THE ATTITUDE OF SOCIALISTS TOWARDS TRADE UNIONISTS AND CO-OPERATORS
The British Socialists have during many years attacked and denounced
the Trade Unionists and the Co-operators, firstly, because the trade
unionists and co-operators are "capitalists," and therefore traitors
to the Socialist cause; secondly, because Socialism unconditionally
condemns providence and thrift among the working men, as will be seen
in Chapter XXIII.
Although the Socialists pretend that they denounce co-operation and
thrift, and even abstinence from alcoholic drink, on economic and
scientific grounds, their real reasons are political. Socialism can
flourish only if the masses are dissatisfied. The Socialists are
therefore little interested in improving the position of the worker,
but very greatly in increasing his poverty, unhappiness, and
discontent. Socialism is revolutionary, and the Socialists know that
people who are well off are not revolutionists. For tactical reasons,
therefore, the Socialists oppose and denounce thrift, co-operation,
and abstinence, qualities which are found pre-eminently in
co-operators and trade unionists.
The trade unionists, the aristocracy of British labour, are too
conservative, too temperate, too cautious, too prosperous, and too
little revolutionary for the taste of Socialists. The Socialists
complain: "The British trade union suffers from three fatal defects:
(1) It is anti-revolutionary. It disavows the fact of the class
struggle. It accepts the capitalist system as a permanency. The rules
and constitutions of many unions explicitly refer to the 'just rights
of the employer,' and those who do not set forth any such statement
openly, admit it in actual practice. The capitalist class, as voiced
by the capitalist press, recognise in these unions the bulwark of
present-day society against the advance of Socialism. (2) The British
trade union method of organisation is a complete negation of the
solidarity of labour. Each trade or section of a trade has its own
particular and autonomous organisation. Even trades which are most
closely connected are divided into separate unions, each union
ignoring the interest of the rest, making its own special contracts
with the capitalists, and assisting them by remaining at work when
their fellow-workers in a kindred trade are on strike. The most
noteworthy example of this form of inter-trade treachery was offered
in the case of the engineers' strike of 1897-8, when the Boilermakers'
Society by remaining at work were the means of defeating the
Amalgamated Society of Engineers and of forcing them to return to work
on the masters' terms. (3) The British trade union refuses to admit to
its ranks those teeming millions of workers whom it terms
'unskilled.'"[386]
Other Socialists complain: "Trade unionism recognises the present
system of society, justifies capitalism, and defends wage-slavery, and
only seeks to soften the tyranny of the one and assuage the evils of
the other. Social Democracy aims at destroying the whole system."[387]
"We are never allowed to forget the splendid incomes earned by these
aristocrats of labour, a mere tenth of the whole labour class. The
trade unionist can usually only raise himself on the bodies of his
less fortunate comrades."[388] "The old-fashioned policy of the
English trade unions has made them _guilds of privileged_, rather
than fighting representatives of their class."[389]
Similar complaints are raised against the co-operators. "Co-operation,
though regarded by the individual trader as an enemy, does not
necessarily enter into conflict with the capitalist at all. Indeed, so
far as it transforms workmen into shareholders, it forms a bulwark for
capitalism, the same as the creation of small landholders or any other
class of small proprietors would do."[390] "At present the
co-operative societies in England are very apathetic with regard to
political affairs."[391] "In spite of abstract resolutions, our trade
unionists are devoted to the wages system; still our co-operators
yearn after dividends; still the mass of our producers admire the men
who rise upon their shoulders to place and pay. The twin curses of
democracy, slavishness and jealousy, are curiously blended in their
views of social and political life. They envy capacity; they bow down
before successful blackguardism."[392]
Some Socialists have called for the unification of all the trades
unions, arguing "Union has failed to adapt itself to changed
conditions. Just as budding industrial development called into being
the shop union, and further industrial expansion meant development of
the union to the local and then the national organisation, so the
exigencies of our time demand a working-class union--one union, not
eleven hundred, as now."[393] Others have bespattered the unions with
insults, and some do so still. A very violent Socialist organ recently
wrote: "Our trade union leaders are not so corrupt as those of
America? Are they not? As a matter of fact, the corruption is tenfold
greater. The difference is that here it is legalised and respectable.
In America the corruption takes the form of a wad of dollar notes
pushed into the fakir's hands in a dark corner. In this country our
trade union leaders are openly corrupted in the face of day by
positions on conciliation boards, Justiceships of the Peace, Cabinet
positions" [this is a hit at Mr. John Burns], "and well-paid jobs in
the Labour Department of the Board of Trade. Are Shackleton, Bell, and
Barnes honester men than Gompers, Mitchell, and Tobin? As Dr. Johnson
very coarsely expressed it: 'It is difficult to settle the question of
precedence between a bug and a louse.'"[394]
To the more far-sighted Socialists the folly of attacking the powerful
trade unions, with their 2,000,000 members, was perfectly clear. One
of the Socialist leaders wrote: "Of all the blind, fatuous policies in
the world, that of decrying trades unionism by professing Socialists
is about the worst; and the next worst thing is the trades unionist
abusing Socialism."[395] Some Socialists recommended changing the
policy of denunciation for a wiser one: "We have to _convert_ the
trade unions, not to _antagonise_ them"[396]; and their conversion was
thought to be all the more easy because, to quote Ben Tillett, "The
whole of the trades union movement has been tinged with Socialism;
unconsciously the guides of the working classes have always marched
towards the goal of Socialism."[397]
With this object in view the trade unionists were urged to reform
their tactics, to abandon the economic struggle in the form of
strikes, and to enter upon the more efficacious political struggle
with the employers of labour in the House of Commons. "To go on
following the old beaten paths of trade unionism is simply to go on
exhausting the possibilities of error for an indefinite period. If the
new unions are simply to play the part of regulators of wages, as
trade and prices rise and fall, they will be of very slight advantage
to the workers compared with what they might accomplish if they took a
broader view of their opportunities and their duties. What they have
to do, and that now, is to use the power which organisation gives them
to get control of the political machinery of the country and use it
for the advancement of their class. By this means they could, if they
chose, achieve as much in a year or two as would be gained in a
century by the old methods of trade agitation and strikes."[398] "If
the Labour party had a tithe of the money that the unions have spent
upon getting thrashed and starved and defrauded, it would be a party
to wonder at and be proud of. The miners of Yorkshire have spent
_212,000l._ on six strikes--all of which have been lost. Do you call
this industrial warfare? Insanity and suicide--that is what it is. The
engineers spent three-quarters of a million on the great lock-out.
That is a sum in itself, the ransom of all the workers from the bonds
of wage-slavery. What can the engineers show for their money to-day?
Ask them! We could capture the British Parliament with that sum _plus_
a little brains and courage."[399] The Fabian Society has issued
numerous pamphlets in which it has shown how the position of the
workers might be improved, and in these it has at every opportunity
urged upon every worker to join a union, and has urged upon the trade
unions to better the position of the workers by relying upon political
action.[400]
In pursuance of this policy the railway employees were told by the
Socialists, when the difference between the British railway companies
and their workers had been arranged: "You men must cling tight to the
union and keep fostering the discontent of your fellows, not only with
the sectional wrongs which affect you personally, but with the brutal
system of competition of which your own wrongs are but one fractional
consequence. Stick to the Labour party. You have two representatives
in Parliament. Run some more. You need not bother now to build up a
strike fund. Spend the money in politics. The more men you get in the
House, the better chance you will have of convincing a Government
arbitrator of the justice of your claims."[401]
Wishing to secure the support of the trade unionists and the
co-operators, the Socialists began to preach that there was no
antagonism between Socialists, trade unionists, and co-operators, and
to stretch out a hand towards them. "Socialist influence makes its way
in the union. The trade unions generally must sooner or later
become--they already in some instances are to-day--part and parcel of
the working-class Socialist movement, or must cease to exist as class
organisations. Co-operation is in its inception Socialist. That is to
say, that all co-operation implies co-operative effort and social
union."[402] Another Socialist writer said: "I am sorry that some
Socialists used to cry down the co-operative movement. I know it has
some serious defects, but it has taught the workers of this country
what they can do when they choose. If any power could induce trade
unionists, co-operators, and Socialists to unite, a co-operative
commonwealth would be flourishing in this country before the rich and
educated classes had rubbed open their drowsy eyes."[403]
The recommendations which the Socialists addressed to the trade
unionists to increase their political power, and to improve their
economic position by the use of their political power, became louder
and louder. They were told that the capitalists were the enemies of
both trade unionists and Socialists, and that co-operation would be of
the greatest benefit to both bodies. The Socialist group of the London
Society of Compositors, for instance, argued:
"It is unfortunate that after some dozen years or more of Socialist
propaganda there should still be considerable bitterness existing
between trade unionists and Socialists. The cause of the unpopularity
of the Socialists was not due to any desire on their part to irritate
trade unionists, but arose out of the stupid prejudices of the
spokesmen and leaders of the trade unionists themselves. Socialists
are staunch trade unionists. The New trade unionism is evidence of
this, for Socialists are responsible for calling it into existence.
The movement which is now gaining ground in favour of federation among
trade unionists generally, is one of Socialist origin. Trade unionists
look solely to unionism to maintain their miserable standard of
living, ignorant of the economic laws working against them. Socialists
accept unionism as only one method to maintain their present standard
of comfort.
"Both Socialists and trade unionists have a common enemy, a common
want, and a common economic force which continually and relentlessly
drives them in one direction. Both are driven to defend attacks
against their standard of living by the capitalist, and the one point
of agreement between Socialists and trade unionists, therefore, is
that they both desire to maintain and increase their present standard
of living. Trade unionists enter a union to resist the exactions of
the capitalists, and to baulk attempts on their part to reduce wages.
Socialists enter a union for precisely the same reason. If they would
view Parliamentary action from the standpoint of the collective
welfare of the people, they would soon realise its far-reaching
effects. A legal forty-eight hour working week, for instance, would
bring benefit to all and raise the standard of all by giving more
leisure; thereby affording workers an opportunity of obtaining fresh
air and following artistic and intellectual pursuits.
"One of the strongest agents which work in favour of the capitalists
is the necessity of the workers to find food and clothing for their
families. This evil can be met by the State proposal which is now
making such headway in England--namely, Free Maintenance for Children.
The old-fashioned prejudices, fostered by the capitalists and their
hangers-on, that it is degrading to accept anything from the State, is
fast dying out in the face of free education, free libraries, free
maintenance for all sickened with infectious fevers. Free maintenance
for children would be a tax on that surplus wealth which the
capitalists and the aristocracy share between them. To the worker,
free maintenance for his children would be equivalent to an additional
income. His standard of living would rise. No doubt the capitalist
would reduce his wages as much as possible, but the worker would then
be able to fight him on more equal terms. His children being well
cared for, he would be able to hold out against the capitalist for an
indefinite period.
"The Housing Question is also worthy of attention. Trade unionism
should require the State to erect buildings to be let at a sum which
would cover cost of construction and maintenance alone. This would
give them a stationary rent, and when locked out by their employers,
they, as unemployed workers, would not be so liable to be turned into
the street.
"The workers, unconscious of economic development, unfortunately side
with one political party or the other, not seeing that the one must
inevitably be as antagonistic to their interests as the other. Tory
and Liberal politically represent two classes, who divide the spoils
between them. One is connected by tradition with the soil, the other
with commerce. When they have a quarrel, it is as between kites and
crows for the possession of prey. To assert that a Tory is better than
a Liberal, or a Liberal better than a Tory, is like affirming that one
exploiter is less a thief than another. Until trade unionists form
themselves into an independent party, there can politically be no
common agreement between them and Socialists, because, while they
support the capitalist class they are placing power into the hands of
the exploiting class, who is the common enemy. Co-operation between
Socialists and trade unionists should be adopted whenever possible,
and, when occasion offers, an alliance should be entered into for
common purposes. In America a large section of trade unionists have
already recognised that the class war is inevitable under the present
system of exploitation, and they have entered into an active alliance
with the Socialist party. It is to be hoped that the trade unions of
Great Britain will ere long see their way to follow the example set by
their American brethren in the United States."[404]
Another writer urged: "Is it not time that we combined and strove for
something higher, wider, and more far-reaching? Let the trade unionists
unite, combine, federate; not for constantly squabbling with the
capitalist over the spoil which the workers alone create, but to secure
for the latter, organised, the control of their own tools and raw
materials--of the mines, the railways, the factories, the shipping, the
land--of all those things which only have value through their labour.
Let the co-operators co-operate with each other, with trade unionists,
and Social Democrats for the same object. Let us all agitate, educate,
and organise to form the workers of the world into a gigantic Trade
Union, an International Co-operation, a Social-Democratic
Commonwealth."[405]
Since the time when these words were written attempts have constantly
been made by the Socialists to co-operate with the unionists, and, at
least outwardly, their relations have become intimate. Many Socialists
have high hopes for a united Socialist Labour party. At a recent
conference of the Social-Democratic Federation the chairman declared,
in his opening address: "There can be but one Independent Labour
Party, and there ought to be a united Socialist party. Not many years
will pass before the new Labour party will join the Socialist
movement, but in the meantime everything seems ripening for a united
Socialist party, consolidating both forces and funds, preventing
overlapping and removing friction. Never were the times so favourable
to Socialism. In spite of the boycott, the misrepresentation, the
influence of the temporal powers against us, the word Socialism is no
longer unknown or feared. In the workshop, the mine, the train, or the
tram, men are eagerly discussing Socialism. The workers need grumble
of their chains no longer; they can fling them off at will; for they,
and they alone, hold the keys of freedom. This poor blind Samson is
waking up and groping his way; Socialists must be ready to lead
him."[406]
Socialism has of late years strongly permeated the unions. Will it
succeed in capturing them? The Socialists are very optimistic on that
point. "The outlook is full of promise for the political Labour
movement. It only requires the adoption of a candidate by the united
local societies to turn every trade union institute or office, miners'
lodge and branch meeting-room into a committee-room, and when the call
is made by the Parliamentary group there will be plenty of voluntary
workers. The great fact stands out prominently: Labour is moving; and
that fact points to stirring times and a new phase in the history of
the nation."[407]
The character of the trade unions has undoubtedly been greatly changed
through Socialist agitation. The trade unionist has almost ceased to
be an individualist. "The modern trade unionist is out for a political
revolution. He has dismissed, as an obsolete absurdity, the idea of
paying for his benefits, pensions, sick-pay, unemployed relief, out of
his union subscriptions. He intends to combine with his fellows of all
trades in a demand for Parliamentary legislation which will provide
these benefits out of national funds, mainly by way of a graduated
income-tax. So he demands old-age pensions and an Unemployed Act. He
has given up the tedious task of bargaining with his master for higher
wages and shorter hours; he intends to compel him by the more drastic
method of an eight-hour day and a minimum wage and State Arbitration
Act."[408] There is much truth in this description. As the real nature
of the relations between the trades unions and the Socialists is known
to only a few, the following documents should be of great interest:--
"In consequence of a decision of the International Socialist Bureau
(June 9, 1907), its secretary sent a circular to the affiliated
parties in order to obtain from them official notes on the relations
between the political Parties and trade unions of their country, and
he received the following replies from the Social-Democratic
Federation, the Labour party, and the Independent Labour Party:--
"'Although from its formation in March 1881 the Social-Democratic
Federation has strongly opposed the abstention of the older trade
unions from politics, and has still more strongly objected to the very
close alliance which some of its leading members have made with the
capitalist Liberal party, resulting in high office and even Cabinet
rank'" [another hit at Mr. John Burns] "'for those who have thus
deliberately betrayed the interests of their fellows and supporters of
the working class; nevertheless, we have never at any time failed to
help in every way possible, personally and pecuniarily, every strike
which has taken place since 1881 (even in spite of our doubting the
value of the mere strike as a weapon against organised capitalism),
and our organisation has invariably agitated in favour of every
Parliamentary measure accepted by the trade unions which could at all
help the trade unionists and the workers at large. Our relations with
the trade unions may therefore be described as friendly whenever they
take action against capitalism, and appreciative of their increasing
tendency towards Socialism. We always recommend all workers to join
the trade union of their trade. No Socialist propaganda is officially
carried on by the trade unions, but as quite 75 per cent. of the
members of the Social-Democratic Federation are also trade unionists
in their respective trades, by their agency Socialist thought is
steadily permeating the ranks of trade unionism. As also the older
leaders, brought up entirely in the bourgeois school of thought and
action, die or are superannuated, there can be no doubt whatever that
they will be succeeded by Socialists, and in fact they are being so
replaced at the present time. Trade union Socialist leaders, of
course, will then use the trade union organisation to spread
Socialism. So far as they have been elected to executive office, they
do this even now.--H.W. LEE, Secretary.'
"'The Labour party is a federation of Socialist societies and trade
union organisations. Trade unions are directly affiliated, their
membership forming, together with the membership of the Socialist
organisations, the membership of the Labour party. In some cases
Socialist propaganda is conducted by the trade unions, several of them
embracing the Socialist basis in their rules.--J.S. MIDDLETON, for J.
RAMSAY MACDONALD.'
"'The Independent Labour Party is affiliated to the Labour party,
which is a federation of trade unions, co-operative societies, and
Socialist societies, for political action. The Independent Labour
Party consists of individual members, and not of federated
organisations. Our membership is only open to Socialists individually.
Our association with the trade unions comes through the Labour party,
with which both we and they are affiliated. The trade unions of Great
Britain do not carry on any specific Socialist propaganda among their
members, although several of the unions state in their constitution
that they believe in Socialism. Many Socialist speeches are made from
trade union platforms and demonstrations held under the auspices of
trade unions.--FRANCIS JOHNSON, Secretary.'"[409]
The foregoing three letters are most interesting and most important,
and they should be carefully read because they prove that the forces
of trade unionism and Socialism are commingling, and that the trade
unionists may reckon upon the support of the Socialists whenever they
come into conflict with capitalists. Although in constructive policy
Socialism and trade unionism are as yet things apart, they possess a
common working basis as soon as trouble occurs between capital and
labour.
To increase the intimacy between them and the representatives of
labour pure and simple, and to accustom them to co-operation, the
Socialist cannot do anything better than to cause conflicts to arise
between capital and labour. Therefore it is only natural that the
Socialists will urge the trade unionists to make great, and ever
greater, demands upon capital; that every concession will only be
considered as a stepping-stone to a further concession. Every conflict
between capital and labour, everything that will increase the
dissatisfaction of the workers, will serve the Socialists, because it
will cause the workers to believe in the doctrine of the Iron Law of
Wages, in the Law of Increasing Misery, and in the promised Socialist
paradise. Therefore the Socialists will do all they can to embitter
the relations between capital and labour, and to bring about strikes.
For instance, at the time when, in the autumn of 1907, the differences
between the British railway companies and the men were acute,
practically the whole Socialist press urged the railway servants to
declare a strike, and the settlement of the difficulty by Mr. Lloyd
George was greeted with derision and regret. Mr. Bell, who had
accepted the settlement, was treated with contempt, and the result of
the Railway Conference was declared to be the Sedan of the British
trade union movement.[410]
Owing to the persistent agitation of the Socialists, the trade unions
are becoming permeated with Socialism. Of late years there have been
few great strikes in Great Britain, but, unless the relations between
Socialists and trade unionists alter, it seems likely that great and
violent industrial disputes will occur in the near future.
FOOTNOTES:
[386] _S.L.P. Bulletin No. 2, 1907._
[387] Quelch, _Trade Unionism_, p. 10.
[388] _English Progress towards Social Democracy_, p. 8.
[389] _S.L.P. Bulletin No. 1, May 1907._
[390] Quelch, _Trade Unionism_, p. 16.
[391] John Penny, _The Political Labour Movement_, p. 10.
[392] Hyndman, _Darkness and Dawn of May Day, 1907_, p. 2.
[393] J. O'Connor Kessack, _The Capitalist Wilderness and the Way
Out_, p. 15.
[394] _S.L.P. Bulletin No. 2._
[395] Ben Tillett, _Trades Unionism and Socialism_, p. 1.
[396] Quelch in _The Socialist_, November 1907.
[397] Ben Tillett, _Trades Unionism and Socialism_, p. 14.
[398] Quelch, _Trade Unionism_, p. 13.
[399] _Clarion_, November 29, 1907.
[400] _The Workmen's Compensation Act, 1906, What it Means and How to
Make Use of it_; _How Trade Unions Benefit Workmen_; _Eight Hours by
Law: A Practical Solution_; _Cottage Plans and Common Sense_; _Houses
for the People_; _The Case for a Legal Minimum Wage_.
[401] _Clarion_, November 15, 1907.
[402] Bax and Quelch, _A New Catechism of Socialism_, p. 40.
[403] Dennis Hird, _From Brute to Brother_, p. 14.
[404] _Socialism and Trade Unionism: Wherein do they Differ?_ pp. 2-8.
[405] Quelch, _Trade Unionism_, p. 16.
[406] Opening Address, Chairman Hartley at Annual Conference,
_Social-Democratic Federation Annual Report, 1906_, pp. 3, 4.
[407] John Penny, _The Political Labour Movement_, p. 15.
[408] _New Age_, November 30, 1907.
[409] _Social Democrat_, September 1907, pp. 548, 549.
[410] See the _Labour Leader_, _Clarion_, _Justice_, _Socialist
Standard_, _Socialist_, &c., for November 1907.