of speech, by which our tongues are made to converse with one loving
friend and another, and between a brother and his brethren. So I bear
witness to you, O ambassador of the great king, truly a benevolent
friend of the blacks of every nation, and a friend to the felicity (of
man) as happiness consists in fidelity, and therefore in sincerity I
bear witness that there is no other God than one God, and that Mohammed
is the Apostle of God. May this guide you in safety to your country, and
may you enjoy ample felicity to the full extent of my friendship; as
there is truth in this invocation, and that you are the friend of the
king of Ashantee, Sai Quamina, &c. &c. God Almighty shower down upon
them both (the king of England and the king of Ashantee) blessings and
abundance, and may he unite their hearts, and cement the friendship
between them permanently.
“My friend—friend of the Moslems, God prolong your life in the enjoyment
of his bounty and benevolence, and may you return again to us with the
love of God and the love of men in sincerity. Written by Mohammed,
commonly called Baba, the Moslem Bashaw of Coomassy.”
الحمل لله وحده ذاك مسكي اعطاه صاحبه وحبيبه قرطاس وقد وصل لنا ذاك جزاك
الله خيرا وطويل الله عمره وعظمه الله بعظمة كثيرامع العافية البدن وصحت
الجسام وحمده واشكره ويرجعك الله الي بلدك بالعافية والقدر صح[124]
“Glory be to God in unity. Kind friend thou didst give some paper to thy
loving friends, and the esteemed donation came to us in safety. May God
multiply his rewards, (may he) prolong thy life and raise thy greatness
to a high renown, with health and strength of body. Praise him therefore
in gratitude, and God will carry you back to your country in vigour, for
omnipotence belongs to him in truth.—From Abdallah ben Ghatta.”
This might suffice to prove the truth of the attachment of these people
personally, and to the interests of the mission, without going to
further quotations, as it is also evidence of a refinement in courtesy.
But it is due to candour and to the welfare of future travellers that I
should circumstantially exonerate this friendly sect from ungrateful
misrepresentation, by an open avowal that I found them disinterested in
their proffers of friendship, liberal to an excess in courtesy, and
staunch to their engagements, when their services, even from the hour I
became acquainted with them, were called for. Devoid of Arabian or
Turkish bigotry, they felt but a very remote interest in those anathemas
of the Koran levelled against Christians and Jews as enemies of the
faith: buried in the wilds of Ethiopia, they could listen passively to
the recitations of early times, when the roar of battles raged in the
north, and religious phrenzy desolated the Asiatic and African plains,
without feeling moved otherwise than by a transient effusion of
gratitude to the Almighty, for promulgating a law which taught them the
heinous offence of idolatry; whilst the religious inveteracy of the
Arabs against the name of Nazarene, or Roumi, they considered something
in the light of a national antipathy, with which locally they had
nothing to do, and which it was not incumbent on them to imbibe
themselves, or to instil into the minds of their children. In the
practice of devotion they were constant and apparently sincere, although
some of them violated the law of temperance, indulging by stealth in
spirituous liquors and palm wine. When taxed with the crime, they would
reply, “God pardon our offences, they are manifold; drinking strong
drinks we know is a relic of the days of ignorance, but it is a custom
of this country which we learn from our mothers.”
The Moslems of Coomassy and Salgha are nearly as jetty-complexioned as
the idolaters themselves; but many from the inland countries are, more
or less, as fair as the northernmost desert Arabs. As another instance
of deviation from the institutions of the Koran, and of which they also
give their mothers the credit, their faces and bodies are cut by
prolongated incisions, the object of which is to distinguish their
respective tribes or nations. The superstitious ceremonies of the Pagans
they deplore with sympathy, and the diabolical custom of offering human
victims for sacrifice they hold in just abhorrence; but still pity is
mingled with their indignation.
The Moslems are the only class of subjects belonging to the kingdom, who
are morally scrupulous in virtues such as we prize ourselves. This the
king is sensible of, and hence the attachment he evinces for the
professors of that faith, is at least politically sincere; but it must
be confessed also, that that monarch is somewhat religiously inclined
towards the followers of Mohammed from a reverential awe of the
universal God, the Father, according to his imagination, of the
creation, of every terrestrial deity, and of those invisible powers,
whose benign or malign actions agitate the world, and inspire the hearts
of men with good or evil propensities. Notwithstanding this sovereign
chuses to adhere faithfully to his Pagan rites in all their manifold
horrors and enormities, he does not neglect to supplicate the Moslems
for their prayers, particularly when oppressed with anxiety, when the
state council is convened on business of emergency, or when the national
priests or necromancers are unable to solve any problem to the
satisfaction of majesty. The talismanic charms fabricated by the
Moslems, it is well known, are esteemed efficacious, according to the
various powers they are supposed to possess; and here is a source of
great emolument, as the article is in public demand from the palace to
the slave’s hut; for every man (not by any means exempting the Moslems)
wears them strung round the neck, either in cases of gold, silver, or
the hairy hide of wild beasts, such as lions, tygers, monkeys,
elephants, sloths, &c. Some are accounted efficacious for the cure of
gunshot wounds, others for the thrust or laceration of steel weapons,
and the poisoned barbs of javelins, or arrows. Some, on the other hand,
are esteemed to possess the virtue of rendering the wearer invulnerable
in the field of battle, and hence are worn as a preservative against the
casualties of war. Besides this class of charms, they have other
cabalistical scraps for averting the evils of natural life: these may
also be subdivided into separate classes; some, for instance, are
specific nostrums in certain diseases of the human frame, some for their
prevention, and some are calculated either to ward off any impending
stroke of fortune, or to raise the proprietor to wealth, happiness and
distinction.
We are told, in Mr. Bowdich’s work, that he received ill-treatment at
Coomassy; a truth which cannot be denied: yet the Moslems had no share
in it, directly or indirectly. On the contrary, it appears by the
general testimony, they advocated the cause of the white men,
notwithstanding public opinion pronounced censure for the indecorous
precipitancy of the party in their conduct to the king, whose orders,
the author, according to his own confession, indignantly spurned at; and
thereby entailed upon himself and his associates a chastisement
humiliating to his personal feelings, and highly offensive to his
dignity, as a public functionary. In reference to this insult, according
to Mr. Bowdich’s statement, the king would not allow him to depart from
his capital on a certain Wednesday, but insisted that it should be the
Monday following, in opposition to every remonstrance: Mr. Bowdich, who
was equally inflexible, insisted upon the king’s compliance, or on
leaving Coomassy “without his approbation.” The king said, he might
break the law if he thought proper, and the other retorted, with a
slight qualification, “he would send for the treaty and tear it in
pieces before him.” The king, in disgust, no doubt, rose abruptly and
retired. In effect, the project was carried into execution that very
day; but the party had scarcely traversed fifty yards through the city,
ere the “gong gongs were beat, and a crowd of swords and musquets
attacked them (as the author expresses himself,) headed by the landlord
Aboidwee, who, in the first rush, seized both luggage and flag.” The
author then narrates a circumstantial account of a _battle_, during
which “his party were attacked with heavy swords and large stones,” and
this battle lasted near a quarter of an hour, although in the sequel it
is admitted that the party did not even draw their swords in self-
defence, or, what was even of primary consideration, in defence of the
proud flag which had been consigned to their vigilance and discretion,
when it was first ravished from their grasp. On the contrary, _the king_
was applied to for rescue from the _murderous_ weapons that flourished
over their heads, and which besides wounding “several of the party, had
well nigh cut short the thread of the narrative by an unmerciful blow
with a scimiter, which, being promptly fended off, only grazed the
author’s face.” This disaster, in the language of Mr. Bowdich, he
considers to have “perfected the impression of his spirit.” Waving this
momentous consideration, may it not be enquired if such a train of rash
proceedings, taking the author’s own words for it, were calculated to
perfect an impression of any thing more weighty? This, in substance, is
what is described in pages 136, 137, &c., of that Mission to Ashantee;
but which, as the affair was revealed to me by the king, by the
caboceers, by the Moslems, and lastly, by several Fantees who were in
the _engagement_, is materially inaccurate—I must say _falsely
embellished_ with incidents that never occurred. During my residence at
court, the king particularly enquired if the king of England was angry
at what had happened to Mr. Bowdich, when he attempted to go away
without permission. He confessed that he gave orders to stop him, but
not to ill use the white men; whereas “some of his people had beaten
them” (flogged was the term) “with sticks, because they would not obey
his last message to return until they discovered that he was serious.
When they were brought back to their house it made him very sorry for
what had occurred; but he was sorry also the white captain should tell
him before the caboceers, that he would go when he chose, for that was
not the custom of the country, nor was it proper.” The king’s
declaration accorded well with that of all ranks who witnessed the
transaction, and of my own servant Coffee, who was in Mr. Bowdich’s
employ at the time. No crowds of musquets, or other fire arms, no
swords, or other offensive weapons, save sticks, were resorted to during
this _engagement of a quarter of an hour’s durance_, and consequently
none were either killed or wounded in the action; but all, all is a
fabrication, if the testimony of above a hundred witnesses is to be
credited before the bare assertion of an individual. What did really
happen to the party was, however, sufficient to leave behind an
indelible stain upon the capacity of Mr. Bowdich as a _plenipotentiary_,
and privately, perhaps I am justified in saying, as a man of mature
understanding. On the other hand, it would be silly to suppose that the
author’s intemperate language, or the misfortune that befel him, were at
all adapted to raise the national reputation of Englishmen; for what he
arrogantly refused the king in full court, he was ultimately induced to
comply with in the midst of public and private insult.[125]
The Moslems who are to be found in Coomassy, are either natives born in
the north-eastern districts, bordering the Volta river, or they are
subjects of various inland kingdoms, whose residence in the capital is
temporary only. The former class is the most numerous, if we include
their slaves or proselytes, whose education is limited to an imperfect
knowledge of the essential prayers and ceremonies of worship which they
practice under the auspices of their masters, who devote a certain
portion of each day to their education. The foreign Moslems, beside
those of Salgha, Yandy, and other parts of Dagomba, and Ghunja, are from
the inland districts bordering the Ghulby and Koara rivers, to instance
the kingdoms and districts of Houssa, Killinga, Magho, Bargho, Marroa,
&c.; and these men, who upon the average are better educated, are
proportionably gifted with knowledge more extensive than their Guinea
brethren possess. Hence it is that the arrival of a well educated man is
announced by public rejoicing, and he is entitled to a degree of
veneration in proportion to his talents. Natives of Cairo, of the great
Desert, of Medina, and Mecca, sometimes (although rarely) visit the
empire, as well as adjacent kingdoms; and the Tunisian and Tripolitan
merchants occasionally penetrate as far. When any of these events
happen, the epoch is commemorated by rejoicings at court also, and a
suitable number of human victims are doomed to bleed in honour of the
visitors. Even the imperial Sherfa tribe extend their travels as far as
this remote district of heathen Africa; and, as the sea presents an
obstacle to their progress southward, they pursue their rambles east and
west to the neighbouring courts, as politics or commerce may invite
their steps. These descendants of the prophet’s family are received at
Ashantee with hospitality unlimited in its scope; they become the
honoured guests of king and ministers, while the population in bulk
venerate them as demi-gods, and look for an increase of wealth in
proportion as they compete in tendering respect and offers of service to
their visitors: for no man is ignorant of the pretensions they set up on
account of their sanctified genealogy, and their consanguinity to kings
and emperors of the past and present day. Expiatory and propitiatory
offerings of all descriptions are tendered to the stranger’s god, as
well as to the national and tutelary deities; the poor commonly make
oblations of the blood of fowls, eggs, pigeons, &c.; the superior
classes of citizens, that of goats or sheep; and the court, that of
slaves and prisoners of war; as was practised under the old Mexican
emperors, who reserved these unhappy men for public sacrifice, on days
dedicated to state ceremony, to religious festivals, rejoicings, or
lamentations.
The degree of respect entertained for the Sherfa by the Guinea Moslems,
is at least equivalent to the homage that is their due in the Barbary
states. These princes, to whatever nation they may belong, enjoy a
precedence over their brethren in faith on all ceremonious occasions;
and this distinction is unreluctantly accorded even by the Bashaw of
Coomassy. In the distribution of presents made by the king, and the
great officers and captains, their share of gold and provisions is at
least equivalent, and it most commonly exceeds the rest in quantity.
There have been three of these princely visitors at Coomassy during the
reign of Sai Quamina, and none ever came so far to the south and west
before; a circumstance that induces the present sovereign of Ashantee to
arrogate to himself a greater degree of glory than his ancestors ever
enjoyed. The last of these princes was the Sheriffe Brahima who was at
court during Mr. Bowdich’s mission in 1817, but who, after a residence
partly at Coomassy and partly at Abomey, the capital of Dahomy, during
the space of nearly three years, quitted the former for Nikky, with an
ample fortune, and in charge of a large caravan of pilgrims, who had
entered into engagements with the Sheriffe for protection to Cairo.
The inhabitants of Morocco, Fez, Taffilet, Suse, or the deserts in their
vicinity, rarely frequent this part of Guinea; nor have the Ashantees
any direct open communication with the Niger between Ghou and Yamina, a
space of nearly six hundred miles horizontal, although they sometimes
visit those regions by circuitous routes, under the guidance of a
friendly Moslem: the reason is that certain hostile kingdoms intervene
both north and west of Ashantee.
The geography of Western Africa, as it is submitted in the Map, is
carefully compiled from a series of manuscripts,[126] and from
information purely native, whose authors were in frequent habits of
traversing the African Continent from south to north, (or vice versâ)
from the forests of Ashantee to the several ports of the Ghulby and
Niger eastward, as far as Bornou, and even Bagharmi, where, it is
stated, the Shary forms a junction with the waters of the Shady in its
course to the Egyptian Nile. Whatever may be the various sentiments of
the learned in African literature, as regards the natural and political
features of the internal parts of this continent, I take no part in the
controversy, neither am I wedded to any theory, however presumptive or
otherwise the evidence may appear. In this avowal, which embraces every
hypothesis, it will be only requisite to repeat that the reader is
naturally at liberty to establish his own reflections upon the materials
before him, while the author of the treatise, whatever may be his
sentiments individually, will simply claim the privilege of asserting,
that it could not concern him either intimately or remotely, if it even
should be shewn by possibility or demonstration, that the Niger, the
Koara, the Ghulby, &c. pour their waters into the eastern or western
ocean, into the northern African sea, (the Mediterranean) or into the
swamps and lakes which have been supposed to exist between the equator
and the tropic of Cancer, and to which the erroneous name of Wangara
seems to have been given. Far be the thought, however, that might
obtrude a shade of disrespect towards the conceptions and prejudices of
the world of science; for many illustrious writers, and others whose
talents are known only in private life, are perhaps in the full
enjoyment of opinions founded upon hypothetical conclusions, and the
assertions of travellers, which as far as philosophical reasoning should
have influence, may possibly claim as much, or more public attention,
than any isolated system whatever, relating to the great rivers of
Africa.
Among the manuscripts furnished by the Moslems for illustrating the
geography of interior Africa, is one whose features are descriptive of
the kingdoms and districts bordering the courses of the Jolliba, Koara,
Ghulby, Shary, Shady, and Nile, to the outlet of the last-mentioned
river at Alexandria, on the Egyptian coast. It was written agreeably to
a desire I expressed, that my informers should substantiate what they
had verbally reported of the courses and names of the great inland
waters. Some trifling passages are not quite intelligible; but as a
point of greater consideration, it is not clear to me whether the
authors intended to trace the Niger from Youry westerly to its source
(in which case Bambouk is to be deemed the reservoir), or that it was
principally designed to give information of the countries upon the
parallel of the Koara, the Jolliba, &c. and between their fountains and
those of the Gambia and Senegal. The manuscript, indeed, supports the
former supposition, yet the latter, after all, would seem to be the most
probable conclusion; for, according to Park, the countries of Foota,
Toura, Foota Joulaba, or Jalo, and Bambook, are watered by the streams
which compose these great western rivers, and consequently the Niger, in
its course eastward, cannot in all human probability intersect so many
rivers, whose inclinations are to the north. It is worthy of remark,
however, that the Moslems should say its Bambara name, Jolliba,
(pronounced Joulaba) is derived from the country Foota Joulaba at the
extremity of a great range of mountains, which form a sort of chain
stretching eastwards, nearly as far as Kong.
In reference to the Appendix to Mr. Bowdich’s work, Nos. 1, 3, and 4,
called “Courses of the Niger or Quolla, by Moors of Haoussa, Bornou, and
Jennie” there is a great coincidence with the manuscript in question in
leading features. If, however, the objection already started, that
Bambouk cannot contain the source of the Niger, be substantially true,
the evidence throws nothing in the scale; that of the Jennie Moor (No.
4) excepted, which it would seem is thus far corroborative of what the
Kong and Manding Moslems report: viz., that the Jolliba rises behind
their country westward, and between that and Melly, in a mountainous
ridge that extends as far as the sea, called Bahar Ahmar, a name which
may be interpreted either the Red River or the River of Savages (and
which I take to be the Gambia): without enumerating places of minor
note, it passes on to Yamina[127], from thence to Sago, Sansanding,
Jennie, Timbuctoo, and Ghou, where the Jolliba ceases to bear that name.
Ghou is the first kingdom westward upon the Koara; it flows then to the
south-east, passing Kaby, and some other states, to Youry: according to
the manuscript, it then runs through Boussa (for the author, besides its
eastern channel, gives it a southern course through Wawa, Kaima,
Khodobari, Khamba, Yarraba, and Ageasse) into the sea at Benin. The
eastern channel, i.e. the Koara, continues to flow away in that
direction, passing Noofee and Atagara to the Sharee, and the Chadee,
from whence it enters Foor and Waddai, until it unites with the Nile.
This manuscript, as it is published, I read over to many Moslems, and
they all agreed that it was correct in substance, although not
sufficiently explicit, because it did not name the southern branch,
called by them the Ghulby Kanbaja, or Shadarba; neither did it state
that it flowed into the salt sea of Benin, by the way of Wawa and
Yarraba, the channel which Mr. Bowdich acknowledges to have expunged,
because he imagined it to be a road instead of what it really was
designed for, a river; hence he merely refers to it as such at
manuscript No. 1, of the Houssa Moor.
In compiling the sketch of a chart at Coomassy, representing the
geographical information I gained of the Moors, it was with some
difficulty they were made to comprehend it; but this was eventually
accomplished, with tolerable satisfaction to myself. Latitude and
longitude it could not be supposed they knew any thing about, for had
they been so qualified, that alone would have argued a pre-eminence over
the Arabs and northern Africans, who are alike ignorant in these
essentials. Journeys of days, half days, and watches[128], according to
their own distribution of time, and according as the Arabs themselves
compute the distance of one place from another, serve them in lieu of
meridional lines and parts. The bearing and relative position of roads,
rivers, kingdoms, &c. they described even with a degree of accuracy.
Shareka and Moghareba, east and west, were terms not unknown to them,
any more than those which express north and south. But their favourite
expressions were the rising or setting Sun; the Sun on the right eye or
on the left, and the Sun full on the cheek, implying the courses or
bearing (relatively) E. and W.—those NE. or NW. and that which pointed
due north. By the same characteristics they described the bearing, and
by days’ journies the distance of one inland kingdom from another,
confirming all they advanced by the testimony of their travelling
manuscripts, and the evidence of those amongst them who had visited the
places they mentioned.
The allowance of sixteen British miles, three-fourths of the same to be
made good on the horizontal distance, I think, from my own experience,
is equivalent to a day’s journey, where the country is intersected by
forest or thicket; or where the surface is interrupted by hills and
mountains. One-fourth reduction from the actual distance by the path, is
certainly not over-rated in proportion to the capricious winding of
roads, such as I travelled over; and I have been credibly assured that
the southern roads exhibit, more or less, the same aspect, whilst those
inclining southward of east, and northward of west, are moreover greatly
impeded by hills, mountains, and ravines.
The impervious forest and thicket, in which most of the capital towns of
Ashantee are embosomed, breaks off in some places about fifty, and in
others sixty miles north-east and west of the metropolis; the roads then
become open, free, and not much inclined to those curvatures, which are
unavoidable in the wilderness of Assin. Hence, from Akeyah, Quahou,
Massy, and the Tando, I imagine that twenty miles, with four-fifths of
that distance to make good for the horizontal distance, will not be
over-rated, for those countries reputed to be champaign land. It should
be recollected, that horses are common inland, throughout the eastern
districts, as far north as the Koara, and that camels are not uncommon.
In the north they are also plentiful; they abound, in short, wherever
the country is adapted to their procreation and use, and the natives of
those parts, as Mr. Bowdich had a fair opportunity of seeing during the
Yam Custom, make use of those valuable animals in their caravans.
I have been in the practice of travelling in the same manner in the
north of Africa. In the year 1814, I travelled, that is, rode, from
Mogadore to Tangier, between which there is a difference of nearly five
degrees of latitude, and about three of longitude, giving an horizontal
distance some trifle short of three hundred and fifty miles, but which
in reality was about four hundred and forty-five, for the road branched
off inland, leaving the direct track, and upon gaining the higher
latitudes, the surface was abrupt and hilly. This journey I performed in
eighteen days, which would almost average twenty-four miles six furlongs
each day. This is what would be termed regular easy travelling, in the
countries of the Gharb, and every where north of the great Desert. The
actual and the horizontal distance in this calculation are at variance
ninety-five miles, which should be accounted for thus:—seventy-four
miles to be reduced by a rate of five-sixths for the angular inclination
of the roads, and twenty-one miles more for diagonal or indirect
courses, a sweep that was made to avoid the plains of a rebellious tribe
of Arabs. But even this is nothing compared with the rate at which
couriers will travel on foot the same distance, as it is no uncommon
thing for those hardy men to perform the journey to Tangier in eleven
days, nay, some few of them are able to accomplish the distance in ten.
But these efforts are put in practice upon cases of emergency only, and
when the express is desired to make his way by night as well as day. By
the same rule the Morocco, Suse, Taffilet roads, &c. are traversed, and
at the same rates. I have journeyed to the capital of this empire in all
seasons of the year, and I invariably found that six days or twenty-five
miles each day was the full average rate[129] without incurring the risk
of fatiguing the cattle. These, which may be termed domestic journeys,
apply exclusively to known places, the towns and cities of the same
empire; whereas the routes leading to foreign parts, and from kingdom to
kingdom, are not traversed so rapidly, whether they are mountainous or
the reverse. In the temperate zone, twenty-four miles by the road is
reckoned a full and complete journey in traversing remote districts, and
twenty miles is estimated as the average; the former making good four-
fifths of the actual distance, would give about nineteen miles one and a
half furlong, and the latter exactly sixteen miles for the horizontal
distance each day.
It has been shewn by an authority no less respectable than the Quarterly
Review[130], that “Mr. Bowdich seems determined to reconcile himself to
every hypothesis that had ever been formed of the course and termination
of the Niger. But the way in which he makes his Quolla to perambulate
the whole of the African Continent, and literally to quarter it with its
divergent branches, some flowing to the east, some to the west, some to
the north, and others again to the south, is not only geographically
absurd, but physically impossible.” I must confess that I am at a loss
to conceive what materials that gentleman could have found at Coomassy
for the arrangement given to his map, in support of an hypothesis of the
texture of which he has submitted no evidence. The Moslems of Coomassy,
with all the elucidation I was capable of giving to the subject, with
his book and map upon the table before us, were unable to comprehend not
only the heterogeneous courses of the rivers, but the very names he has
given to many places, and which, it does appear, have no existence
whatever, except on paper.
It would, perhaps, be an act of injustice to that gentleman, to say I
make no doubt that his system of African geography, which, as he assures
us himself, was checked by the artless prattle of children, was a
fabrication of his own: I do not say so; but this I will affirm, that
the names of kingdoms, cities, rivers, mountains, &c. which might have
been familiar to his hearing at Ashantee, were, as it seems, so
transplanted and shoved about when he constructed his map, that, to use
a hackneyed phrase, “’Tis now so like nothing, that there is nothing
like it.” Nay, it cannot be said to agree with those names of places
which are heaped together in the appendix, many of which are really
deserving of credit. The Gambaro running westerly out of the lake called
Caudee to Timbuctoo; the Quolla going to the rising sun, and uniting to
the Moonda, the Agooawai, the Zaire, or Congo, the Nile, &c.
I would not be thought hostile to any hypothesis, neither do I in the
capacity of reader object to speculations, even such as Mr. Bowdich has
indulged in, provided they are characterised by their proper names. But
as my pen may have been as indignant at these incongruities as my
feelings were at Coomassy, when the author’s map was found to be
useless, it is incumbent on me to point out some of the most palpable
errors, and this I shall do as briefly as possible. Beginning then at
the top of the map, I find a place called Yahoodee, a country or town of
non-existence. Yahoodee simply implies Jews, the tribes of Jews, &c.
which term the Moslems apply to those people of the Mosaic faith who
inhabit the lower Atlas, and the district of Suse. They also apply the
term Yahoodee to the Hebrew or Jewish tribes, whether native Africans or
not, who inhabit Marroa, some parts of Fillany, and the neighbourhood of
Timbuctoo. Of these people I imagine the author of the information
spoke, when he endeavoured to make Mr. Bowdich comprehend the import of
the word Yahoodee. As a nation or a tribe they cannot be inserted with
propriety in any map, for they exist even in a more deplorable state of
servitude and humiliation in those districts than in the empire of
Morocco.
Haoussa, which stands in the neighbourhood of his Yahoodee, he
represents a city with two lakes, &c. giving it the latitude of nineteen
degrees or thereabouts; but which should have been described as a mighty
empire or district whose capital city is Kassina; and Youry, which he
places on the lower river, is Quolla, a powerful kingdom connected with
and dependent upon that metropolis, from which it is distant only
fifteen good journies, east and west. His kingdoms of Barrabadi and
Kallaghee, are totally unknown at Coomassy. His Gambaroo river has no
existence whatever; but Gambaroo is a large city and district eastward
of Kano, and on the south bank of the Koara. Katinna, the city placed
between his kingdom called Kassina and his city of Haoussa, is equally
unknown, unless intended to express the true Kassina, in which case it
is placed as many hundred miles out of its position as the Haoussa city
in relation to the latter, being considered the western limits of that
district: but Haoussa and the tributary kingdoms are upon the Koara. The
towns conducting from the Gambaro to Katinna, are entirely unknown by
name, even to natives of Kassina or other parts of Haoussa. Of the names
scattered between the rivers, and eastward of his Jolliba, some indeed
are known, although the greater portion do not enjoy that advantage.
Taking a peep over the Quolla from Noffee, there will be seen an
extensive desert upon the chart; but which has no existence elsewhere,
if the natives of Nooffee or Noufy, are to be credited, any more than
those long harmonious names in the vicinity of Wawa, spelt Goodoobirree,
Gillimakafoo, Garagooroogee, Paangee, &c. The same rule may be applied
to many more such, and the small writing is commonly erroneous. Of his
kingdoms south of the Koara, and between that river and the Aswada,
(supposing the Roman letters to have that signification) it is to be
lamented that some of them are not yet established; witness his Firrado,
Doolooe, Fobee, Kaybee, and others. But in justice to the author it must
be admitted, that in the midst of such extensive regions he has hit upon
some, perhaps I should have said, many places that really have
existence, although in most cases it appears he has mistaken kingdoms
and districts for towns and cities, and _vice versâ_. In short, there is
little to be commended, besides the names of those provinces which now
constitute the empire of Ashantee. Yet his river Laka, his river Mory,
his river Kaarhalla, and that which he calls Coombo or Zamma, (unless
Komba) are alike unintelligible to natives of those parts. True it is,
there is a town called Coombo; and his river called Mory, or, as it
should be written, Mawry, is a kingdom upon the banks of the Ghulbi, a
river which it seems he never heard of. Gooroma, which is marked as a
kingdom, happens to be the capital city of one of the most puissant
governments of interior Africa. Nay, he did not know that the Volta was
called the Aswada; that there was a great city called Nikky, the
metropolis of Killinga, distant from the Niger or Koara, and the
vicinity of Youry, only thirteen days; that there was a lake in the
dominions of Ashantee called Bouro; (although he will find it written
and published in one of the manuscripts) or that there were provinces in
the empire bearing the name of Akiyah, Ajorah, Yobati, Baboso, &c. All
these inferences may be drawn from his map. Turning from this barren
subject, to the little sketch called “Reported Courses of the Rivers,”
&c. affixed at the corner of the said map, I shall only remark, that his
Oongoora, which is pronounced by the Moslems and Pagans broad and full,
Wankara, nearly as we write it, should be removed from its elevated
station, and be again inserted, in proper characters, in a latitude
considerably lower than his lowest river, (of those running east and
west) and above a thousand miles more to the westward of the longitude
he has assigned it.[131]
It would, perhaps, have astonished the survivors of the mission of 1817,
to be told, that their party had first the honour of exploring a region
so famous in record which has been so long searched after, and of which
it has puzzled so many men of erudition, (transcending our own by far,)
to form a solution agreeably to the writings of the ancients.
Nevertheless it is an undoubted fact, authenticated by the testimony of
every Moslem in Coomassy, that Wangara, or Wankara, is a mighty district
(like what was called the province of Africa, where the city of
Aphrodisium stood, and from which that of Mehedia also took its name)
spreading over all that tract of land from Gaman inclusively, or the
Manding States of Enkasy and Ghombati, in the west, to Khimbee, and
Ajasee, in the east; and from N. to S. from Ghofan and Tonouma, down to
the margin of the Atlantic ocean. But I shall submit, as I may find
occasion, such other observations as I am warranted to do, from the
unanimity and confidence which all my informers opposed against any
argument of a character to destroy their testimony.
Whatever class my literary errors may belong to, or however unworthy I
may be to obtrude upon the good sense of the public, I trust I shall not
deserve the imputation of having knowingly misrepresented facts. The map
of Wangara, will at least enjoy the merit of being free from[132]
speculative or conjectural matter, excepting where such speculations are
characterised as such (by dotted lines, &c.) Besides the corroborative
testimony of the manuscript, the two maps stand supported by a mass of
information gleaned from the Moslems of the interior parts. I have
purposely revised my old maps and sketches, expunging from them a
variety of reports which were unsubstantiated by writings in the native
character, and which it was my original intention to publish
connectedly, but with a specific mark, to distinguish those features
which were corroborated by the Arabic, from others which were not so.
Every thing short of ocular demonstration, it cannot be denied, is
defective; or at least liable to error. Latitude and longitude are
unquestionably the criterions by which the mind may satisfy itself of
the relative position of objects: yet where these essentials cannot be
obtained in practice, others, founded upon authority, may be substituted
with more or less pretension to accuracy; and information derived from
these sources may even stand the test of public criticism. Liable as my
own map may be to errors, I shall not deem it inconsistent at a future
day, should my destiny again lead me to the shores of Africa, to
expunge, with my own hand, the faults I may then discover, and publish
to the world any misconceptions, however extensive they may appear.
Such, I conceive, is a duty incumbent upon every man, who, by profession
should, in a course of active service, enjoy local advantages whereby he
may, from time to time, reap information calculated for the public ear.
The kingdom of Ashantee, from west to east, _i.e._ from Gaman to the
Volta River, embraces about four degrees of longitude, including its
recent acquirements in the west; and from south to north, _i.e._ from
Cape Coast Castle to the tributary kingdom Ghofan, about four degrees of
latitude. This is the full extent of what, politically, is modern
Ashantee; for over this tract the king rules with unrivalled sway: every
king, chief, viceroy, or caboceer, being his absolute and unconditional
vassal, as tributaries or not, and most of them holding their
governments by virtue of an appointment from the court. The numerous
kingdoms, or principalities, which in the days of Bosman flourished in
the vicinity of the Gold Coast, have successively been engulphed in the
vortex which has since spread under its modern name of Ashantee, into
that great political association of kingdoms, that have fallen under the
sword of the ruling dynasty, and are now only to be distinguished as
provinces dependent on the court of Coomassy. This is to be understood
as referring to what originally was called the kingdom of Dinkra, the
mountains of Tofal, the kingdom of Wassau or Warsaw, that of Amanaha,
Aowin, Showe, and Toosequa, on its western longitudinal meridian; those
of Soko, Takima, Coransa, Massy, Assin, Fantee, and Ahanta, on the
central meridian; and the districts of Ghofan, Baboso, Banna, Yobati,
Ajorah, Bouromy, Akeyah, Aquahou, Akim, Aquapim, and Aquambo, in the
east, bordering on the Volta.
There is a free and unobstructed communication with all the leading
provinces, by roads or paths, which by way of distinction are
collectively called great roads; and, separately, they bear the name of
the sovereign in whose reign they were cut, or the country they lead to.
These roads are eight in number; not nine as Mr. Bowdich was informed.
The Aowin is the first, leading to the western coast, to Apollonia,
Assinee, Bassam, and Lahou. The second is the Wassau road, leading
through Dinkra to Wassau; from whence it again branches off, east and
west, the former leading to the river Praa, which is crossed to El Mina,
Commenda, Chamah, &c., and the latter striking through Ahanta, to Cape
Three Points, and the European establishments in its vicinity. The third
road is that leading through Assin and Fantee, to the village of
Doonqua, where it forks off in two branches, the one to Annamaboe, and
the other to the Dutch fort at Mouree; which is about four miles
eastward of Cape Coast Castle. The fourth is a road, running south-east,
and north-west; through Juabin, Yomoho, Akim, and part of Aquapim, to
Accra, and the English, Dutch, and Danish settlements in that
neighbourhood. These are the four great maritime causeways, from whence
the Ashantees derive all their supplies of powder, guns, and European
merchandize.
The inland roads of Ashantee are, first, that leading from Coomassy,
north-west, to the ferry of Ensoota or Ensotah, on the River Tando, and
from thence branching off in two directions, the one to the northward,
leading to Bontoko, and Houraboh; the residence of the late king of that
country, (Enkasy, Kong, &c.); the other inclining more westerly, to
Shouy, Soumah, and Sarem in the west. The second road leads through
Takimah west, or Coransah and Banna east, to the River Aswada, and the
mountains of Sarga, the eastern circuit of which leads on to Ghobagho,
and the western to Enkasi, Kong, and Manding. The third is a road cut
through Massy, Coransa, and Banna, easterly to the Aswada, below the
Desert of Ghofan, where it again branches off northward to Ghobagho; and
eastward to Tonoma, and the kingdoms of Dagomba. The fourth, and last
great path, is the one leading to Akiyah; from whence it sprouts out in
two branches, the one easterly to Bouromi and the Volta, the other
inclining to the northward of the lake Bouro, through Ajorah, part of
Yobati, and Baboso, to the Volta again, beyond which is Salgha. The two
last roads are sometimes called the old roads, from their antiquity and
pre-eminence. Besides these, since the recent subjugation of Gaman, the
king employed a considerable body of troops in cutting a path more
westerly through the forest, that would lead to the open plains on the
Tando, and to Gaman, by a route reported to be shorter by two journies
than the old one into which it is made to strike, at the distance of one
watch from Coomassy.
The minor roads and paths are more numerous; the chief of them is one
leading through the north-eastern provinces to a ferry called Goya,
named after the chief town in Bouromy, south of the Bouro Water. Another
of this class proceeds to Quahoe, from whence there is a cross road to
Akim, Aquapim, Accra, Ningo, &c.; and another, branching easterly, to
Aquambo and Dahomy: but it is reckoned extremely hazardous to enter that
kingdom from the side of Ashantee through Aquambo. There is another road
leading from Coomassy to Sumah and Showy, in the west, over the Tando.
Another also, taking through Akeyah, between the Banna road and the
Volta, and leading to the eastern extremity of the Desert, from whence
it is only two good journies to a considerable town of Ghunga, called
Agaga. Several roads of a like importance, lead, more or less, to the
east and west of south, with branches that fork to the principal towns
on the sea coast, and to the forts or factories of the three European
powers, there established: viz. one over the Aquapim Hills, to Ningo,
Pram Pram, and the mouth of the Volta. Another through Akim, to Berracoe
and Winnebah. A third breaks out at Tantum by a branch from the main
track, leading to Annamaboe. Some other branches, besides, extend from
Wassau through the Ahanta country, opening a communication with the
windward settlements, from the Praa to the Ancober rivers. But all these
roads are of comparative insignificance, and many of them are shut up,
from time to time, by fallen timber, swamps, and barriers of matted
vegetation, cemented together by uncommon rains, tornados, or the sudden
rush of torrents from the hills. Neither are the main roads exempt from
these casualties; for sometimes it occurs that the most frequented
tracks are reported by the last traveller to have become impassable, in
which case it is usual for the government to employ men to remove the
obstructions, or to cut a new opening in the parts adjacent, as may be
effected most expeditiously.
The principal towns, as well as most of the superior villages, are
within the track of the high roads: yet there are others, of
distinction, to which access is gained by traversing paths diverging
from the main trunks.
Ashantee, from the latitude of 7° 30′ north, down to the water’s edge,
is a solid rampart of vegetation, extending east and west, from Aquapim
to Ahanta, in the form of one compact forest, either (as it is found
about fifteen miles inland) of the most stupendous character, or (as it
may be seen in the vicinity of the coast) exhibiting an entanglement of
lofty bush, blended with tall trees. The paths that intersect this
forest are unavoidably the most capricious and serpentine. The labour of
cutting them straight would indeed be a severe tax upon the industry of
the nation. But the government, for reasons of a political nature,
connected with the recent aspect of some of the Fantee towns in the
neighbourhood of Forts, does not yet think proper to remove the
impediments of this natural barrier, between the sea coast and the
capital of the empire. Hence the generality of them notwithstanding they
are considered as main roads, are scarcely to be called footpaths.[133]
The roads or paths leading inland are infinitely superior to the others,
and as the forest is cleared on the fourth or fifth day, and in some
places, the third from leaving Coomassy, these tracks extend over vast
plains where there is no great impediment to the traveller, unless the
jungle may have become matted in certain spots. Gaman, Banna, and in
short the greater part of Sarem, in the south, is almost universally
champaign land, in some places variegated by clumps of trees and
shrubbery, scattered in patches widely distant apart. Ghunja beyond the
Volta, as also Dagomba, have also a similar aspect, although hilly, if
not mountainous, in the vicinity of that river; and it has more woods
than Sarem.
The seat of empire is environed by numerous large and small populous
towns, the chief of which is Juabin[134], bearing south-east from
Coomassy, one day’s journey. It is reckoned to be about one third the
size of Coomassy, and its population is estimated at seventy thousand
souls. Below the city is the lake Echouy, at a very inconsiderable
distance, and in the neighbouring hills (for it is inclosed in a natural
amphitheatre) are many small towns and villages, whose inhabitants,
beside their usual occupations, derive extra emoluments from fishing, an
operation which they perform with canoe and circular net, the same as is
practised on the ocean. Many thousands of Fantees, Assins, and Gamans,
are there detained prisoners of war. Of the two first nations some are
considered free, although narrowly watched to prevent their escape to
the sea side: the rest are absolute slaves, having been sold and
transferred in due succession from hand to hand. From their superior
capacity in aquatic employments, they are considered valuable property
by their taskmasters.[135] In short, Echouy, or as it may be also called
Bussem Echouy, and the territory thereabouts may be considered the
Siberia of the Court: for it is also a place of banishment for inferior
ranks of insurgents, whom the king may think proper to spare, or reserve
for future punishment.
Eastward of the lake is a little district of Akim, called Yomoho, whose
chief town is Adumpore. It has also a great population scattered about
in little villages, whose inhabitants are agriculturists, and supply the
markets of Juabin, Bequa, Sarasoo, Dompassy, &c. with corn and yams.
Beyond Yomoho, on the north-east, is the province of Quahou, formerly a
little kingdom of itself. This is reckoned a very fruitful spot, and in
many places the land is clear and open, even down to the Volta, where
there is another valuable fishery that gives employment to many
thousands of the natives of those parts.
The route from Coomassy to the lower part of Aquambo, Aquapim, &c. down
to the mouth of the Aswada or Volta, lies over a very hilly country
greatly intersected by water-courses, many of which incline easterly,
and discharge themselves into the Volta; the banks of which river, on
both sides, are occasionally infested by a banditti, who are sometimes
daring enough to plunder the smaller crooms in its vicinity. The
insurgents are mostly Aquambo negroes, excited to rebellion against
their conquerors the Ashantees, by other branches of the tribe who fled
before the invading army, and have established themselves on the Dahoman
shore; yet, in peaceable times, they are also considered the subjects of
Ashantee. It is reckoned eighteen journies from Coomassy to the mouth of
that river.
The route to Accra lies through Yomoho, Atoa, and Akim.[136] The surface
for the most part is abrupt. The provinces of Akim and Aquapim are
mountainous or hilly; yet many extensive tracts on the eastern frontier
of Akim are entirely free from forest and thicket.
A medical gentleman of the name of Isert, in the service of his Danish
majesty, made several excursive tours in Aquapim, and, as it is
reported, would have travelled further inland had it been agreeable to
the views of the Company. According to the traditions still preserved
amongst the officers of Christiansburg castle, this traveller
experienced much hospitality from the natives, and was greatly delighted
with the beauteous novelties that opened to view as he advanced to the
northward. After passing the chain of hills he found the land to be
open, yet not entirely free from forest. The crooms on the line of path,
unlike the Fantee roads, were numerous, populous, and imposing; and they
scarcely averaged the distance of two miles apart.
The streams are very numerous throughout the Akim and Aquapim provinces;
some of them, particularly after heavy rains, are impassable until the
water subsides. The chief of the rivers crossed by the Akim path between
Coomassy and the coast, are, first, the Dah, which rises at no great
distance from Jamacasi, passing Juabin and falling into the Praa, two
journies westward of the ford at Prassoo.
The second river of magnitude is the Praa, which is crossed between
Anoka and Argosi on the fifth day. This river being a tutelar god is
dignified with the name of Bussem, which may be interpreted sacred,
awful, majestic, holy;[137] it rises in a mountain between Akeya and
Quahou, near a little croom called Sumtasoo, and sacrifices are made at
its spring head, which is said to be a large gaping rock about half way
up the side of the mountain. Here the full vigour of the God is supposed
to exist, yet the water does not always gush out with the same force.
The river Birrum is the third in rank on the Accra route; it rises near
Sonara in Quahou, and falls into the Praa at a very short distance from
Dansansoo.
The Corim, the Sagwa, and the Souho, are streams which rise in the
Aquapim hills, and flowing eastward fall into the Aswada within forty
miles of its mouth.
The river Saccoom, between Accra and Berracoe, has also its rise in the
Aquapim mountains, and a branch of it is crossed at three journies from
Accra.
Accra is scarcely one hundred and sixty miles horizontal distance from
the capital, yet the surface is so rugged, and the paths so obstructed
and circuitous, that the real extent of ground is near two hundred and
forty miles, according to the time it employs the traveller in going
that distance.
Akeyah, Bouromy, Ajorah, Yobati, and Coransah, are reckoned among the
most populous provinces of the empire. The habits of the people are more
commercial and enterprising, and their evil passions less predominant
than those of the Ashantees. This may be, in some degree, attributed to
the great influence of the Moslems in the above-named provinces, in
Bouromi, and in Baboso, where likewise they sojourn in great
numbers.[138] It is also to be observed, that these people, in
conjunction with the inhabitants of Banna, were the vassals, in the
middle of the last century, of the sovereigns of Salgha.
The road leading to Bouromy and the Volta, at Goyah and Odanty, is
frequented by the traders who convey merchandize to the markets on the
confines of Dahomy, for the supply of that empire. The distance to this
ferry is reckoned twelve days good travelling. The path is passably
smooth as far as the mountains of Akeyah, about sixty miles from
Coomassy, yet the forest extends to their very basement. After gaining
access to the opposite side, the path takes through extensive plains,
where trees are only to be met with in detached spots, and sometimes
none will be seen for many miles. The surface is covered with high grass
and jungle, which the inhabitants fire, and employ the ashes to manure
the plantations.
Elephants abound in Bouromy, Yobati, Baboso, and Banna; and hunting
these animals is one of the chief occupations of the people. The natives
of Yobati are reckoned so adroit at the sport, that they can furnish
above a hundred loads of ivory, for Coomassy, in the space of a month,
if required. It would seem that the elephant was an equivalent gift of
Providence in the lieu of those veins of precious ore, which are to be
met with in some districts southward, and westward, where these animals
do not usually herd.
The Moslems are particularly numerous in Yobati, and in all the
provinces to the east and west of north: they live in political
societies governed by their respective princes, who are vassals to the
king, but who enjoy prerogatives exceeding those of any other class of
subjects.
The lake Bouro, a sheet of water of a greater extent than the Echouy
lake, lies to the northward of Yobati, and in the season of rain is
distant from the Volta one watch, or about three hours easy walk. The
Echouy being situated in the land of the heathens, and close to the
capital, is a place of greater renown. It is supposed hence to have
obtained the title of Bussem, being called indiscriminately Echouy, or
Bussem Echouy, the sacred lake.[139] Hypothetical as this may appear, it
is in some degree corroborated by the reports of the Moslems, who affirm
that the title of Bussem was conferred upon it by an ancestor of the
reigning sovereign, in commemoration of a battle gained in its
neighbourhood, over the Akims, when they attacked the royal army by land
and water. During those wars the Echouy was considered the guardian of
the capital against Akim, then the most powerful and warlike tribe of
negroes in the neighbourhood. The water of Echouy, notwithstanding it is
filled by the torrents, and by rain descending from the amphitheatre of
hills, is sometimes brackish, and this happens particularly during the
greatest heat, when the land has been droughty for any length of time.
Yet I never heard Mr. Bowdich’s assertion that the water gave a reddish
hue to the colour of the hair confirmed by the most credulous native; on
the contrary my enquiries extorted a smile, and a reply, that it was
like other water, only “sometimes salt like the sea.” In this property
the Echouy differs from the Bouro, for the latter is perfectly fresh and
pure, at all seasons. The Bouro is also deeper as well as larger, and is
navigated by fishing canoes like the former. If the rains are excessive,
it overflows its natural limits to the extent of many miles, and
sometimes discharges its surplus of waters into the Aswada. A little
river that rises in a mountain between Banna and the little desert of
Ghofan, flows by a south-easterly course into the lake, and contributes,
during the sun’s greatest action, to supply the deficit occasioned by
evaporation. This stream, as the lake rises, inundates and fertilizes
the land periodically on both sides, and the natives plant their fields
as soon as the water subsides. Fish of a large size, and of delicious
flavours, are said to be taken in the lake, and conveyed alive to
Salgha. Many thousands of families also gain a living on its shores by
drying the article, and selling it to traders who make it a profession
to frequent the markets of Dagombah.
Between Bouromi and Akeyah, there is a small stream that has its source
in the mountains of the latter district, and which in its course
easterly to the Aswada, forms a continuation of swampy patches like the
bogs which surround Coomassy on the south and east. To this land they
give the name of Ghorekati غريقة a name synonymous with humid, watery,
and deep.
The distance of Yagy from the capital by the above route will be about
two hundred and fifteen miles.
The route to Daboya and the kingdom of Ghobagho takes northerly through
the districts and provinces of Massy, or Akeya, Coransa, Banna, and the
Desert. The principal towns are Jamakasi, Kikiwhari, Enaso, Sakado,
Kikiwasi, Graga, Dankari, Measi, Batmali, Coransa, Boben, Kerahem,
Kantano, Kaka Caranda, Dawa; then the desert of Ghofan, and the Aswada
river.
The route to Salgha, the metropolis of Ghunja, takes through the
provinces of Akeyah, Ajorah, Bouromi, Yobati, and Baboso: the towns are
numerous, but those of note are Jamacasi, Antoa, Damoka, Akroforom,
Manbon, Adijani, Amatini, Akokoa, Batoda, Atabaho, Yobati, Sakenim,
Yagy, and Salgha.
The route to Kong and Manding, leading on to the great kingdom of Melly
on the Jolliba, intersects the provinces and districts of Massy, Safoy,
Takima, Ghombati, and Enkasy. Here, however, the policy of the natives
(who from about nine degrees to twelve degrees of latitude in this
direction, are principally Moslems) is directly inimical to that of the
court of Ashantee, and consequently there is rarely any commercial
intercourse with the southern Manding tribes, excepting the few who,
after the defeat of Dinkera, submitted to the yoke of vassalage, under
the government of Ashantee, and were permitted to enjoy their
inheritances peaceably in Ghombaty, Sokoo, and the confines of Ghofan.
A few of these people I occasionally saw in Coomassy. They are fairer
complexioned than any of the heathens of these parts, but less robust,
and seemingly less vigorous. Yet the greatest resistance the Ashantees
met with during the campaign in Gaman, is admitted to have originated
with the Mandings, who are the best cavalry troops, as they are also the
best Elephant hunters in any part of Sarem.
Their warlike weapons are scimiters, bows and arrows, darts, and lances
of the old Arab[140] construction, and whose blades, besides being of
the length of sixteen or eighteen inches, are sometimes barbed and
envenomed the same as the arrows with a deadly sort of poison, said to
be known only to the inhabitants, and differing materially from what is
prepared in Ashantee or Banna.
[Illustration: A Moslem of Kong in Military Costume.]
The more easterly kingdoms of Wangara, above the parallel of eight
degrees of latitude, contain a still greater proportion of Moslems than
the western, as far at least to the eastward as the great lake of Ayoh.
The Moslem powers north and north-west of Dahomy are, it is affirmed,
when united, able to raise an army adequate to drive the Dahomans from
their capital, and strike terror into the breasts of the surrounding
nations, as they have done on former occasions. But the Sultan of Zogho,
to whom the Dahomans are tributary, is adverse to these invasions, as
long as they are faithful in their remittances to the Court.
The Natives of Entaa, Mahee, and Gouaso, over the Aswada, are mostly of
a tawny brown complexion, alike in persons, language, and features; but
differing in customs, inasmuch as the tribes of the two last named
provinces, distinguish themselves by scarifying and puncturing various
parts of the body, besides the face, which the Moslems practise in
common.
The metropolis of Ashantee,[141] according to my reckonings, will be
found about nine geographical miles to the southward of the parallel of
seven degrees of north latitude, and in two degrees sixteen minutes or
nearly so of west longitude. It approaches in bearing nigher to the
meridian of Elmina, than any other town on the line of coast, and when
the path is open, the distance by that, which is called the Wassau path
or route, is traversed in less time by one day, and as some say one day
and two watches, than any other station on the sea coast, a proof of its
westerly inclination in regard to the longitudinal meridian of Cape
Coast Castle.
The military resources of Ashantee are great indeed, without casting
into the scale her preponderating influence in Sarem and Dagomba. The
bashaw Mohammed assured me, that the armies of Ashantee that fought in
Gaman, amounted to upwards of eighty thousand men, (without including
the camp attendants, such as women and boys) of whom at one time above
seven thousand were Moslems, who fought under his orders. In this
estimate I speak within bounds, for I am inclined to believe he alluded
to the army of Banna as a distinct force, whose numbers varied from
twenty to twenty-five thousand men, armed with tomahawks, lances,
knives, javelins, and bows and arrows. Of the eighty thousand the King
can put muskets and blunderbusses in the hands of from forty to fifty
thousand. The opposing enemy, including the auxiliary Moslem and Heathen
powers allied to the army of Dinkera, amounted at times to one hundred
and forty thousand men, of whom a great proportion were cavalry. The
issue of that war, which restored the sovereignty of Gaman to the king
of Ashantee, must unquestionably have increased his military strength to
the extent of twenty or thirty thousand more men, although it is true
the relics of those tribes who submitted, or escaped the butcheries,
were not considered worthy to be trusted with arms during my stay at
Court.
The King of Dahomy and his auxiliaries, the bashaw says, can raise
about[142] fifty thousand men, of whom from eight to ten thousand only
are fusileers; the rest are armed with bows and arrows, besides sabres,
and iron maces. This, he says, is the greatest force the Dahomans ever
sent into the field.
The king of Benin is, however, by far the most powerful of the three
monarchs, in regard to the number of his troops, for he can arm two
hundred thousand upon an emergency, but he cannot furnish above ten
thousand with muskets.
The dominions of the Ashantees, east of the Aswada, are considerable,
but do not extend as far as has been represented. Yandy forms no part of
the empire; but it is true that Ashantee influence carries great weight
in the councils of the sovereign of Dagomba. Those which are deemed the
north-east frontier towns are Coobeya, Yansala, Banko, and Toubary, in
Tonouma and Entâa; the town last mentioned serving as a frontier on the
Dahoman side; but in none of these places are Ashantee troops stationed,
the people being left to the government of their caboceers, and the
jurisdiction of their own laws. In fact, they seem to belong rather to
the class of tributaries, than subjects; yet they are compelled, whether
Moslems or heathens, to serve in the wars of the empire. Salgha, the
chief city of these districts, whose station I have assigned 8°. 50′.
latitude, and 0°. 25′. longitude east, is reported to be of twice the
size of Coomassy, and its population, of whom nearly one-sixth part are
Moslems, to be about four hundred thousand souls. The Korannic law is
that which governs the population not only of Tonouma, but also of
Simmer, Ghofan, Ghomba, and the northern tribes of Entâa; and in most of
these places the heathens are, notwithstanding their numerical
superiority, either subservient to it, or they cheerfully comply with a
judicial doctrine whose ministers they are from childhood taught to
respect as apostles of the great God, and whose _fetische_ is thought to
be of greater power and efficacy than any ritual or magical incantation
known among themselves.
The route to central Wangara, leading to the capital of Dahomy, the
Moslems sometimes travel over, but the heathens never. This is a path
which forks off in two branches from Quahou; the upper or northern one
leading through the southern districts of Bouromy to Goyah and the ferry
at Odanty, and the lower or southern one, through Aquambo to the ferry
at Nagho, a capital town now subject to the dominion of Ashantee. The
upper road, by a circuit round the Mahee hills, leads to the towns of
Fosoko, Arico, Chaca, Gholamto, Meami, Atoy, and Abomey.
The land is supposed to be equal in fertility in these parts to that of
Benin, which is universally allowed to be the richest and best
cultivated in any part of Wangara; but the population is not by any
means so great as the latter, for the tribes are constantly harassed by
invasions of the Dahomans, who pursue the same barbarous maxims in their
wars as the Ashantees themselves. The countries to the eastward of
Dahomy, including Ghodau, Yagah, Khimbee, Ayoh, Ajasee, and Benin, are
all heathen, or are governed by heathen monarchs, whose laws and
religion have no relation to the Korannic institutions, but are in a
proportionate degree the same as prevail generally among the heathens,
although in a milder manner, from the more commercial and agricultural
habits of many or most of the tribes in eastern Wangara. The people of
these parts, however, in common with the Moslems, practice circumcision.
The current coin throughout these regions is cowries; not only do they
circulate east of the Aswada, in Dahomy, and Dagomba, but also in the
Ashantee provinces of Bouromy, Baboso, Yobaty, Quahou, Aquambo, and
Inkran, where gold is not found; for the Gold Coast extends no farther
east than Berracoo.
[143]Wangara, as I have already noticed, written ونقرا[144] and
consequently pronounced nearly as we do, excepting that the g should be
blended with the sound of guttural k, imitating the Arabian ق, is that
great strip of land which comprehends the minor districts of Sarem,
Ghunja, and the southern parts of Dagomba, with part of Yarraba in the
south also. Its sweep along the line of coast embraces about six hundred
and sixty geographic miles, i.e. from Cape Lahou, the boundary of
Ashantee, and its Gaman province or kingdom on the west, to the parallel
of longitude that marks the track of the Formoso or Callebar rivers,
which, according to my authors, are its boundaries to the rising sun,
(the east.) The navigation between Benin (and between all those great
streams which intersect the Warree coast,) and the Koara and Ghulby
rivers, is not, as my informers say, to be doubted; and it is possible
to perform the voyage from Benin to Timbuctoo and Sago without setting
foot on shore, although it is not usual to navigate against the streams
of those great waters, the Kadarko, the Shawanka, the Ghulby, the Koara,
Shady or Jolliba, particularly in the rainy season, when the rivers are
full; for although they know of no rapids or cataracts to the south of
Wawa, yet the natural velocity of the streams is so great as to impede
the canoes in a northerly progress, although impelled forward by the
strength of fifty men and more. Two of my informers declared, they had
performed the voyage from north to south, under protection of the sultan
of Youry, as far as the gates of Benin.
Returning to Wangara, the first individual to whom I applied for
information, was the very Bashaw Mohammed known to Mr. Bowdich by the
name of Baba (_father_). Wangara was a subject of interest in our
earliest conversations. Of this man I begged to know where that
celebrated country, its lakes, its rivers, and its swamps existed. The
reply was, “Wangara is a large place; it is not a kingdom, neither is it
a city; but it contains many kingdoms and many cities: the ground you
tread upon is Wangara.” At this explanation I betrayed a mixture of
surprise and incredulity. “Can you doubt what I tell you?” replied the
chief; “if you do, enquire of our people whether I do not speak what is
true.” Shouma, Abou Becr, Cantoma, Mohammed bel Cassim, and some others
who were present, confirmed the assertion, (as did the king himself, on
a day of subsequent enquiry if he knew Wangara,) in terms the most
positive and convincing.[145] Wangara was naturally an object that
claimed a leading interest, from its having been the great focus of
speculation among the learned in Europe. Rivers it has many; for the
eastern confines are exceedingly low; but swamps (except little
incidental ones, such as occur on the Ashantee path) it has none,
besides what may be found on the great tropical Delta, (Warree) during
the season of rain, when in truth the whole eastern country, as far as
the Callebar river, or the Rio del Rey, is more or less swampy, and may
in many places be navigated over in canoes, through the heart of the
lower forest regions, where the trees are at this time to be seen
growing as in the bed of a lake.
In the course of many subsequent meetings, although my enquiries were
reiterated where doubt and conviction were still somewhat at variance,
the replies were uniform:—“This is Wangara, and we believe there is no
other country of that name on our side of the great deserts; but if
there is, we never heard mention of it, and therefore it must be a very
small place.” “Where are the great rivers talked of in the Gharb, (in
Ismaëlia) and which the Arabs say run to Wangara?” “The rivers of
Wangara are numerous; they are such as we have already described,
running into the great salt sea of Benin, and from whence you came (Cape
Coast.) The greatest river of Wangara runs south behind Dahomy, direct
to Warree, and is fifteen long journies to the east of Abomey.” “Is not
this the Koara you speak of?” “No; the Koara is another very great
sea;[146] it runs to Noufy, where it takes three days to cross the
water; from Noufy, the water runs by two or three channels into the Lake
of Shady, and the sea or river so called, passing Bousa, Souy, Kassina,
Yakoo, Kano, and Gambaro, in its course easterly, below Bornou, to the
Bahar Neel (Nile) of Egypt. The Ghulby, after a long eastern course,
inclining to the north, runs into it at Noufy, and the great Benin river
turns from it to the south, cutting from the direction of Wawa, through
Kaima, Khodobari, Agiassy, and Benin. They are all great seas, but the
Koara is the greatest in the universe.” “Is the great river of Benin the
Ghulby that flows from Ghoroma in the kingdom of Magho?”—“It is not that
sea itself, but it is connected with its waters through the lake Noufy.”
This conversation is extracted from a diary, which it was my practice to
keep. On a subject which I deemed of importance, I have preferred
inserting the arguments verbatim, devoid of all embellishments of the
pen, or any bias which a change of language or my own conceptions might
suggest.
I have, in an earlier page, ventured a somewhat anomalous comparison of
Wangara with that district of the north, known by the name of Africa to
Greece and Rome. But, perhaps, it might be more correctly compared with
that vague appellation _Guinea_, by which we describe the country
itself. The discovery of the true position of this district, assuming
the fact upon the grounds I have stated, would, I am aware, incline to a
revolution in the theory of the Niger itself; but as it is no part of my
plan to speculate or infringe upon the prerogatives of the reader, I
shall abstain from any hypothetical conclusions of this nature.
Concerning the course of the Niger itself—the Jolliba of Park, called by
the Arabs, Bahar Neel, Bahar Abied, Bahar Soudan, &c. and by the Wangara
Moslems, Bahar Koara, I never heard of two different opinions in regard
to its termination. South or north of the Great Desert, in Wangara or
Mauritania, the sentiments were the same, that the great flow of water
is easterly to the Egyptian Nile. Yet it must be confessed, that none of
my instructors had ever tracked its course beyond the western limits of
Bornou. It was an orthodox opinion, that the Shady, as well as the
Koara, united its waters with innumerable other large and small rivers
(like the Amazon) which contributed to replenish its channel in the dry
season, when it usually tracks its course mildly; and in the season of
rain when it runs in tempestuous eddies, sweeping off in its current
whole islands of matted vegetation.
The great rivers of Wangara, besides such as exclusively belong to
Ashantee, are, first the Aswada, or Volta, called by the heathens
Adirray. This river rises in a cluster of hills or mountains called
Sarga, bearing north from Coomassy, behind the desert of Ghofan, and
distant seventeen journies, or about two hundred and seventy-two miles
horizontal. Its course through the desert inclines greatly to the
eastward of south, until it passes Yajy, where its general inclination
is southerly, till it discharges itself near Cape St. Paul, and where it
is known to navigators by the name of the Volta. In its course it laves
the provinces of Baboso, passing Salgha, Yobati, Bouromy, Quahou,
Aquambo, and Adampy. In Ghofan it is a narrow stream not much above
ancle deep; but, on the parallel of a town in Tounouma, called Dafoo, it
is broader, and becomes navigable from its junction with another small
river, called Bahar Bourgan. In the neighbourhood of Salgha it is a
great river, as wide according to the testimony of my informers, as from
the quarters I occupied to the palace gate, a distance about equal to
the dimensions of the Thames at Battersea. The lake Bouro, south of the
town of Yajy, does not always overflow its embankments to a great
extent; but only when the rains are heavier than usual. It then runs by
a channel into the Aswada. This inclination of the water of the lake, is
propelled by a stream which rises on the confines of Ghofan, as it has
been stated, and empties itself in the Bouro. In Bouromy, and Quahou,
the Aswada is much wider and deeper than at Salgha, particularly in the
latter province, where its dimensions in some places exceed double the
width before related, and consequently it is greater than the Thames at
London. In Aquamboe, near the mouth of the river, it is so wide that the
human voice at its greatest elevation cannot be heard from the opposite
shore.
The great river that flows between Dahomy and Benin, and which
consequently must be the Logos, is crossed in the forest east of
Tounoma, where it is very narrow and shallow; but it is navigable near
the town of Konjasi, where it bends south-east in its track to the sea
behind Ardrah. The name of it, according to a Moslem of Tounoma, I was
assured, is Komashar (كماشر) from a valuable sort of gum, so called,
which abounds in its neighbourhood, and is collected for the markets of
Yandy and Nikky, where it is sold to the northern traders. This river is
inferior in size to the Aswada, although equally adapted to the purposes
of navigation, they both being exempt from cataracts and dangerous
rapids. From Goyah it is fourteen journies, easterly, to the Komasha, or
about two hundred geographic miles; but from Salgha to the same river,
in the upper part of its course, it is no more than six. Its source is
near Yandy.
Behind the Komashar in the Ayoh country, and upon the parallel of
Salgha, is a lake of very great extent, whose shores the traveller, on
an eastern or western journey, does not quit for two days; the name of
it I know not; but my informers describe it as a fresh water lake, which
had no communication with any river. Zogho is due north of this lake,
from which it is distant six journies, or less than one hundred
horizontal miles. From hence to Abomey it is seven journeys, and to
Benin eleven. Its distance from the Komashar, at the ford, is three
journies only. There are many populous islands in this lake, with towns
and villages, and the natives of these parts are subject to the dominion
of the sultan of Zogho. The tribes of Ayoh inhabit an extensive flat
surface, south of the lake, and they also serve the sovereign of Zogho
as tributaries.
The great river of Benin is among the easternmost of the great Wangara
rivers. From Abomey to this river it is fourteen journies due east; and
from the lake, before-mentioned, to the Kadarko River, a river which is
said to fall into or unite with the Benin, it is but four good journies
through the Yagah country, a country inhabited by a race of heathens;
the same nearly in language, laws, and customs as Ayoh. Khimbee is the
last district or principality in Wangara east; and that also is an
appendage to the throne of Zogho.
This great empire (Zogho), I conceive to be the Gago of Leo; and that
the g, intended doubtless for a soft one, has been inserted by the
translator to express the Arabian characters, ج or ذ which, being nearly
synonimous, are oftentimes indiscriminately used to mark the same sound.
My informers said, in the most positive terms, there was no kingdom
existing between Dahomy and Zogho, except such small ones as were
tributary to the latter, the sultan of which was the most powerful
monarch known in these parts, without excepting the kings of Ashantee or
Benin. They confirmed what Mr. Dalzel reported in his history of the
kingdom of Dahomy; that the sovereigns of this country pay tribute to
Ayoh, which they affirm is the same as Zogho, for these southern tribes
are employed, as occasion may require, to collect it by force of arms.
They call the sultan of Zogho, although a rigid Moslem, the friend of
Dahomy; because that monarch suffers the government of Dahomy to exist
when he might destroy it at his pleasure, for he can lead on an army of
500,000 men, a very great proportion of whom are good cavalry troops,
well armed with short javelins, lances, bows and arrows, and cutting
swords. The affinity, therefore, between Ayoh and Zogho, is the same as
between Ashantee and Inta, or Entâa agreeably to what Mr. Dalzel has
said, for Entâa is also the name of those tribes in Ghunja, who are
settled near the Aswada, and who built the city of Salgha.
The sections of Wangara, as they are now politically divided, were,
according to the traditions of the country, once united in one
consolidated empire, under the government of a king, who resided at
Yandy, and who governed Dahomy and Benin, the latter in tributary
subjection. This southern empire, which was of no long duration, enjoyed
its supremacy before the Arabs were known upon the Niger; and it was
their encroachments chiefly, which, by causing the northern powers to
fall back, contracted the resources of government and ultimately gave
occasion to the tributary kingdoms to shake off their allegiance, (the
tide of conquest flowing from east to west,) some of these sovereigns,
in the sequel, becoming proselytes and others tributaries to the Arabs
and their auxiliaries. Somewhere about the hejyran year 300 (that
memorable epoch when the Arabs were led to expect that some portentous
revolution would occur in the west; or, as it was metaphorically
predicted, the sun would rise in that quarter;) the great empire of
Wangara, which might then have been nearly as extensive as Bornou, was
compelled to receive laws from the natives of the banks of the Koara and
Ghulby. The auxiliary Moslem powers poured their forces into the
northern provinces, establishing their head-quarters at Killinga; from
whence, at that time and for two or three subsequent centuries, they
overawed the surrounding countries to the effect of eliciting tribute in
ivory, slaves, and the produce of the gold mines of Ashantee and Gaman.
Whether the great districts of tropical Africa, such as Ghunja, Sarem,
Dagomba, Killinga, Marroa, Fillany, &c. &c. are indebted to the Arabs
for the names they now bear, I am not able to decide; but that of
Yarraba, as I was assured by many, certainly received its name from the
eastern Arab tribes, as the sound itself implies; as did also Fillany,
from the western, in relation to Taffilet, (east of the Atlas
Mountains), the land which gave birth to the conquerors of the West.
Fillany is the proper name of the tribe of Taffilet. The deplorable
action of war in this country is unquestionably a bar to the attainment
of a correct and lasting system of its geography; and this evil, coupled
with the few incidental opportunities that offer for checking the
reports of travellers, and comparing their writings with those of
ancient or established authority, must ever increase the obstacle as
long, perhaps, as the natives of Europe and Africa shall be found to
have feelings and interests of opposite characters. We need not go far
for a solution of what this problem would give: It may be seen by a
reference to maps of Guinea, which were engraved as recently as the
early part of last century, that upon the Gold Coast only, many kingdoms
enjoyed, in their day, a political and substantial existence; but which
are now no more; or at most they exhibit but a shadow, which gives only
a faint outline of their original splendour, their opulence, and their
vigor; having been, from time to time harassed by cruel wars, of a
tendency to extirpate or expatriate the population in a mass, and their
names as nations. Let the reader refer to the map of Bosman’s
description of Guinea, where he will discover the names of powerful
little kingdoms, such as Dinkera, Akim, Quahou, Aquamboe, Fantyn;
besides those of less note, such as Adom, Coomany, Saboe, Ladincour,
Acron, Agouna, and some others, the most celebrated of which barely
enjoy their present oblivious rank and names as provinces of the
Ashantee Empire, while many places are totally extinct, and their
ancient glory is supplanted by the ingress of a foreign population,
bearing the names of their own tribes, to distinguish the new colony
nationally.
The works of the ancients upon the subject of African kingdoms,
appreciated by the most celebrated geographer of the present age, should
not therefore be rashly rejected; however we may feel inclined to
scepticism, on the ground of natural and permanent distinctions of land
and water.
Another tradition says, that after the decline of power in the east,
Dagomba and Ghunja were both united, more intimately than at present,
and formed one great kingdom, that ruled from Magho to the sea shore of
Dahomy; and that this was the political aspect of western Wangara for
many generations, between the dismemberment of the original Wangara
empire and the first coming of the Europeans; or, as they express it,
the first knowledge their ancestors had of white men; the early
Portuguese navigators.
At another period, when I know not, Kong and the Manding country were
mistresses of Sarem; and they governed many other maritime nations in
the south west. Haoussa, says the Bashaw, was then governed by a
sheriffe, whose armies were composed of Arabs and Africans, from the
north and east. Yarraba, at times, was tributary to it, as well as
Killinga, and Arab fleets ruled the cities and tribes upon the banks of
the Koara, the Ghulby, &c., as did their camel and cavalry armaments by
land, wherever the country was adapted to open warfare. The heathens
then could only find safety in the mountains, in close countries, and in
those extensive forest lands wherewith the continent abounds; for the
Arabs scowered every assailable point, to the effect of exacting
tribute, and propagating the creed of the prophet in nations the most
remote. The Moslem countries of the Koara, continued my informer, in a
tone that evinced envy and regret, owe their religious felicity and the
security they now enjoy to the wisdom of the old Arabian councils, and
the vigour of their horse and camel troops, which the most powerful of
the heathen nations trembled to confront on the plains of north-east
Africa; for most of the northern tribes, as well as those of Wangara,
were possessed of none of those useful animals before they knew their
conquerors. But, he concluded, the same causes which contributed to the
subjugation of Soudan, and the propagation of Islam, in the revolution
of years, aided the converted people, by God’s will, to drive back the
holy nation upon the deserts from whence they came, and where their
posterity still exist, although some Arab tribes are yet to be found on
the Koara, whose influence, comparatively, is not great; and whose
jurisdiction is limited to the government of themselves, and the few
insulated Ethiopian tribes of Moslems in their neighbourhood.
But for these events, it is the opinion of the Moslems of the south,
that every nation, down to the sea coast itself, would have been
converted to the service of Allah, long ere this, and the Koran would
have been known throughout _Africa_; whereas now the Idolaters are
strong in the south; and although they respect the Moslems from the fear
of the most high God, to whom they observe them pray, yet many tribes of
true believers are by them held in subjection, as may be seen at
Ashantee; and are compelled to pay tribute and fight the battles of
heathen princes, whose religion and whose interests are necessarily the
reverse of their own.
The absence of that political co-operation in the north, it is affirmed,
is mainly the cause why the southern believers are checked in their
efforts to propagate God’s worship by dint of arms; for the existing
governments in the vicinity of the great inland waters are supine, and
devoid of that energy which distinguished the career of the Arabs. If I
might hazard an opinion I would say, that the European trade upon the
western and Guinea coasts, particularly the importation of guns, powder,
and rum, operated greatly to the prejudice of the southern Moslem
tribes, by arming so powerfully against them the idolaters of their
neighbourhood.
The Moslems with whom I conversed are agreed that the maritime nations
of heathens maintain their political preponderance on the coast, and
their influence inland, by the use of European arms, the means of
procuring which are necessarily at their command, from the wealth of
Africa, (the gold mines of Wangara), so eagerly sought after by all
nations, from the reign of Solomon[147], being the produce of the soil
they cultivate; and which is defended by such forests, mountains, and
morasses, as defied the strength of the Arabs and their auxiliaries to
approach, in the plenitude of their conquests. The Moslem sovereigns of
Dagomba and Ghunja, and the sultan of Zogho, they assured me, ardently
wished for a free communication with the whites; although the latter,
from political reasons, did not think proper to root out the heathens in
Dahomy, as he might if he had chosen. All these nations ardently desired
such an intercourse, as would procure them the same weapons and
commodities as the Europeans now import to Fantee, Amanaha, and the
windward countries; a commerce which it is not the policy of the
maritime powers, such as Ashantee and Dahomy, to permit; and therefore
the interior states purchase what they require of the manufactures of
the north, at the great markets of Haoussa, Killinga and Sarem, besides
certain other stationary markets, upon the Koara, frequented by the
northern traders.
In reply to a question, if it were possible for me to visit Yandy,
Zogho, and Nikky;—the Bashaw said, it was not to be doubted, that the
name of the king of Ashantee was sufficiently powerful to carry me
safely to those places, or any part of the east to the extent of
Yarraba; (Benin excepted) and if coupled with that of the great white
sultan, my sovereign, it would not only be a sufficient passport, but
gain me the friendship of any court in Soudan. The king of Dahomy also,
he added, would be jealous, and the king of Ashantee would not wish me
to visit his country, because it lies on the sea side: whereas in the
north and eastern districts, where the alliance exists, my visits would
give pleasure to the king and caboceers, who would feel pride in the
envy of other nations.
The great kingdoms or empires of modern Wangara are three in number,
Ashantee, Dahomy, and Benin, and their dependencies. Those of minor
importance contained in the districts of Sarem, Ghunja, Dagomba, and
Yarraba, including the tributaries, are, in the West, Enkasy, Gaman,
Aowin, and Amanaha, or Apollonia; in the centre, Ghofan, Tonouma, Entaa,
Mahee, Gouaso, Kerapy, Popo, Whydah, and Ardrah. In the east, Yagah,
Khimbee, Ajasee, Jaboo, Kosie, and Waree.
The Moslems are scattered over the new provinces of Bouromy, Yobaty,
Baboso, Sokoo, and Takima; but their political sway is confined to the
government of themselves. Enkasy is the first Moslem principality in the
north-west, inhabited by some strayed tribes from Manding. From Coomassy
to Soke Aila, the capital (or market-place) of Enkasy, it is fourteen
journies, and six more to Kong. Agreeably to this, I have placed the
former in 9° 26′ N. lat. 3°. 42′ W. lon. and the latter 10° 12′ lat.
4°—lon. and which I conceive to be very near the truth. Enkasy is
tributary to Kong, and Kong itself pays tribute to Melly, a kingdom in
which the Moslem influence is great, although its sovereign is an
unbeliever.
Ghofan is the first Moslem government in the north beyond Banna, from
which it is separated by the Gaman province of Sokoo, formerly a little
principality, by Banna itself, Baboso, and the Deserts. It is hilly or
mountainous in the NW. and desert in the SE. but it has many extensive
fertile plains, well cultivated, and the country contains a moderate
population, who were the most warlike and active of the enemies of
Ashantee (Kong, and the Manding tribes, perhaps, excepted). Ghofan,
seven years back, was tributary to the sultan of Kong, but since the
subjugation of Gaman, in the late war, the king of Banna, the ally of
the Ashantee empire, has overrun many places in the south, and
established a new frontier upon the river. The Koran is the only
established law here, and at Ghobagho, another Moslem country, to the
north east, now of a greater importance than Ghofan, from which it is
distant only seven journies, or about one hundred and twelve miles; and
from Coomassy to Daboya, its capital, (although the sultan mostly
resides at Botintasy) sixteen journies or two hundred and fifty-six
miles. I have accordingly assigned it the latitude and longitude of 10°
15′ N. and 0° 32′ W.
The Desert, which must be crossed from Ghofan, is an extensive track of
coarse white sand, with a few stunted bushes, whose greatest breadth
from N. to S. is four journies. Water, however, is to be found in
abundance in the Desert; mostly in large stagnant pools, or lakes,
besides the Aswada, and many of its tributary streams, which flow
through the heart of it. The Sarga mountains, which are very lofty, lie
to the westward of Ghobagho, from which the loftiest ridges are distant
five journies; but a branch of them may be seen from Daboya and
Botintasy.
Yandy, the metropolis of Dagomba, is seated in a small district named
Simmer, on the confines of the great forest of Tonouma. It is on the
line of the main road from Salgha, from which it is distant six days to
the NN.E. and from Coomassy twenty-one, or three hundred and thirty
British miles, which would give it about the latitude and longitude of
9° 40′ N. 1° 20′ E. as I have assigned its position on the map. From
Yandy to Abomey, the capital of Dahomy, it is thirteen journies, and to
Benin twenty-eight, giving to the former a distance of two hundred
British miles, and to the latter three hundred and forty. Different from
travelling in Ashantee, all these journies may be performed with
facility, from the general open state of the country, and the use of
horses, and other beasts of burthen. The great forest, or wilderness of
Ghomaty, is five journies distant from Yandy, in the NE., the southern
boundary of which serves also for the boundary of Wangara in that
direction.
The eastern kingdoms and tribes of Wangara, are deemed infinitely more
populous and more civilized than the western: a truth which, I believe,
is not to be questioned, for there agriculture is encouraged, and
commerce exists upon an equal scale with the most commercial people in
Africa. In pursuit of gain the natives of Khimbee, Ajasee, Ghodau,
Benin, and Mazam, wander to the most remote parts of the continent in
caravans, or by means of the great waters that intersect Yarraba and
Killinga.
In all these countries, Benin excepted, horses are plentiful,
particularly in Ayoh and Yagah. Fire arms and gunpowder are, however,
unknown in these parts or very scarce, but their weapons, which they
wield with great dexterity and execution, are much dreaded in that
country. These weapons, which I have seen in Coomassy, are very long
supple lances, barbed and poisoned, targets, bows and arrows, tomahawks
and iron maces, the former of which they are in the practice of
poisoning with a venom more deadly than that which is used by any other
nation, as its operation is said to be sometimes instantaneous, and its
wound, although ever so slight, usually produces death within the lapse
of a few minutes. The troops of the sultan of Zogho are armed in the
same manner, and his subjects, who, although commercial, are as brave as
the Ashantees, and perhaps more enterprising, are proportionably dreaded
by the surrounding nations. Benin itself, although not strictly
tributary to the sovereign of Zogho, frequently sends presents to the
Court of the latter, where, by his ambassadors, the king cultivates the
friendship of a power he has too much reason to fear, from his great
resources inland, and the means he has of insinuating a Dahoman army on
the west over the Lagos river.
Benin itself is rich, and comparatively a civilized well governed
kingdom, superior to Ashantee in the arts and conveniences of life, in
the state of society, and in the administration of the laws, which,
however, have no better foundation than custom and tradition. The spirit
of commerce reigns here, and particularly in the northern provinces, in
its utmost vigour; and the land itself is so fertile and populous, that
it is usual to travel the day long amidst corn fields or plantations, of
which the tall and stunted palm, date, plantain, banana, yam, cassada,
and some kinds of fruit trees besides, occupy the surface of many acres,
which are enclosed with mud walls or bramble, to distinguish them as
private property.
The Moslem traders of Benin are said to navigate on their great rivers,
and the eastern branches which join the Kadarko, the Shoanka, and
Shaderbah.[148] Some of these rivers open a communication with a tribe
of heathens named Gargari, who live in tents, and are not black, but a
red skinned people, yet they are not of the Arabian stock. The best
breeds of horses and mules come from these parts.
On the sea shores of Benin there is no navigation adapted to canoe
voyages, for the sea runs so high, and breaks with such violence upon
the Warree, Kosie, and some parts of the Dahoman coasts, (as I have seen
the effect myself,) that the natives of those parts scarcely ever
venture out of their rivers; and the sea, unlike that of the Gold Coast,
yields them little or no tribute from its stores; but in requital, they
enjoy in security from the surf and the tempest, the most prolific
inland fisheries known any where in Soudan. There is, moreover, an open
navigation, by means of these rivers and lakes, extending from the city
of Benin westward to the Volta, crossing the Cradoo lake, the Lagos,
passing Porto Nova, Whydah, Popo, and Cape St. Paul. On the eastern side
of Benin, the extent of river navigation is not precisely known, unless
to the natives themselves; but it is admitted that there are channels
which intersect all the Warree rivers at right angles, running within
the compass of one or two days from the sea shore, out of the Formosa
river into the Forcados, Dodo, Nun, St. Nicholas, Bartholomew, Callebar,
Bonny, &c.; that the land hereabout is covered with thicket and forest
trees;[149] that the navigation in Warree, although unobstructed by
natural causes, is proportionately dangerous, from the ferocious
character of the people in these parts, and the bands of robbers who
lurk in concealment among the trees, ready to attack the trading canoes.
The sovereign of Benin, powerful as he is, cannot, as my informers say,
exact entire obedience from these people, who are supported in their
independence by the association of numbers of the discontented subjects
of Benin itself, who emigrate to the forests of Warree for personal
security, or to escape the retaliation of violated laws. There are said
to be three great forks which branch off from Ajasse at ten journies
from the sea, to which they run in a course inclining to the east of
south; and all these streams, in their upper courses, are studded with
richly cultivated islands, towns, and villages.
On the western boundary of Wangara is Gaman, formerly a powerful
kingdom, and now a province of the Ashantee empire. Its boundary on the
west is a flat country inhabited by the Mandings; Ghombaty, and Enkasy
bound it on the north. The Tando river separates it from Ashantee Proper
on the east, and Aowin, Amanaha, Lahou, and Bassam on the sea-coast, are
its limits in the south. The town of Bontokoo, the ancient residence of
its sovereigns, bears north-west from Coomassy, from which it is distant
eight journies. I have accordingly assigned its place on the map, 7° 36′
lat. N. 3° 25′ lon. W. Houraboh, the residence of its last king, is five
journies beyond Bontokoo, and its position, by the same calculation,
will stand good at 8° 30′—3° 58′.
[Illustration: A Man & Woman of Gaman.]
Gaman, and particularly its provinces of Ponin, Safoy, and Showy,
contain the richest gold mines known to my informers, in this or any
other part of Africa; who by way of illustration say, that in Ashantee,
Dinkra, and Wassau, the veins of metal are found at the depth of twelve
cubits (twenty-two feet) below the surface, but in these Gaman provinces
at five (nine feet.) The ore is dug principally out of large pits, which
belonged to the late king, in the neighbourhoods of Briquanti and
Kontosoo. The gold from these parts, according to specimens which were
shewn to me, is of a very deep colour, mixed with red gravel and pieces
of white granite. It all falls under the denomination of rock gold, and
is considered of more intrinsic value than that of Ashantee, although
the latter, as it passes for current, is mostly pure. The gold of Gaman,
i.e. the pit gold, is sometimes brought to the Ashantee market in solid
lumps, imbedded in loam and rock, which together would probably weigh
fourteen or fifteen pounds troy, and of pure metal might possibly yield,
if separated from the dross, about one pound or one pound and a half.
But even this, as I was credibly assured, is no sample adequate to
convey a just idea of the richness of the mines, many of which, and of
the richest in ore, are either dedicated to the national gods, or are
deemed, as in Ashantee, too sacred to cut into. Other specimens which
bore the most perfect natural appearances, were displayed daily before
my eyes, in solid lumps, which the caboceers wore attached to the
wrists, during and after the Adai custom, and which would in some
instances, I am inclined to think, weigh as much as four pounds. The
dust gold of Gaman, which is collected by washing in the beds of
torrents during the rains, the same as in Ashantee, Fantee, and Ahanta,
is also higher coloured, cleaner, and better than what is gathered in
any other country[150]. On the banks of the Barra, a stream which rises
near the large Moslem town of Kherabi, and flows south into the Tando or
Assinee river, the Gamans also wash for gold; and during the season of
rain, my informers relate, there is occupation for eight or ten thousand
slaves for two months; and the metal they collect, added to the produce
of the pits, the great bulk of which used formerly to be exported to
Manding and Kong, (where it was manufactured into trinkets, and from
thence transported to the nations of the Jolliba) now finds its way to
Ashantee, from whence it passes in small quantities to the maritime
provinces of Apollonia, Ahanta, Fantee, &c. and is there alloyed before
it reaches the hands of the whites; and the principal part of the metal
is either carried away by the inland traders, or remitted to the
correspondents of the Moslems at Yandy, Salgha, Banko, Wabea, and other
great cities of the north-east districts. In this active state of
currency it shortly reaches Zogho, Salamo, Kook, and last, Nikky, the
metropolis of the great kingdom of Bargho, where also it is transformed
into trinkets and ducats, (Mitskal) and under its new characters is as
rapidly translated to the Koara at Haoussa, or is circulated in the
provinces or neighbouring kingdoms of Wawa, Maury, Kaima, Baman, and
Kandashi. From the Koara and the Ghulby it is circulated through all
parts of Soudan, the Desert, and its kingdoms, Bornou, Egypt, and the
Gharb, but it never finds its way to any of those countries perfectly
pure, and never in its crude state, either as it is dug from the mines,
or in lump or dust as it passes for the medium of exchange in western
Wangara. The Ashantees themselves manufacture a little into trinkets,
chains, breast-plates, and ornaments; it melts away in a moderate equal
proportion in its north-easterly progress, even before it reaches the
kingdoms of Bargho or Magho, where the great manufactories are.
Within the empire, the provinces of Soko and Takima, independent of the
native population, who are heathens, contain many large towns, where the
Moslems live in distinct societies under the jurisdiction of their own
laws, but in subordination to the caboceers, appointed by the king of
Ashantee, or the tributary sovereigns and princes, whose governments
were not violated in the late war. Nomassa, the metropolis of Soko, is
said to contain about a thousand Moslems. In Waraki, the proportion is
even greater than this, and at Kherabi they are permitted to live
entirely by themselves in a city which was described to me to be as
large as Doompassy, and where the head bashaw of the believers resides,
who governs, for the king, the Moslems of the north-west, in number,
probably exceeding 80,000 of both sexes, including the proselytes. But
even at this estimate, as I conceive from the reports of the Bashaw of
Coomassy, the believers who are settled in the north-eastern districts
and provinces of Ashantee west of the Aswada, in Yobati, Bouromy,
Baboso, Coransah, part of Ghofan, and the kingdom of Banna, are
infinitely more numerous, and may, upon the total average, bear a
proportionate relation to the heathens, as one to fifteen.
As the maritime nations, and the Fantees in particular, are, of all the
tribes of Wangara, those with whom the British have hitherto been the
most intimately connected, I shall conclude this chapter with some
information respecting their character. The king of Ashantee alluded to
them in several conferences, public and private: “If I had not loved
white men,” said he, “surely I should not have made peace when the white
flag was displayed, but I would have had the forts where I knew there
was plenty of gold and merchandize. The Fantees wanted to govern the
castle, and they alone were enemies to us both; they formerly ill-used
white men,[151] but they dare not now.” Indeed the king’s observation
was a just one, in every point; for, previous to his visit to the Coast,
it was perhaps hardly known at times whether the British governed
themselves, or were governed by the natives, whose arrogance knew no
moderation, in the plenitude of their strength, and whose maxim it was
to terrify into compliance, by every act that cruelty, falsehood, and
treachery could devise. True, however, it is, and equally humiliating,
that they palliate their sins of this dye by recriminating upon the
whites, whom they accuse of acting towards them unconscientiously, and
without any other regard than to their own proper interests. It was no
uncommon thing for the natives to assemble in arms, at any little
disgust they might take, and shut up the garrisons within their walls.
Cape Coast Castle itself, the redoubted fortification, that, as Mr.
Smith would insinuate, was to bid defiance to the whole power of
Ashantee, has repeatedly experienced this calamity from the natives of
_its town only_; and the last time it happened was but a very few years
back, and since their subjugation by the Ashantees, when the people,
from their house-tops, had almost, I had said, overawed the garrison;
for the cannon-shot could only perforate the mud walls, without
dislodging the enemy from the thatch; while these plied their weapons
effectually through the embrasures, killing the sergeant, and maiming
others; and this disgusting anarchy terminated, as usual, in a
humiliating compromise, wherein each party bound themselves to restore
peace to the other, as it would seem, upon the basis of a mutual
forgiveness. As to the out-forts, excepting, perhaps, Annamaboe, they
have occasionally exchanged masters with the natives: and his _sable
Excellency_ has been seated under the flag-staves, or in the halls of
his deposed predecessors, negotiating at head-quarters for their own
abdication, upon golden terms. What, I would ask, led to the demolition
of the fort at Winnebah, recently, but these very outrages? And what
befel Mr. Meredith himself? Did not the natives drag that gentleman and
another, barefoot, over burning stubble, that lacerated and scorched
their feet at every step,—flogging them, at the same time, in a most
inhuman and degrading manner? and was not Mr. Smith an eye-witness of
this brutality, which in the sequel cost one or both gentlemen their
lives? Can it be denied that matters have been carried to that point of
extremity, that governors in former years have been compelled to fire
their magazines, and blow themselves into the air, to avoid falling into
the hands of an infuriated people? But in palliation of these acts, as
the Fantees relate, if it were practicable to draw out a just list of
aggravations and offences, and enumerate the sins of all, it would
probably be a matter of speculation which way the balance might incline.
The ponderous power of Ashantee, in lieu of contributing to the
insecurity of life and property, _alone guarantees both_ to us, by its
friendship, its _interests_, and the position it occupies in the rear of
its maritime provinces. The Fantees have it no longer in their power, as
the king justly observed, to pursue their rancours so audaciously,
although other tribes may still enjoy such privileges.