the Continent. Such, moreover, is the practice of the Mauritanian
Arabs and Africans, in their excursions over the desert to Soudan, for
every sheikh of a tribe looks either for a present or a visit by which
he may confer the sacred rights of hospitality, and receive the
stranger’s acknowledgments. Without these formalities it is by no means
safe to pass from one district to another, unless the caravan is of
sufficient magnitude to afford protection to itself. I cannot help
thinking that the misfortune which befel Mungo Park was owing to the
neglect of these indispensable precautions, without which a voyage down
the Niger would be impracticable, unless indeed it were possible to fit
out a vessel of the class of gun-brigs for that service. By a reference
to the journal of Amadi Fatouma, it will be seen that the influence of
the king of Bambara afforded protection to the white men as far as
Janny, where it does not appear that any other attention was paid to the
sovereign, than by sending on shore a piece of Baft; an attack was then
made on the party in the Dibber Lake, which ended in the defeat of the
aggressors, who were unprovided with fire arms. In passing Rakbara and
Timbuctoo, it would seem that no notice whatever was taken of the
sovereign, nor any present sent on shore to him, so that to me it does
not seem surprising that the party were so constantly assailed by war
canoes from Janny to Kaffo, or that they encountered so many obstacles
on the voyage to Youry. The story of Mr. Park’s death was no secret with
any of the Moslems in Coomassy, and it happened precisely as Mr. Bowdich
has related, which, in point of fact, agrees with the journal of Isaaco.
The capital of Youry is distant from the river a short day’s journey,
and it is said, that when the king sent provisions to the canoe, he
entreated by message, that the white chief would visit him on shore, and
he would meet him near the waterside, an intention which that sovereign
put in practice, but was irritated at finding the canoe would not wait,
and had already gained an offing from the port; for Park, anxious, no
doubt, for the prosecution of the voyage, quitted his anchorage without
thinking it incumbent on him to pay his respects to the king, although
the public curiosity or suspicion was excited by his detention two days
on the river in gleaning information of Amadi Fatouma. It is the opinion
of the Moslems, that no present was sent in return for the provisions,
and if so, the conjecture of Park’s editor, that they were withheld from
the king by the chief, is well founded. When the king sent his army to
Boussa, the Moslems say it was done to bring the white men back by
force, but their destruction was never meditated; and the king, when the
catastrophe was related to him, punished his officer with fine and
imprisonment.]
[Footnote 169: According to the weight and rate of currency given to the
mitskal in Morocco, Fez, and other parts of the Gharb, the average value
of what passes for a full weight coin, does not exceed 10s. 9d.
sterling. It is true, however, that a few of the old coin, of that
denomination, are worth something more, but I think I may venture to
say, they rarely ever exceed 11s. or 11s. 3d. in sterling value.]
[Footnote 170: The names given by the Arabs to several denominations of
coin carry their importance in the meaning, which is metaphorical or
otherwise. These people, indeed, are pretty well known even in Europe,
as professors of acute sayings. When a Mauritanian is disappointed in a
scheme that requires the assistance of friends or money, it is usual for
him to retort acrimoniously, “God rest the souls of the old Arabs, who
first gave the name of countenance (or face) to money:” enigmatically
implying a curse upon the obduracy of the rich, whose arrogance is
kindled by the wealth they possess. This word of the Arabs is وجه Wajoh
or Oujoh, and in strictness it has many appropriate meanings besides
countenance or visage, such as honour, purity, respect, reason,
primitive prince, &c. but its common signification is as I have stated.
The small copper coins, something less in value than our farthings, are
by the same people called فلس (Falas) which means poverty, indigence,
want, &c. and to a stranger it is a scene of comic novelty to hear the
Arabs dispute together, as they frequently do in money matters,
exchanging, with animated gesture, the words wajoh, oujine, tiltoujou,
arbaa, falas, &c.—One two, three, four countenances and poverty.]
APPENDIX.
* * * * *
No. I.
APPOINTMENT OF THE AUTHOR, AS CONSUL AT COOMASSY.
In the name and on the behalf of His Majesty.
(Signed) GEORGE P. R.
George the Third, by the Grace of God, of the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, to all to whom these
presents shall come, greeting;
We, being desirous to maintain the peace and establish a good
correspondence between us, our subjects and the Kingdom of Ashantee in
Africa, and to advance and encourage the trade and commerce that has
been made and now is between our dominions and the said Kingdom, have
thought fit to appoint some person well qualified to discharge the
office of Consul there; and whereas we are well assured of the ability
of our trusty and well-beloved Joseph Dupuis, Esq. and of his loyalty,
experience, diligence, and fidelity; We, therefore, for the purposes
abovementioned, and for the greater benefit, and the good, and more
orderly government of our English merchants and other our subjects
trading thither, or residing at Coomassy, the capital city of the said
Kingdom of Ashantee, or within any of the dominions of the said kingdom,
have nominated, constituted, and appointed, and by these presents do
nominate, constitute, and appoint him, the said Joseph Dupuis, to be our
Agent and Consul at Coomassy aforesaid, hereby giving and granting unto
him the said Joseph Dupuis, full power and authority by all lawful ways
and means, to aid and protect as well our said merchants and other our
subjects trading, or that shall trade, or have any commerce with the
said Kingdom of Ashantee, or that do, or shall reside at Coomassy
aforesaid, or within the dominions of the said Kingdom of Ashantee
aforesaid, as also all and every of their goods, wares, and merchandises
there, and their ships and vessels and trade aforesaid; and also, as our
said Agent and Consul, to use his utmost endeavours to preserve and keep
all our said merchants and subjects in their rights and freedoms there,
and also to examine and hear, and as much as in him lies to compose and
determine all and all manner of differences, contentions, suits, and
variances that shall or may happen or arise, or that are now depending
at Coomassy aforesaid, or within any of the dominions of the Kingdom of
Ashantee as aforesaid, between our said merchants and subjects, or any
of them, and to do and execute, from time to time, all and every other
act or acts, thing or things, that may advance and encrease, and be for
the benefit of trade and mutual commerce between our said kingdoms and
the ports in the Kingdom of Ashantee aforesaid: To have, hold and
exercise the said trust and employment of our Agent and Consul at
Coomassy as aforesaid, during our pleasure, together with all
privileges, immunities, allowances, rewards, profits, and advantages to
our Agent and Consul there, anyways belonging or appertaining. Wherefore
we will, and by these presents, do strictly charge and command all and
every our said merchants and other our subjects coming into, trading or
residing in the Kingdom of Ashantee aforesaid, or any of the dominions
thereof, to own and acknowledge the said Joseph Dupuis as our Agent and
Consul there, in and by all due respects and regards to the said trust
belonging or appertaining, for and during the continuance of this our
commission and authority to him in that behalf hereby granted as
aforesaid, and also to permit and suffer him the said Joseph Dupuis to
have, receive and enjoy all such and the like privileges, immunities,
and allowances, rewards, profits, benefits, and advantages whatsoever,
as do or ought to belong to our Agent or Consul, by reason of the said
trust and employment; and we do also, in a friendly manner, pray and
desire the King of Ashantee aforesaid, and all others in public
authority there, whom it may any way concern, that they receive and
admit him, the said Joseph Dupuis, for our Agent and Consul in the said
city and dominions thereunto belonging, and upon all his reasonable
requests to do him that justice, and afford him that assistance which
may testify their friendship to us, and which we shall upon all
occasions be ready to acknowledge.
Given at our Court, at Carlton House, the twenty-sixth day of January,
1818, in the fifty-eighth year of our reign.
By command of His Royal Highness the Prince Regent, in the name and on
the behalf of His Majesty.
(Signed) BATHURST.
No. II
TREATY MADE WITH THE KING OF ASHANTEE, BY MR. BOWDICH, IN THE NAME OF
THE GOVERNOR AND COUNCIL, &c.[171]
TREATY made and entered into by Thomas Edward Bowdich, Esquire, in the
name of the Governor and Council at Cape Coast Castle, on the Gold Coast
of Africa, and on behalf of the British Government, and Zey Tootoo
Quamina, King of Ashantee, and its Dependencies.
1st. There shall be perpetual peace and harmony between the British
subjects in this country, and the subjects of the King of Ashantee.
2d. The same shall exist between the subjects of the King of Ashantee,
and all nations of Africa residing under the protection of the company’s
forts and settlements on the Gold Coast; and it is hereby agreed that
there are no palavers now existing, and that neither party has any claim
upon the other.
3d. The King of Ashantee guarantees the people of Cape Coast from the
hostilities threatened by the people of Elmina.
4th. In order to avert the horrors of war, it is agreed that in any case
of aggression on the part of the natives under British protection, the
king shall complain thereof to the governor-in-chief, to obtain redress;
and that he will in no instance resort to hostilities without
endeavouring, as much as possible, to effect an amicable arrangement.
5th. The King of Ashantee agrees to permit a British officer to reside
constantly at his capital, for the purpose of instituting and preserving
a regular communication with the governor-in-chief at Cape Coast Castle.
6th. The King of Ashantee pledges himself to countenance, promote, and
encourage the trade of his subjects with Cape Coast Castle and its
dependencies, to the extent of his power.
7th. The governors of the respective forts shall at all times afford
every protection in their power to the persons and property of the
people of Ashantee, who may resort to the water side.
8th. The governor-in-chief reserves to himself the right of punishing
any Ashantee guilty of secondary offences, but in case of any crime of
magnitude, he will send the offender to the king, to be dealt with
according to the laws of his country.
9th. The king agrees to commit children to the care of the governor-
in-chief for education at Cape Coast Castle, in the full confidence of
the good intentions of the British government, and the benefits to be
derived therefrom.
10th. The king promises to make diligent inquiries respecting the
officers attached to the Mission of Major John Peddie and Captain Thomas
Campbell, and to influence and oblige the neighbouring kingdoms and his
tributaries, to befriend them as the subjects of the British government.
The mark of ZEY X TOOTO QUAMINA.
(Signed) THOMAS EDWARD BOWDICH.
In the presence of
(Signed) WILLIAM HUTCHINSON.
HENRY TEDLIE.
* * * * *
No. III.
TREATY MADE WITH THE KING OF ASHANTEE, BY THE AUTHOR, ON BEHALF OF HIS
MAJESTY.
TREATY made and entered into by Joseph Dupuis, Esquire, his Britannic
Majesty’s Consul for the Kingdom of Ashantee in Africa, in the name and
on behalf of the British Government, with Sai Totoo Quamina, King of
Ashantee and its dependencies.
1st. The King of Ashantee agrees to receive and acknowledge Joseph
Dupuis, Esquire, as his Majesty’s Consul at Coomassy, to the full intent
and meaning of his commission, and if at any time ill health should
oblige the said Joseph Dupuis to leave this country, the king will
receive and acknowledge any gentleman that he may appoint to succeed
him.
2d. The King of Ashantee having taken _his sacred_ oath of allegiance
and fidelity to the crown of Great Britain, in the person of His Royal
Highness the Prince Regent, makes known to all to whom these presents
shall come, that he will with all his power and influence, support, aid,
and protect the British interests, in this country, and that he will, if
necessary, on all occasions, march his armies to any part of the
country, where the interests of Great Britain may require their aid and
assistance.
3d. The claim recently made by the King of Ashantee, on the governor of
Cape Coast Castle, amounting to one thousand six hundred ounces of gold,
or £6,400 is hereby acknowledged to be relinquished; and it is agreed
that there are now no differences or palavers existing between the King
of Ashantee and the Governor, or between the king and any other of His
Britannic Majesty’s subjects, collectively or individually.
4th. The King of Ashantee agrees and binds himself to support and
encourage the commerce of this country with Cape Coast and its
dependencies, by all the means in his power; and pledges himself not to
allow any differences that may occur to interrupt the trade with the
English merchants on the Coast.
5th. The King of Ashantee claims the Fantee territory as his dominions,
which the consul, on the part of the British government, accedes to, in
consideration and on the express condition that the king agrees to
acknowledge the natives, residing under British protection, entitled to
the benefit of British laws, and to be amenable to them only in case of
any act of aggression on their part.
6th. After the final adjustment of the present claims upon the natives
of Cape Coast, the King binds himself to submit all future complaints to
the Consul only, and on no account whatever to make war with the
natives, at any of the English settlements, without first allowing the
consul an opportunity of settling such differences.
7th. The consul, on the part of the British government, guarantees all
the protection in his power to the subjects of the king of Ashantee, who
may have any commerce with the British Settlements on the Coast.
8th. The consul binds himself on the part of the British government and
the governor and council, to keep half the path that is at present made
between Cape Coast and Ashantee well cleared, and the king of Ashantee
agrees to keep the other half of the path constantly in good order, so
that there shall always be a free and easy communication with the
Ashantee dominions.
9th. It is expressly agreed and understood that the consul shall at all
times be at liberty to visit the capital of Ashantee, and to take his
departure therefrom, whenever he may think fit, without being subject to
any interruption or detention, and that the consul’s residence may
either be at Coomassy, or at Cape Coast, as he may, from time to time,
deem expedient for the public good; but if at any time during the
consul’s absence from Coomassy, the king of Ashantee has any complaint
or palaver against the natives of the British Settlements the same is to
be submitted to the consul at Cape Coast, and if it cannot be settled
without his presence at Coomassy, it is agreed that the consul shall
immediately proceed to the capital on all such occasions.
10th. The king of Ashantee having publicly and repeatedly complained of
the exorbitant prices charged on the notes he holds from the forts, for
the goods he receives in payment of those notes; and in consequence of
the manifest dissatisfaction expressed by the king on this subject in
particular, the consul, in order to obviate any objections to the
ratification of the present treaty, concedes this point to the king,
agreeing in future to take upon himself the payment of those notes: and
the king declares he will not from henceforth receive any payment of
those notes, except through the medium of the consul.
11th. The king on the part of his principal captains and counsellors
hereby acknowledges to their having also taken the oath of allegiance
and fidelity to the crown of Great Britain.
12th. In virtue of this treaty, it is mutually agreed and expressly
understood, that all former treaties between the king of Ashantee and
the authorities of Cape Coast Castle, on the behalf of his Majesty’s
government, particularly the treaty of 1817, are from henceforth to
become null and void, and are hereby declared so accordingly.
Given under our Hands and Seals, at the King’s Palace, at the capital
Coomassy, this 23d Day of March, in the Year of our Lord, 1820, and in
the Fifty-ninth Year of the Reign of His Majesty George III. &c.
The mark of X SAII TOOTOO QUAMINA.
JOSEPH DUPUIS.
In the presence of
BENJAMIN SALMON.
FRANCIS COLLINS.
DAVID MILL GRAVES.
* * * * *
Supplementary articles annexed to the General Treaty entered into this
day between Sai Tooto Quamina, King of Ashantee, on the one part, and
Consul Dupuis on behalf of His British Majesty’s Government on the other
part, which articles are hereby considered to be equally binding to the
said contracting parties as if they were inserted in the primary or
general treaty itself.
1st. The King of Ashantee having, by force of arms, subdued the kingdom
of Gaman or Buntooko, which he now governs in full and undisputed
sovereignty; and whereas, from political motives, it has been deemed
prudent to station troops in Amanaha, on the banks of the Assinee River,
and other parts of the said kingdom, to prevent the inhabitants from
trading or holding any communication with the sea coast; the king now
pledges himself, in virtue of this article, to remove the before-
mentioned obstacles to the commerce of the kingdom of Buntooko or Gaman;
and he guarantees the same privileges of trade to the natives of that
country, which the Ashantees themselves enjoy, provided their
intercourse with the sea coast is confined to Cape Coast Castle, or any
other of the British forts and settlements on the Gold Coast. In
promotion of this object the king has already nearly completed a road
forming a direct communication to the heart of the said country of
Gaman, and he hereby binds himself to support, aid, and encourage the
trade of that country.
2d. The King of Ashantee being decidedly averse to relinquishing his
claim on the natives of Cape Coast Town, and in consequence of certain
private negotiations which are now pending through the medium of Mr.
Smith, the Governor of Cape Coast Castle, on behalf of the parties
concerned; (and whereas, the consul possesses no authority to guarantee
payment to the king of any sum of money on behalf of the natives of Cape
Coast beyond the limit of one hundred ounces of gold, which has only
tended to excite the king’s anger and indignation) as well as for other
reasons unnecessary to introduce in this treaty, it is hereby stipulated
that the natives of Cape Coast Town, being subjects of the King of
Ashantee, are excluded from participating in the benefits of either of
the treaties, as the king is resolved to eradicate from his dominions
the seeds of disobedience and insubordination; nevertheless, in
consideration of the friendship existing between him and the King of
England, and as the King of Ashantee is particularly anxious to convince
the world of the sincerity of his regard for the honour and dignity, as
well as the interests of the British Government and people, he will
endeavour, as much as possible, to avoid giving offence either to the
consul or to the authorities of Cape Coast Castle, directly or
indirectly, and, therefore, whatever plans the King of Ashantee may
think advisable to adopt, in order to bring his people under due
subjection, he binds himself not to destroy the town of Cape Coast, nor
will he allow a gun to be fired in the town, or suffer his troops to
commit any act of hostility or depredation therein on the inhabitants or
on their property; and in particular as regards the white part of the
population, to say all the free merchants and traders, he guarantees to
them not only full security of person and property, but also full
protection in case of need. Moreover, the king will not suffer his
difference with the Cape Coast people to interfere with his plans for
the promotion and extension of the commerce between the interior and the
British settlements on the sea coast, which he promises shall be
immediately restored.[172]
3d. (Not granted.) The King of Ashantee agrees to permit and promises to
encourage the establishment of schools at Doonqua, for the religious
instruction of his people, and the king, moreover, guarantees perfect
security and protection there to any English merchant or others of his
Britannic Majesty’s subjects in person and effects.
4th. The King of Ashantee pledges himself for the security and
protection in person and property, to missionaries or others, being
subjects of his Britannic Majesty, who may wish to establish themselves
in any part of his territory for the purpose of propagating the
Christian religion; and the king hereby cordially invites to his country
such well-disposed men.
Given under our hands and seals at the King’s Palace at the capital of
Ashantee, this twenty-third day of March, in the year of our Lord,
1820, and in the fifty-ninth year of the reign of His Majesty George
III. &c. &c. &c.
The mark of X SAII TOOTO QUAMINA.
JOSEPH DUPUIS.
In the presence of
(Signed) BENJAMIN SALMON.
FRANCIS COLLINS.
DAVID MILL GRAVES.
GEOGRAPHICAL DOCUMENTS.
For the convenience of investigation, it has been deemed requisite to
separate from the body of the work the materials which give authority to
the geography as depicted in the maps, and described more fully in the
sections of Wangara and Soudan. The most essential among a voluminous
packet of MSS. are submitted in their native character (the Arabic)
affording thereby all the facility the author can give to the more acute
researches of the learned in oriental literature. These, together with
some others, which are too bulky, or too vaguely written, and tortured
with repetitions to admit of an insertion in their native garb, were
composed chiefly by those Moslems, whose names are mentioned in the
work, and who corroborated many or most of their statements by the
authority of a variety of travelling guides and directions, such as are
commonly used by the caravans of the north, and by these people also in
their journies to and from the kingdoms of the Niger.
The description they gave of the courses of the rivers, of the positions
of lakes and other natural objects, of their bearing, distance, &c. from
Coomassy, or other inland city, was equally supported by the testimony
of the African road books and manuscripts, although the names of some
places, which may be found in the maps, are not to be traced in those
MSS. which I have considered of importance to submit in their foreign
characters.
No. 4.
بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم الحمد لله الذه جعل القلم لنا كلام متكلم وجعل
قرطاس لنا رسولا مرسلا بلد الي بلد مكان الي مكان وطرالي وطرهذ قرطاس تعرف
طريق غُنْجَا سَلْغَ اسم البلد يوم الخروج سَلْغَ دَنْغَ يَنُومُ يوم خرج
دَنْغُ كَنْيَاشَيا يوم خرج كَنْيَاشيا كَدَنْقِي يوم خرج كَدَنْقِي
كَبَاَوتُ : يوم خرج كَبَاَوتُ كَنْجَسِ : يوم خرج كَنْجَس الي خلع ليس بلد
يوم خرج خلع تُوْنُومَ يوم خرج فيه بحر بينهما ويجوز الي زُنْكُمَا : يوم
خرج زُنْكُمَا جَبْذُغُ يوم خرج بلد جَبْذُغُ اي ليس بلد خلع يوم خرج في
بلد كِنُوْ اذه خرج كِنُوْ ليس بلد حتي ثلاث ايام وهو موضع جبل كثير ثم خرج
الي بلدِ غُفلْ يوم خرج غُفلْ الي بلد اَرْجُو يوم خرج ارجو الي بلد مُتُمْ
اي اسم بلد يوم خرج متم يَرَاكِوُ يوم خرج يراكو الي بلد ذُغُ وهو قرية
الكبير يوم خرج ذُغُ الي بلد دَنْكُنْ يدخل فه خلع ليس بلد حتي ثلاث ايام
ثم دخل الي بلد يسمي سَلَمُو ايوم خرج سَلَمُوا جَنْبُدُ ايوم خرج
جَنْبُدُو الي صُسُوا اي بحر صغير يوم خرج صسوا كُرِرِ يوم خرج كُرِرِ الي
بلد كُوكَ يوم خرج كُوكَ مكَرَارَي يوم خرج مَكَرَارَي الي بلد نِكِ وهو
قرية عظيمة يوم خرج نِكِ رُغَ يوم خرج رُغَ قطع الغلبِيِ الي بلد مَكَبَرا
يوم خرج مَكَبَرا سَابُنْ سَارَّا يوم خرج سابن سارا وُرِ يوم خرج وُرِ
شَابَنْدِيَا يوم خرج شابنديا رُعَ يوم خرج رع غَاذُ يوم خرج غاذُ دُوشِ
يوم خرج دوشِ كُنْفِ يوم خرج كنف وَادُ يوم خرج واد بَتَكُوا ليس بلد ومن
بتكوا كَدَرْكُ ليس بلد ومن كَدَرْكُ شُلُ يوم خرج شُلُ الي غَسَغَسَ وامّا
بحر كبير ليس مثله في بلدنا المسما كُوَرَا يوم خرج غسغس يدخل في قرية
يَاوُري قرية عظيمة ومن ياوري الي كُنْبَاشَ ستة ايام ومن كنباش الي بلد
غَرَنْتِ خمسة ايام ومن غرنت الي بلد يَنْدُوتُ خمسة ايام ومن يَنْدُوتُ
الي بلد كَثِينَ سبعة ايام هذا بلد كَثِين قرية عظيمة وهو راس حَوْسَ : ومن
حَوْسَ الي فِرْزَانَ اربعين ايام ومن بلد فرزان الي بَلَدْ مَصَرْ اربعين
ايام ومن بلد مصر الي طُونَسَي ثلاتين ايام من بلد طونس الي مَكَةَ اثنا
عشر ايام ومن مكة الي بيت الله اربعين ايام ليلا والنهار وهو وسط الدنيا
ومن بلد مدينة الي شَامُ عشرون يوم ليلا والنهار ومن شام الي بيت المقدس
عشرون ايام هنا جبل فيه اسمه طور سينا وعلي هذه جبل كلام الله النبي موسي
عليه السلام وهو قبر النبي موسي عليه السلام سمعنا اخري علي جبل طور سينا
وهو قبر النبي ادم عليه السلام واما جبل خمسة اختارا سينا عزوجل واها اول
هن جبل طور سينا وجبل مكة وجبل بيت المقدس وجبل المدينة وجبل شام وهذا روي
عن اي رسول الله صلي الله عليه وسلام في سيدنا نصراني ان انما يعلم شي
واملاءً هذه الورقة الي صُومُ حبيب شي وصلي الله علي نبي بعده امين
TRANSLATION OF No. 4.
In the name of God, the merciful, the compassionate, &c. &c. This is a
direction from country to country, &c. taking the departure from Salgha,
the chief city of Ghunja.
From Salgha in one day to Dangho, from Dangho, through Yanomo, to
Kanyasha one day; from Kanyasha in one day to Kadanki, and from Kadanki
to Cabouto in one day; from Cabouto one day to Konjasi. After leaving
Konjasi, you enter a small wilderness leading through Tonouma. One
journey more leads to a little river, beyond which is Zonkoma.[173] From
Zonkoma to Jadogho one day, and then a wilderness over which you proceed
to Keno one day. From Keno you must travel three days over a great range
of mountains, which will convey you to Ghofil. From Ghofil in one day to
Arjo, from Arjo (over the little river Komba) in one day to Motom. From
Motom (over mountains) three days to Yarako. From Yarako to Zogho, it is
one journey: Zogho is a great city. From Dagho to Dankon, one day, and
the road then leads through a forest of three journies, to a country
called Salamo. From Salamo proceed on to Jambodo (a long journey) and
from Jambodo to Sooso, one journey, where there is a small river بحر
صغير From Sooso it is one long journey to Corery, and from Corery travel
on to Kooka (on the Ghulby.) From Kooka to Makrara (one day.) From
Makrara, in one day, you will arrive at Nikky, which is a very large
city, and from Nikky in one day to Rougha, and from thence (over the
Ghulby) to Makaba. From Makaba to Sabonsara, one day, and from Sabonsara
to Wory, one day. From Wory through Snabendia to Roa, and from Roa to
Ghado. From Ghado in one day to Doshi, from Doshi to Confi and from
thence to Wado. After leaving Wado you enter the country of Batako,
which is a district so named (very mountainous.) From thence to Sholo it
is one day, and from Sholo to Ghasaghasa one day more, where there is a
great sea or river, the like of which is no where to be found: it is
called Koara كُوَرَا From Ghasaghasa (cross over the Koara) and in one
day you will reach the city of Youry, which is a very great city.
From Youry to the country of Konbash, it is seven days’ journey. From
Konbash to the country of Gharanti, it is five days more; from thence to
Yandoso it is also five days, and from Yandoto to Kassina is seven
journies. Kassina is a mighty city, the metropolis (head) of Haoussa.
In travelling from Haoussa (in the high northern road to Egypt and the
Holyland) proceed to Ferjan Fezzan, which is a journey of forty days;
from Ferjan to Masser (perhaps the confines of Egypt) it is forty days
more; and to Toonasa thirty days. From Toonassa to Mecca is twelve[174]
days. From Mecca to the Holy City Shamor (Syria) it is forty hard
journies: this country stands in the centre of the world. From Medina to
Syria it is twenty full journies, and from Syria to Jerusalem is twenty
more.
In this land is the mountain Tor, of Sinai, on the summit of which God
conversed with the Prophet Moses,[175] upon whom be peace, &c. and he
was entombed therein. The peace of God, &c.[176]
And this is a direction to the country of the Prophet of God, on whom be
peace, &c. for the service of our friend (master) the Christian, &c.
written by his loving friend Souma, and now pray to God, &c.—Amen.[177]
This is termed the main eastern road.
No. 5.
This relates to the direct route from Ashantee (Coomassy) to Salgha, a
journey of fifteen days. Its writer was a native of Ghunjah, whose
sovereign had granted him permission to visit the Court of Ashantee. He
had been several times to Haoussa, &c. as also to Dahomy and Benin in
the east.
الحمد لله الذه جعل القلم لنا لسانا وجعل قرطاس لنا رسولا مكان الي مكان
البلد الي البلد وطرالي وطرثم خرج من بلد كُمَاسِي اِلَي بلد سَلْغَ من يوم
خرج كماسي الي جَمَقَسي : اَنْتُوَ : دَمُكَاي : اَكُرُفُرُمْ : أَكيَا اسم
جبل فيه البلد : مَنْبُنْ : دِنْكِنِي : اَدِجَانِي : اَجُورَا : اَمَتِنِي
: اَكُكُوَا : بَتُودَا : اَتَبَابُوْا : يُبْعَتِي وفيه الماء الكبير اسم
الماء بُوْرُوْا : كُلاً : سَكِنِم : يَاجِي : وفيه البحر كثير اَسْوَدَ
البحر : بَابُصُوْا اسم البر الماء خرج كماسي الي سلغ ايام انتهن :
TRANSLATION OF No. 5.
Glory be unto God, for the use of speech, the knowledge of writing, &c.
This is a direction for travelling, &c.[178] by the route from Coomassy
to Salgha. Leaving Coomassy, you arrive the first day at Jamakasi, the
second at Antoa, the third at Damoka, the fourth at Akoroforom, the
fifth you enter Akeyah, which is the name of a mountainous country; then
to Manbon, and from Manbon to Dinkeny; then to Adijani, and Ajora,
Amatini, and Akokoa (each one day.) From Akokoa to Batoda, and from
thence to Yobati, in which there is a large water or lake (وفيه الماء
الكبير) and the name of the lake is Bouro. Then to Coulan and Sakenim
and Yaji. In the last named country is a large river _sea_ (بحر كتير)
the name of which is Aswada (the black river) and the name of the land
on the banks of the river is Babosoo. This is the end of the journey to
Salgha (for that city is on the opposite bank of the river.”)
The subsequent part of the manuscript falls next under consideration. It
runs as follows:—
No. 6.
بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم هذا اسم البلد سلغ ومن سلغ الي كَاكَشِي : ذَفُ :
تُورُ : يَنْسَلَا : بِتَرِبِي : يَشِيلِي : دِغُنِي : وَبِيَا : قِرِسَاغُ
جَاكُالِيشِي سَاكُويَا : كُالْتِغَ : بُوغُرِ : بَتِلي غُلْبِيِ اسم الماء
كوقِي : دِدِرِه كُنْغُبُ : مَاغُ : البلد كبير سلطان فيه اسم سلطان
مَرِبَاشِاقِي اسم قرية غُرُمَا : قِينَاغَ : تَادي : بلغ عَنْظَر : اسم
الماءِ غُلْبي : ذَبُغُ : دَتُكُرُوي : بَامَنْ اسم البلد كبير اسم سلطان
البلد ذَفُر : دِتِقِي غلبي كُنْذَغَ الماء كبير : يَانْغُذِي : مَاجُورِ :
كُابُغُ : سَبَاوَ بَتِقَتِي : يْتَنَا : كَتِ : قِيقِيدِي : تَنْتَثِ :
تِيدَذِيمَا : دَقُ : جَتَاوُ : ذَغُرِتُرِ : نَاتَاغُ : مَاكُرُا اسم لماء
فيه البلد : كُنْفِين ذِغُ كَنبَار : غُورُا الْماء كثير : غَاتَاغَ :
فُوْغَ : تُوكَانِي : بَاقُرِذِ : فَاغْ اسم جبل فيه البلد كُونْكَا :
مَوْرِ : بِرِنِي كَبِ اسم سلطن محمد : غُلْبِي كَنْبَاجَ كَاعَادُوا :
رَغَا : فَكَارُ غُاشِيْي فَوَي : رِقِينَا : كُتُتُرِ : مَرِنَا :
كَانْدَوشِ اسم البلد اتني اسم سُوْوِ كَبيرً : كَاسُوَي تَلاتَ اسم سُوْوِ
فيه الماء كثيربُرُمِ مَاغَمِ اسم سلطان بَاوَي جُرُمِ : كُمِي : مُرُمُي
الَبُ : برنِي كَسينَا بِرِنِي البلد كَثير البلد هوسي : يِوم اخرج كَسينَا
الي البلد اَذْبَنْ اربعين يوما ومن بلد اَذْبَنْ الي بلد فِرْجَنْ اربعين
يوما يوم خرج فَرْجَنْ الي بلد مَصَرْ اربعين يوما يوم خرج مصر الي بلد مكة
عشرين يوما ليلا والنهار من مكة اِلي المدينة رسول الله صلي الله عليه وسلم
عشرة يام ليلا ونهار يوم خرج المدينة الي عراو عشرة يوما ليلا والنهار من
يوم خرج عراو الي ببيت المقدس عشرة ايام ليلا والنهار من يوم خرج بيت
المقدس الي شام عشرة ايام ليلا والنهاري الشام كاربابا السماء في الشام
انتهن كلام اسم البلد اي انثهن اسم المكاتبا محمد كامعتي المقلبْ كنتوما
وما صاحبه ابوبكر توريا
TRANSLATION OF No. 6. (TO THE GHULBY AT MAGHO.)
In the name of God, the merciful, the compassionate. This is a direction
(by the route NNE.) &c. from Salgha to the interior countries. Salgha to
Kakashi then Dafo, Touro, Yansala, Betareby, Yashely, Deghony, Wabeya,
Keresago, Jakolishi, Sakoya, Coultegha, Boughori, Batili to the river
Ghulbi at Coky, (or which is the name of the water of Kook) (Proceed on)
to Dedery, Conghobo, and then Magho, which is a large kingdom or country
governed by a Sultan whose name is Mariba Sheky; the name of his capital
city is Ghoroma, (on the other side the river.) Kenagha (is next, and
then) Tady, Balogho, Andari, where the name of the water is still the
Ghulby; Zabogho, Datokoro, Baman,—which is the name of a large country,
governed by a sultan called Zafory Detaki. The river Ghulby next, and
then to a very large water (a lake) called Konzagha; Yangodi, Majori,
and Kobogho, (are all on the road which leads on to the mountains called
Fagh) in the kingdom of Wawa.
(The towns in succession) from the Konzagha lake are Sabawa, Batikati,
Etana, Kati, Kikidi, Tentati, Tedadema, Dako, Jata, Zaghore Touri,
Natagho, and Makoro:—this is the name of a lake or great water standing
in the country; Confi, Digho, Cabar, Ghoro; where the water is very
broad: Ghatagha, Fougha, Tokani, Bakoridi, and Fagh, which is the name
of the mountains in this country. Then through Conka, to the kingdom of
Maury; from Maury to Berini, Cabi. The name of the sultan (of Maury) is
Mohammed. Then (over the) Ghulbi, Kanbaja, (called also Shaderbah,) to
Kadoa. Then (by land) to Rago, Fakaro, Ghoshi, Fawa, Rekena, Kototori,
Marina. Kandashi is the name of this country—and great Souy is the name
of the next. There is also another place called Souy, where the water is
very large, and bears the name of Bouromi Maghami. The name of the
sultan is Bawa Jouromi. Then Komi, Moromalabo, Barni, (and lastly)
Kassina. This is a very large country, for it is Haoussa.
Leaving Kassina (for the north) you will travel on to Azban (Azben) in
forty days, and from Azban to Ferjan (Fezzan) it is forty journies more.
Leaving Ferjan you will arrive in forty days at Egypt; and from Egypt to
Mecca it is twenty journies, hard travelling (literally night and day).
From Mecca (back) to Medina, the city of the Apostle, with peace,
prayer, &c. &c. it is ten days hard travelling. Leaving Medina you will
arrive at Arou in ten days more, at the same pace; from Arou to
Jerusalem, it is ten journies, and from Jerusalem to Shem it is also ten
journies. This land is nigh unto Heaven, and here is the finish.
The name of the writer is Mohammed Camati, alias[179] (i.e. as he is
called by the Pagans) Cantoma, in company with his friend Aboubecr
Touria, (or Ben Touri.)
No. 7.
الحمد لله وحده ذاك باب الي المكرم حبيبه هو يقول لنا سعلتني بخبر مسير
اشنتي الي بلد سلغ خمسة عشر يوما وسَلْغَ الي بلد دَغُمْبَ يَانْديِ ستة
ايام ومن يَانْديِ الي بلد ظُغُ ومن ظُغُ الي كانْغَ تمانية اياما وعشرة
ايام يقول القريه ملكه نك ومن نِكِ الي كُوَرَا ثلاتة عسر ايام ومن كُوَرَا
الي يَاوُرِ يوم واحد ومن يَاوُرِ ثلاثين يوما ومن غُبَاغُ الي موسي سبع
ايام ومن موسي الي كَسُغُ اربع ايام ومن كَسُغُ الَي سَفَنِ ثماني ايام ومن
سفنِ الي جَنّيي تمانيه ايام[180]
TRANSLATION OF No. 7.
Glory be unto God in unity. This chapter (of knowledge) is directed to
the esteemed and beloved friend who solicited us to furnish him with
information for travelling, (through this country,) &c.
From Ashantee first to the country of Salgha, which is fifteen journies.
From Salgha to the country of Dagomba, i.e. Yandi, (the capital city)
which is six days. From Yandi to the country of Zogho, and from Zogho to
that of Killinga, which (together) make a journey of eighteen days. The
capital city (of Killinga) belonging to the king, is called Nikky. From
Nikky to the river Koara it is thirteen journies more, and from the
Koara to Youry it is but a single day. From Youry (back) to Ghobagho it
is thirty days; from Ghobagho to Mousee it is seven days; from Mousee to
Kasogho it is four days. From Kasogho to Safany it is eight days, and
from Safany to Jany (or Jinnie) it is eight days more.
This, which is the preliminary part of the manuscript, exhibits the
lines of communication between Lower Guinea and the districts of
Haoussa, Fillany, &c. The supplementary part is as follows:
No. 8.
ومِن هنا كُمَاسِ الي جَمَكَاسِ ومن جَمَكَاسِ الي تَتَرُمْ ومن تَتَرُمْ
الي كِكِوَرِ الي يِنَسُ الي سَكَدُ ماسِ اسم البلد الي ذُنْكُرِ كُنْتَي
الي قُرَنْسَحْ الي بوبِي الي كِرَحِمْ الي كَنْتَنُو الي كَاكَا الي
كَرَنْدَ الي دَوَ الي صَحْرَا اقَلَا بلا بيت بحر فيه الي تري الي غُفَنْ
بلد مسلمون ومن غرفن الي ولد سلطان بلده الي لَنْكَنتِر اليِ كَتَر اِلي
بُتنْتَاسِ الي فرغ دَبُيَ الي صُولَبِ الي غُبَيْغُ الي دَنْكَيْرِ الي
بُنْغُ الي بُعَسَ الي كَبَرِ الي يَعْبَ الي يجَيْغُ الي بَدِمْ الي
كَنْجَخَ الي بَغِي الي صِيلَيْ الي كُبَرْ الي كَاِيْ الي فُرَ الي صُمْبُ
الي بُرْمُ جزايرا بحر الي كُوْ الي قَلَمْب الي كُيْنِي الي البلد بَفُرُ
الي شَيُوغُ الي سفن بلد كبير فيه الجَامِحُ الي نُنْوُ الي كَرُ الي
بُرَدِ الي دُرَّ الي كرْنَي الي بحر الي قُدَيْ الي سُوْنُ الي فير الي
سَيْدَنكِرا الي فِلنكِ الي بلد بَاء بلد مسلم ومن بَاء الي كُنْبُرِ الي
تَسْلِيمَ الفقية صاحب الحرمة ولو الله الي نُمُ دُغُ الي طُمَ يُعْمَا الي
جني بلد كبير المسلمون الي البحر في السغبنة خمسة عشر ايام وفي سفر في البر
ثلاتين يوم الي طغبوط الي جخ بلد ملح كالحجر ومن الحخر طاح في الطريق الي
مصر والي البحر كبير الي مصر
TRANSLATION OF No. 8.
Moreover, from hence—Coomassy, to Jamacasi, from Jamacasi to Tataroom,
and from Tataroom to Kikiwhari. From Kikiwhari to Enaso, and to Sakado,
which is the (chief city of) the country called Massy. (From Sakado) to
Donkori, to Conta, and from thence to Coransah. From Coransah to Boubin,
to Kerahem, to Kantano to Kaka, to Caranda to Dawa, and the Desert—where
there is no resting place, and through which the river runs[181] بحر
فيه. When you get through it (the Desert, which is two days journey from
N. to S.) you will arrive at Ghofan, a country of the Moslems. And from
Ghofan to the country of the King’s Son, and to Lankantera. From thence
through Katari to Botintasi, and Daboya. From Daboya proceed to Solaba,
and (or through) Ghobagho. From Ghobagho to Dankairy, to Bonough to
Bouasa, to Cabari to Yaâba, Ejagho to Baddim, to Kanjakha to Baghi, to
Sela to Kobar, to Kaii—or Karey—to Foura, to Soumbo and Bourma, which is
an island in the river (جزاير البحر). From Bourma to Kou, to Calambi to
Couini, to Baforo to Shougho (Sego) in Safani. This (last named place)
is a large country, with churches (mosques) in it. From Safani to Nouno,
to Karou to Bouradi, to Dorra to Kerba, to the river (again) to Kooda to
Soonore, to Fee to Feer, to Sadankera to Felanki, to Baâ, a country of
Moslems. And from Baâ, and Conbori, to Taslima,[182] the country of holy
(religion) resignation and learning (which is governed by a chief (of
the family) sacred to God’s service, &c. From Taslima to Noumodogho, to
Toumayama to Jennie, which is a large country of Moslems.
From Jennie to the sea, whereon ships sail (it is a journey of) fifteen
days by water, and then by land thirty days more until you get
afterwards to Jekhy, a salinous, rocky, or stony country: and from these
rocks you will fall in the direct track for Egypt, whose sea is the
great sea, &c.[183]
The following MS. is a route by the same author, from Jennie to Bornou:
No. 9.
بلد اَلْفَايَنء الي نكري الفاين الي تاركَسصُ دنسو الي سَكُمْ ومن سكم الي
ابوغي فوم ومن بُوْغِي فومُ الي اءتِي كثيرة الماء ومن اءتي قطع البحر الي
الحجر كبير ومن الحجر الي كَنكَوَنْسُ ومن كنكونس الي الي اءهِنكُنْتَ ومن
هنكنت الي اءدَنكَسَضُ قطع البحر تلك اليوم الي دُدِ ومن دُدِ الي كَمَنَ
ومن كَمَنَ الي حُنَفُوكُي الن الجبل الكبير الي الصحراء الي اَكُومْ بلد
سلطن سلطان الكبير ومن ذالك اليوم صُكُرْيي الي صحرا الي فُونِ ومن فُونِ
الي تَمَي الي تِغُوْا ومن تِغُوْا اَلي وُضُ صرخ الي بيط فيه بِرني
TRANSLATION OF No. 9.
First, the country of Alfine; and from Alfine to Casou Dousou, and then
to Sakam, and from Sakam to Boghifom, from Boghifom to Aty or Aowati,
where the water (of the river) is very great. From Aowati, cross the
river, (the Koara) and land at the large rocks; from whence proceed on
to Kankawansa, and from Kankawansa to Henkonta. From Henkonta to
Dankasado (again) cross a river, (sea) and rest the day at Dody. From
Dody to Kamana, and from Kamana to Honafokon; and then to a great range
of mountains, on the other side of which is the Desert. The next place
is Akom, the country of the king of kings بلد سلطن سلطن الكبير (meaning
the sultan of Bornou.) Then Sokori, then the Desert, and Foony. And from
Foony to Tama, Tegho, Woso or Wodo, and Bornou.
The following MS. describing the journey to Kassina, was written by a
native of that country, but recently arrived at Coomassy on a trading
speculation from the former city: like the MS. No. 3, it leads to Magho
on the Ghulby, and from thence eastward along its shores.
No. 10.
الحمد لله السلام عليكم &c. : جَمَاكَاسِي : مَاجُوكْوَسِي : اَدِجَنِ :
اَمَاتِنِي : اَتَابُوبُو : بَنَايْي : يَاجِي : سَلَاغَي : بُوكُوكِي
ذَافُوا : دُورُوَا يَنْسَلَا : كُوبِيَ : لَّااجَا : يَنْدِي : كَرِدُسِ
سَاكوْغُوا بَاكِي غُلوبِي دَاج : تُودُو : كُوكُوجُو : مَاغُو : تَادِه :
بَالَغُوُ : فَضَلِي : ذَابِغَا : يَنْقَا : يَرْمِسِ : كُودِبِيَي
:يَنْبُوتِي : طَاغُو : غُوغَيِ : فَادِسِك دَنْسَرِكَي : كَيَا : دَغَابُو
: عَثْقَالِي : عَلُومَاغُو : دَاوَا : لَاغَامَنَ : كُمُسِي : دَابَاغُو :
سَامِيَ : غُلْبي : مَعُار : رُوغَا : تُودُو : بَاكِين كُوَراء : رِدّبَا
: بلِيدِء : دُوسِ رُوغَا : دَاوَا : فَوْغَا : كُوقُوبُو : دِهبِي داج
كُوكَ كَابِي غُلُبِي : كَلَابَيْنَ : سَلَا : سَاغَارَ : دُورُوَا :
بُوكَوُرِ : كُمْسيِ : غَدُو ذَامَاج : سَارَ : نُوفَوَا : دُورُعِ :
مَارِكِي رُومَا : مَيْوُا بِرِنِ كَاسِينَ
TRANSLATION OF No. 10.
Glory be unto God, and peace unto you, &c. (The places) are Jamakasi,
Majokoasi, Adijani, Amateny, Ataboba, Banaa. Then Yajy and Salgha. From
Salgha to Bokoky, Zafo, Dorowa, Yansala, Coobeya, Laja, and then Yandi.
From Yandi to Cardosi, Sakogho, Baki, and (the next journey is to) the
river Ghulbi. From the Ghulbi (go to) Dajy, Todoge, Kokojo to Magho; and
from thence to Tady, Balagho, Fadaly, Dahegha, Yanka, Yarmesy, Kodeba,
Yanboti, Tagho, Ghogha, Fadeseka, Dansareka, Caya, Daghabo Atkali,
Alomagho, Dawa, Lagamana, Komosy, Dabakou, Sameya, Alomoan, Maury,
Rougha, Todo, and then (you are on the banks of the) Koara (the Koara
Rafa.) Then Redaba, Beledy, Dosyrouga, Doua, Fougha, Kotobo, Deby, Dajy,
Kooka, Cabi, and then the river Ghulbi again. From thence to Kalabaina,
Sala, Saghara, Droo, Bokory, Komsi, Ghado, Damaji, Sara, Nofawa (the
country of Niffy) Darâa, Mariki, Rouma, Mayo, Berini, (and lastly)
Kassina.
The following is a sketch from a native chart, describing distance, &c.
It was taken from an original in the possession of a man named Mohammed
Shallum, al Marouy, a native of Maroa, who travelled in company with the
Sheriffe Brahim, and was left in Ghunja when that prince departed.[184]
No. 11.
بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم مسهلة سفر من بلد حَوْسَا يَوْرِي الي قرية بُرْنُو
يقاله بِرِنِي علي البحر كُوَرَا ومن برنو الي البحر شَادِي والبحر نِيلُ :
ومن يوري الي كَسينَا خمسه وعسر يوما ومن كسين الي قرية كَنُ تسع يوما ومن
قرية كن الي قرية برنو اشهر واما سلطان برنو هو سلطان دنيا كلهم لامثله في
الدنيا ومن برنو الي البحر يقاله شَرِ ثلثين يوما ومن شر الي البحر يقال له
شدي اربعة ايام واما كبير بحر شاد انه كورا يدخل فيه ومن شاد الي فُرْ سبعة
ايام ومن فُرْ الي وَدايِ خمس ايام ومن وداي الي قرية مَصَرْ خمسين يوم
وثلاث يوما ومن مصر الي قرية المدينا ومكة اربعين يوما ليلا والنهار وفيه
بيت الله وهو وَسَطْا دنيا ومن مكة الي قرية مدينة عشر يوما ليلا والنهر
ومن قرية المدينة الي قرية شام عشرين يوما ومن شَامُ الي بيت المقدس عشر
يوما وفيه جبل اسمه طور سينيي وعلي راس هذا جبل كلام الله لموس وتحت جبل
طور سينيي فقبر موسي
TRANSLATION OF No. 11.
In the name of God, the merciful, &c. This is a direction for travelling
from Haoussa (the kingdom of) Youry to the city of Bornou, called
Berini, by water upon the Koara, and from Bornou to the sea Shady and
the sea Nile.
From Youry to Kassina, it is fifteen days. From Kassina to the city of
Kano, nine days. From Kano to the city of Bornou it is one month;—and
the sultan of this country, whose equal exists nowhere else, governs all
the land. Then from Bornou to the sea called Shary, it is thirty days;
and from Shary to the sea called Shady it is four days. The Shady is a
large sea because the Koara runs into it. From the Shady to Foor it is
seven days, and from Foor to Wady five days more. Then from Wady to the
city of Egypt, (Masser or Cairo) it is fifty-three days; from Cairo to
Medina and Mecca it is forty days hard travelling. The Temple of God
stands in it, (the Caaba) and the city itself stands in the middle of
the world. From Mecca to the city of Medina it is ten days hard
travelling; and from Medina to the capital of Syria (Damascus) it is
twenty days, from whence (the city of Shem) to the city of Jerusalem it
is ten days, and the mountain called Tor of Sinai[185] is in it, upon
the top of which God conversed with the Prophet Moses, and the mountain
Tor of Sinai fell and buried Moses.
Another chart or manuscript in the possession of this man was called
مسهلة سفر من بلد غنجا الي حوسا ومن خرج من قرية سلطان حتا يبيت علي البحر
كوار بحر ليس متله “A travelling guide from the country of Ghunja to that
of Haoussa, from the time you leave the city of the king (Coomassy)
until you alight upon the banks of the sea called Koara:—a sea (river)
whose equal no where exists.” It will be unnecessary, however, to insert
this document as it deviates but little from MS. No. 1, than which, in
regard to time, and distance, it is less precise.
* * * * *
The author of this work, who is also the editor and translator of the
Arabic it contains, deems it right to announce to the oriental scholar,
that some trifling errors have intruded themselves amongst the
characters of that language which precede the Appendix:—an elucidation
however may be briefly given. There is a distinction between the
formations of oriental and occidental Arabic; and notwithstanding the
characters of both are nearly the same, the difference trifling as it is
in other respects—د is material as regards the letters ف and ق which the
African Arabs, and the natives of that Continent universally write with
single dots; the former at bottom, the latter at top. The author
consequently, to whom, from custom, the occidental style is most
familiar had already commenced the work of publication, and had
proceeded in his corrections nearly to the extent described before he
discovered that no such type as an occidental one could be procured. For
ف therefore it will be necessary in the part foregoing the Appendix to
read ق
THE END.
[Footnote 171: See Note, p. 139.]
[Footnote 172: The Articles No. 1 and 2 of the Supplementary Treaty,
were inserted at the particular request of the King of Ashantee, to
shew, as he said, without disguise, his friendship for white men, and,
at the same time, his determined policy as regarded the people of Cape
Coast. Originally this monarch intended to have written a letter to the
King of England, containing sentiments to this effect; but changing his
intention after the general treaty had been signed, he desired his
ambassadors to explain his sentiments at the British court as they are
here recorded. The propriety of writing them down in a treaty, he
affirmed, was manifest, as the Governor and white men would know his
immutable policy and the public sentiments of his captains.]
[Footnote 173: This river is by some called the Komashar, and is said to
fall into the great river of Dahomy—the Lagos.]
[Footnote 174: The author of this MS. seems to have made a slip of the
pen in the description of the distance between Tunis and Mecca; or,
which is very probable, he intended to have written the name of some
other city bearing a relation in sound to that of Tunis. The words,
however, are من بلد طونس الي مكة اثنا عشر ايام as they are translated.]
[Footnote 175: There exists a current tradition resting upon the
authority of the chapter of the Koran, intitled Al Araf, that when the
Almighty divested himself of the awful attributes of his omnipotence,
which none of mortal race could look upon and live, he appointed his
servant Moses to meet him near a certain mountain called Al Zabbar. But
the Prophet doubtful if he was in the presence of his Creator, cried
out, “O Lord! shew me thy glory that I may behold thee.” To which the
Almighty answered, thou shalt not in any wise behold me; but look at the
mountain, and if it is still rooted in its place, then, indeed, thou
shalt see my glory. Moses turned his head in that direction, as the
attributes of Divine Majesty blazed on the mountain, and reduced it to
dust, throwing the Prophet also into a deep swoon.]
[Footnote 176: The concluding parts of the MSS. which are chiefly of a
religious character, coupled, moreover, with a description of mountains
known to my informers, I have not deemed it necessary to translate, as
the neighbourhoods of Egypt and Syria may be better known to the
European than the tropical African in the west.]
[Footnote 177: There existed a feeling of emulation among the followers
of Mohammed, to anticipate any conjecture I might form that they were
deficient in a knowledge of their scriptures, and of the land sacred to
the memory of the Prophets Shouma, who never travelled to the northward
of the kingdom of Haoussa; but as he did not wish to be thought inferior
to others who were more intimately acquainted with the countries he
attempted to describe, beyond the Koara, he probably wrote the
supplementary part from his gleanings among the Haoussa Moslems,
established in Coomassy.]
[Footnote 178: The preliminary and some superfluous parts of the MS. it
is conceived may be generally omitted.]
[Footnote 179: This manuscript is the copy from another original
document, which the author preserved with great care to serve him as a
travelling guide by the least fatiguing route to Arabia, where he
intended to go on a pilgrimage as soon as the king granted him
permission, or that he could arrange his affairs satisfactorily.
Another manuscript, written by a Mohammedan chief, who had been many
years established (as a courtier and trader) at Ashantee, will be
perused with interest, as its supplement is a route to the Jolliba at
Sego and Jinnie. The author was a native of Ghomba, in Dagombah; he was
the celebrated Bashaw, commonly called Sheikh or Alkaid Baba—a name
which he derived from his advanced age. During his youthful days he had
travelled through many kingdoms in the East; yet he had never been
either at Timbuctoo or Jinnie.
The author had resided some time at the courts of Zogho, Bargho, Magho,
and Kambah. The Joliba he always spoke of as a river distinct from the
Koara, being separated by a sea or lake, which he sometimes called Bahar
Ghimbala, and at others Bahar Deby, or Zeby. The Joliba he conceived to
be inferior, by far, in dimensions, as well as in the multitude of lakes
and large populous islands the Koara abounds with.]
[Footnote 180: Contrary to what Mr. Bowdich has insinuated, I did not
meet with the slightest interruption, neither was I annoyed by
suspicious glances during my geographical researches in the society of
the north eastern Moslems. The king and his ministers were early
apprised of the intimacy that existed, and of our daily occupation; but
so far was he from resenting the familiarity, that it gave him great
pleasure, and which he evinced by making it, from time to time, a topic
of conversation, in which he would frequently talk of neighbouring
kingdoms; of Dahomy, Sarem, Dagomba, &c. At the same time it must be
admitted, that the king or his ministers were tacitly averse to an
intimacy with the Kong, Ghofan, and Manding Moslems, who were taken in
arms against him during the last Bontoko war: yet the king, himself,
never even hinted at the jealousy which it was but natural for him to
feel on the occasion.]
[Footnote 181: This is the Bahar Aswada, as it is called by the Moslems:
the other name by which it is distinguished by the Idolators is
Adirrai.]
[Footnote 182: Whatever may be the prevailing opinion concerning the
tribes and nations of interior Ethiopia, it is not to be doubted that
many powerful states and principalities are exclusively Mohammedan;
indeed, from such accounts as are deserving of credit, it appears that
the proportion of Moslems is nearly upon a par with the idolatrous
population, between the Aswada and the Koara Rivers, on the Haoussa
road. In Ghunja, beyond the Aswada or Volta, excluding Dahomy and its
tributary states, the Moslems are supposed to exceed in numbers the
idolaters. In Dagomba, Ghomba, Zogho, Kambah, and Kook, they are very
numerous: In Bargho and Killinga they enjoy independent governments,
reaching even to the banks of the Koara.]
[Footnote 183: The author candidly admitted his incompetence to give any
intimate description of the countries eastward of Bornou, as his
geographical knowledge was limited to the capital of that empire; but he
professed capacity to describe with accuracy the interior features of
the continent as far as the Koara, both geographically and politically.
In the north and west he maintained that the creed of the Prophet had
not made as much progress as in central Africa, and the states eastward
of Dagomba and Killinga: and this he accounted for in a manner by no
means unsatisfactory. The former regions, he said, beyond Ghobagho, were
for the most part either mountainous or hilly, and were beside clothed
in impenetrable forests and thickets, from whence the natives (who, in
certain districts were more barbarous than the Ashantees,) were able to
oppose the Moslem arms successfully, where cavalry, besides being
scarce, could not act: whereas the latter districts being champaign
land, and the Arabian horse and camel (from having been early introduced
there) being abundant, the Moslem princes, tributaries of Bornou on the
south of Koara, reduced nation after nation, compelling some, the most
assailable, to renounce idolatry, and all to pay tribute; which, like
the Arabs, they collect by flying camps, and large squadrons of horse
and camel. The King of Ashantee, it was added, owed his safety to the
same causes, added to a maritime intercourse by which he obtained those
scarce articles, powder and guns.]
[Footnote 184: The author, who called himself El Hadge ben Saido, was
the only man amongst my associates who had performed the pilgrimage; and
consequently the only one of the party who enjoyed the title of Hadge.
His education, however, was but an imperfect one, and his writing, like
that of some others, betrays the fact. This man was particularly
communicative, and anxious, as he affirmed, that I should know his
country, (Houssa) which was of more importance in every shape than
Ghunja and Dagombah put together.]
[Footnote 185: The author is evidently under a mistake in placing the
mountain Tor, or Sinai, in the neighbourhood of Jerusalem, from which it
is distant ten journies south. Another circumstance worthy of notice is,
that he places Wady to the eastward, or northward and eastward of Foor:
i.e. in the journey to Egypt from Ghunja, the traveller, as he
describes, must necessarily traverse Foor, or Dar Foor, before he enters
Wady, called also Dar Wady.]
ERRATA.
* * * * *
INTRODUCTION.
Page xix. lines 10 and 11, for “report of the king’s death did lose
ground,” read, did not lose ground.
—— xxiv. line 1, for “ ong,” read long.
—— xxv. lines 25 and 26, for “as if sensible last,” read, as if
sensible at last.
—— xxxvii. line 19, omitted direction;—To the Governor and Council.
JOURNAL.
Page 18. lines 17 and 18, for “Mimosa Scandriensis,” read Bauhinea
Scandens.
—— 64. line 15, for “Benjamin,” read Benzoin.
—— 73. in the note, for “العلمير,” read العلمين
—— 77. line 4, for “lions,” read loins.
—— 123. line 24, the asterisk at line 24, following “told me,” should
fall at line 25, following Annamaboe.
—— 177. line 4, for “جْوُرْجْ,” read جُورجْ
WANGARA.
Page XXIV. line 6, for “Kambah,” read Komba.
—— XXXIII. —— The marks of reference to the notes at the bottom of the
page should be reversed thus, No. 1, the *, No. 2, the †.
—— XXXVII. line 13, for “the capital,” read their capital.
—— LVII. note, line 6, for “in the neighbourhood of Jaccorary,” read,
and in the neighbourhood of Taccorary.
SOUDAN.
Page LXXX. line 28, for “Soudan Dakhlala,” read Soudan Dakhlata.
—— LXXXIX. line 6, for “Holagul,” read Holagu.
—— XCI. line 29, for “east of the Formosa,” read west, &c.
—— XCIV. line 12, for “Joolimani,” read Soolimani.
—— XCV. line 17, for “Tastima,” read Taslima.
—— XCVII. line 19, for “Takolshi,” read Jakolshi.
—— XCVIII. line 11, for “Kouzagha,” read Konzagha.
—— —— line 24, for “Koubory,” read Konbory.
—— XCIX. line 18, for “Callio Makaro,” read Makaro.
—— —— note, for “Vahar Kanbaja,” read Bahar, &c.
—— C. line 1, for “Hanbaja,” read Kanbaja.
—— CI. line 13, for “Kassima,” read Kassina.
—— CII. line 13, for “south of the desert,” read south of the Niger.
—— CIV. line 28, latitude and longitude of Yandy redundant, having
been recorded in Wangara
—— CX. line 2, in the note, for, “Kakbara,” read Rakbara.
APPENDIX.
Page CXXIV. line 7, of the Arabic, for “اسع,” read اسم
—— CXXV. line 4, ditto for “ومر يندوت,” read &c. ومن
—— —— line 7, ditto for “ومر شام,” read &c. ومن
The author, in apologising to the public for such a list of errata as
the foregoing, begs to observe, that he was seized with a dangerous
illness during the progress of the publication, which consequently
deprived him of the advantage of correcting _some_ of the proofs, daily,
as they came from press. That by the great professional skill of his
medical attendant, (Dr. Herbert of Grafton Street,) he was able, after
the lapse of a fortnight, to attend to the task of correction; but too
late to remedy the evil, particularly as regards the section “Soudan.”
Transcriber's note:
The changes in the ERRATA have been done.
The placement of diacritics in Arabic words has been adjusted to
match the author's translations and transliterations, particularly
in the GEOGRAPHICAL DOCUMENTS.
Page iv, Changed: "Conclusion of the Nogotiations" to: "Negotiations"
Page i, Changed: "the Govenor of Cape Coast Castle" to: "Governor"
Page vi, Changed: "I did only under symptons" to: "symptoms"
Page xxx, Changed: "if the govenor will have war" to: "governor"
Page xxxv, Changed: "live in frienship with the whites" to:
"friendship"
Page 71, Changed: "and strings of human teeh were" to: "teeth"
Page 96, Changed: "that his feelings had beeen wounded" to: "been"
Page 117, Changed: "between a Moslem and an Ashanteee" to: "Ashantee"
Page 155, Added ” after: "he must certainly kill you."
Page 157, Added ” after: "near the great water (Niger.)"
Page 160-161, Moved ” from after: "the great God himself." to after:
"one God, the merciful," and added “ before: "Ah!” said the king"
Page 168-169, Changed: "millions lions of untutored heathens" to:
"millions of untutored heathens"
Page 175, Added ” after: "make you this present,"
Page 176, footnote 66, Changed: "in common with he maritime natives"
to: "the"
Page 185, Changed: "I “replied, It was impossible" to: "I replied, “It
was impossible"
Page 190, Missing ref. to note 76 placed after: "decline taking them
on board the ship.”"
Page 211, footnote 91, Changed: "opposite to it an asks the priest"
to: "and"
Page 221-223, footnote 100, Changed: "sailed from Cape Coast Castle,
March 22, 1814" to: "1824"
Page 224, Changed: "CHAPTER VI." to: "CHAPTER VII."
Page 234, Changed: "near Bassam and Cape Lahon" to: "Lahou"
Page 237, Moved “ from before: "a short time before I parted" to
before: "would have served your king’s"
Page 246, Missing ref. to note 114 placed after: "and courageous upon
this nation."
Page 248, Changed: "consisting of 50,000, men gained" to: "consisting
of 50,000 men, gained"
Page 254, Changed: "of salt and malaqueta pepper" to: "malagueta"
Page VII-IX, A few maghrebi qaf ڧ have been changed into regular
qaf ق (See note at the end of p. CXXXV)
Page XIX, footnote 128, Changed: "called المغرف, Mogharb" to: "المغرب"
Page XXXIV, Changed: "The Moselms are particularly numerous" to:
"Moslems"
Page XXXVII, Changed: "length of sixteeen or eighteen" to: "sixteen"
Page CI, Changed: "Youry, Koubash, Bousa, Garanty" to: "Konbash"
Page CII, Changed: "Koubory" to: "Konbory"
Page CIII, Changed: "Kadanki, Cabouto, and Koujasi" to: "Konjasi"
Page CIII, Changed: "to Zoukoma, Jadagho, and Keno" to: "Zonkoma"
Page CV, Changed: "over that river to Sabousara" to: "Sabonsara"
Page CXXXV, Changed: "سفر من بلد عنجا" to: "غنجا"
Some minor punctuation changes have been done silently.