SOCIALIST VIEWS ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND FOREIGN POLICY
"Socialism," Mr. Ramsay Macdonald writes, "has a great part to play
immediately in international politics. It alone can banish national
jealousies from the Foreign Offices; it alone offers the guarantees of
peace which are a necessary preliminary to disarmament. Socialism has
a world policy as well as a national one--a corollary to its belief in
the brotherhood of man."[510] These words contain assurances, not a
plan, and therefore we must inquire, What is the foreign policy of
Socialism?
As regards foreign policy one may divide the Socialists into two
classes: revolutionaries and visionaries. It will be seen in the
following pages that the aims of both are similar.
The foreign policy of the revolutionary Socialists of Great Britain is
based on the celebrated "Communist Manifesto" of Marx and Engels,
which contains the following programme regarding foreign policy: "The
Communists are distinguished from the other working-class parties by
this only: in the national struggles of the proletarians of the
different countries they point out and bring to the front the common
interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all
nationality."[511] "The Communists everywhere support every
revolutionary movement against the existing social and political order
of things. In all these movements they bring to the front, as the
leading question of each, the property question, no matter what its
degree of development at the time. Finally, they labour everywhere for
the union and agreement of the democratic parties of all countries.
The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly
declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow
of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a
Communistic revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but
their chains. They have a world to win. Working men of all countries,
unite!"[512]
In accordance with the foregoing proclamation of Marx and Engels, the
philosopher of British Socialism teaches: "For the Socialist the word
'frontier' does not exist; for him love of country, as such, is no
nobler sentiment than love of class. Race pride and class pride are,
from the standpoint of Socialism, involved in the same condemnation.
The establishment of Socialism, therefore, on any national or race
basis is out of the question. The foreign policy of the great
international Socialist party must be to break up these hideous race
monopolies called empires, beginning in each case at home. Hence
everything which makes for the disruption and disintegration of the
empire to which he belongs must be welcomed by the Socialist as an
ally. It is his duty to urge on any movement tending in any way to
dislocate the commercial relations of the world, knowing that every
shock the modern complex commercial system suffers weakens it and
brings its destruction nearer. This is the negative side of the
foreign policy of Socialism. The positive is embraced in a single
sentence; to consolidate the union of the several national sections on
the basis of firm and equal friendship, steadfast adherence to
definite principles, and determination to present a solid front to the
enemy."[513]
The head of the Social-Democratic Federation informs us: "We have
never failed to hold up before the people the high ideal of a complete
social revolution, which shall replace the capitalist sweating system
and its terrible class war by the happiness, contentment, and glory of
a great co-operative commonwealth for all mankind."[514]
Faithful to the teaching of Karl Marx, Mr. Tom Mann proclaims: "We do
not want any walls built round cities or nations for fear of invasion;
what we do now stand in urgent need of is an international working
alliance among the workers of the whole world. The only position of
safety will be found in international action among the organised
workers of the world."[515]
These being the doctrines of revolutionary Socialism, it is only
natural that many British Socialists take the enemy's part in case of
war.[516]
The foreign policy of the visionary Socialists is based on the idea of
human brotherhood and the equality of men of all races, creeds, and
colours. "Socialism is brotherhood; and brotherhood is as wide as the
heavens and as broad as humanity. The growth of international
Socialism is the promise of the realisation of the angels' natal song:
On earth, peace; Good will toward men. Socialism will remove the
causes of international antagonism and make the interests of all
nations the same."[517] "Socialism implies the inherent equality of
all human beings. It does not assume that all are alike, but only that
all are equal. Holding this to be true of individuals, the Socialist
applies it also to races. Only by a full and unqualified recognition
of this claim can peace be restored to the world. Socialism implies
brotherhood, brotherhood implies a living recognition of the fact that
the duty of the strong is not to hold the weak in subjection but to
assist them to rise higher and ever higher in the scale of humanity,
and that this cannot be done by trampling upon and exploiting their
weakness, but by caring for them and showing them the better
way."[518] Thus Socialism will bring to the world eternal peace. In
the words of the poet:
There's a good time coming, boys,
A good time coming;
And war in all men's eyes shall be
A monster of iniquity,
In the good time coming.
Nations shall not quarrel then,
To prove which is the stronger;
Nor slaughter men for glory's sake--
Wait a little longer.[519]
The ideas expressed in the above are very noble, but they seem to be
hardly in accordance with historical experience or with human nature
as we know it. The race war on the Pacific coast, and the murderous
attacks by strikers on free labourers who have taken their place which
are of frequent occurrence in all countries, show that even Socialists
are apt to rely rather on threats, violence, and superior force than
on brotherliness and reason, although the Chinaman and the Japanese
have, according to the Socialist doctrines given in the foregoing, as
much right to earn a living as any white man.
"Socialism is essentially international. It recognises no distinction
between the various nations comprising the modern civilised world. 'My
country, right or wrong,' the expression of modern patriotism, is the
very antithesis of Socialism.... This internationalism means liberty
and equality between nations as between individuals, and amalgamation
as soon as feasible, and as close as possible, under the red flag of
Social Democracy, which does not recognise national distinctions or
the division of progressive humanity into nations and races."[520]
"The new community will be built up on an international basis. The
nations will fraternise together, will shake hands over old quarrels,
and unite in gradually extending the new State over all peoples of the
earth."[521]
"Nationalisation is only the beginning of Socialism. Once let any
nation be thoroughly imbued with the Socialist spirit, it will become
a missionary nation. It will preach the glad tidings of salvation to
people of other tongues, and that which was national shall become
universal: East and West, North and South, all shall realise, all
shall rejoice in, the glorious brotherhood of man."[522]
The "brotherhood of man" reminds one of the French Revolution. Like
the French Revolution, Socialism has imposed upon itself the mission
to convert the world to its doctrine, and people may again be placed
before the alternative "La Fraternite ou la Mort."
Let despots frown and tyrants sneer,
The red flag is unfurled;
We'll to our principles adhere
And socialise the world.[523]
Being anxious to "socialise the world," Socialists eagerly note every
progress of Socialism in foreign countries from Paris to Pekin. For
instance, we read in the "Reformers' Year Book": "The belief that the
quick-witted Japanese would, at the beginning of their new
civilisation, avoid the evils of European capitalism by accepting a
scheme of Socialism is not being fulfilled. The dividend-hunter, who
has been to Europe and received a business training, is fastening the
chains of monopoly upon the people. To meet this growing danger there
is already a thriving Socialist-Labour party, which has a daily
newspaper, the 'Hikari' ('Light')."[524] To facilitate the
"socialisation of the world" and the introduction of "the brotherhood
of man" by making Socialism truly international, Socialists are urged
to study Esperanto, which apparently is to be the international
Socialist language of the future. The "Clarion" and other Socialist
papers regularly contain articles written in Esperanto, and the
anti-patriotic writings of Herve and Gohier--an extract from the
writings of the former will be found in Chapter XIII.--have been
translated into Esperanto, apparently in the hope that these
incendiary pamphlets may help in bringing about the great Socialist
revolution.
Among the 'immediate reforms' demanded in the programme of the
Social-Democratic Federation (see Appendix) are to be found the
demands: "The people to decide on peace and war. The establishment of
international courts of arbitration." In view of these demands, which
are made by most Socialist organisations, it is quite natural that
Socialists condemn the secret action of diplomacy. For instance, a
Socialist writer remarks on the Anglo-French agreements: "Are we the
masters of our destinies, when a Delcasse may at any moment immerse us
in international troubles of the first magnitude? Lord Lansdowne, as
the accomplice of Delcasse, was equally guilty, and Sir Edward Grey,
by now securing this triple alliance without the consent or the
knowledge of the 150 millions of people whom it most vitally concerns,
completes a trio of international plotters and murderers."[525]
Many Socialists believe that wars may soon be abolished by
international agreement, either among the nations or among the working
masses, who will force their views upon the governments. According to
a very prolific Socialist writer, "There are many signs and portents
to-day that the evil of war, which is not more deeply rooted than was
slavery a hundred years ago, will, ere long, meet a similar
fate."[526] And what are the "signs and portents" upon which the
belief is based that war will be abolished? "It is a significant fact
that whenever the working classes meet to discuss this question of
war, they invariably express themselves in favour of its speedy end. A
few days ago, when the Trades Union Congress met at Liverpool, when
delegates were present representing some two millions of the organised
workers of the country, the representative of the Navvies' Union
declared, amid the resounding cheers of the Congress, that it was
impossible for a man to be a Christian and in favour of war at the
same time."[527] The Navvies' Union will no doubt play a great part in
the foreign policy of the Socialist commonwealth, but is the
importance of their declaration not exaggerated? Wars begin, as a
rule, by an act of aggression. What would the Navvies' Union and the
Trades Union Congress have said if the secretary had read a telegram
stating that British ships had been fired upon and sunk by an enemy,
or that British territory had been invaded and British blood had been
spilt? I fear that eternal peace is not yet in sight, notwithstanding
the "sign and portent" of the statement made by the representative of
the Navvies' Union. Indeed, clear-headed foreign Socialists are aware
of the very limited usefulness of Peace Conferences, and they deride
disarmament proposals, such as that submitted to the last Hague
Conference by Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman.
An exceedingly able article in the foremost Socialist organ of Germany
gave, early in the spring of 1907, the following views on the probable
result of The Hague Conference and on the British proposals regarding
the limitation of armaments, views which are particularly interesting
because they show the sound good sense of the German Socialists and
the difference between the political views of German and British
Socialists. The article stated:
"Just as the first Hague Conference of 1898 in reality achieved
nothing more than a few secondary amendments to the law of nations,
conformity with which was left completely to the fancy of the
individual Powers, so the second Hague Conference will, it is highly
probable, result in nothing further than a few general peace
assertions and international arrangements which, when it comes to a
war, will not outlive the first interchange of shots. Certainly the
English Premier is right. There does exist among the thoughtful
persons in all European States an intellectual tendency towards the
peaceful settlement of differences between the nations and the
diminution of the gigantic military and naval armaments. But this body
of thoughtful people is--as the last elections in Germany have again
proved--on the whole rather small; and above all, these thoughtful
people do not belong to the economically powerful class who determine
the policy of Governments.
"The old ideologic conception of the English free trade doctrine, that
the free exchange of goods between the nations leads to the abolition
of war, to the brotherhood of humanity, that conception which found
its most original expression in Dr. Bowring's exclamation 'Free trade
is Jesus Christ,' still haunts some people's minds. With the greatest
number of the liberal advocates of disarmament, their point of view
originates simply in the consideration that the strong naval and
military armaments demand more and more, not only from England's
purse, but from her human material, while, on the other hand, England
possesses all that she can expect, and has, on that account, not much
more to gain. All over the earth's surface she has the most valuable
colonies, and is, since the alliances with Japan and France, in a
perfectly secure position, which awakens in her the wish to
consolidate her position and to economise her finances for the
upholding of her supremacy. It is that satisfied state of mind which
makes the fortunate winner of the game say, 'Let us leave off; I am
tired of playing now.' English capitalists feel themselves in a safe
position. Nothing can easily go wrong at present. The thing is,
therefore, to secure what they have got and to diminish the heavy
burdens. This desire is comprehensible--only the other Powers will
probably not respect it.
"The working-class party is very much in sympathy with the disarmament
idea in itself. For this party is the most consistent opponent of
militarism, and demands in its programme not only the formation of a
citizen army in place of the standing army, but also that questions of
peace and war should be determined by the people themselves, and that
all international differences should be settled by arbitration. But no
amount of sympathy can get over the fact that in the present
capitalist world there is very little chance of a general disarmament
of the Powers. The conception that war is only a product of human
unreason is on the same level as the idea that revolutions are only
mental aberrations of the masses. War is rooted in the opposing
interests of the nations, as are revolutions in the opposing interests
of the classes."[528]
FOOTNOTES:
[510] Macdonald, _Socialism_, p. 120.
[511] Marx and Engels, _Manifesto_, p. 1
[512] Marx and Engels, _Manifesto_, p. 31.
[513] Bax, _Religion of Socialism_, pp. 126, 127.
[514] Debate, Hyndman, _Will Socialism Benefit the English People?_
Introduction.
[515] Mann, _International Labour Movement_, p. 6.
[516] See, for instance, Hyndman in _The Transvaal War and the
Degradation of England_.
[517] Snowden, _The Individual under Socialism_, p. 14.
[518] Keir Hardie, _From Serfdom to Socialism_, p. 10.
[519] _Clarion Song Book_, p. 25.
[520] Bax and Quelch, _A New Catechism of Socialism_, p. 31.
[521] Bebel, _Woman in the Past, Present, and Future_, p. 235.
[522] "Veritas," _Did Jesus Christ teach Socialism?_ p. 2.
[523] Neil, _Songs of the Social Revolution_, p. 13.
[524] _Reformers' Year Book, 1907_, p. 195.
[525] _Social-Democrat_, September 1907, p. 534.
[526] Ward, _The War Drum shall Throb no Longer_, p. 13.
[527] _Ibid._ p. 14.
[528] _Vorwaerts_, March 10, 1907, translated in the _Social-Democrat_,
April 1907, pp. 220-224.