In 1419 Perestrello was sent again, and with him were two ot

WILLEM ADRIAAN VAN DER STEL

AND OTHER HISTORICAL SKETCHES

WILLEM ADRIAAN VAN

DER STEL

AND

OTHER HISTORICAL SKETCHES

BY

GEORGE McCALL THEAL, LITT.D., LL.D.

CAPETOWN

THOMAS MASKEW MILLER, PUBLISHER

1913

PRINTED BY

WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED

LONDON AND BECCLES

CONTENTS

SKETCH I.

PAGE

EXPLORATION BY THE PORTUGUESE OF THE WESTERN COAST OF

AFRICA AND DISCOVERY OF THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE 3

SKETCH II.

I. FIRST VOYAGES OF THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH TO INDIA.

EARLY HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS 35

II. THE WAR IN THE NETHERLANDS TO THE UNION OF UTRECHT 62

III. CONTINUATION OF THE WAR IN THE NETHERLANDS UNTIL 1606 91

IV. THE WAR ON THE SEA BETWEEN SPAIN AND THE NETHERLANDS 116

V. THE TRUCE WITH SPAIN AND ENGLISH RIVALRY 149

SKETCH III.

I. GOVERNOR WILLEM ADRIAAN VAN DER STEL 171

II. ORDINARY EVENTS DURING THE ADMINISTRATION OF GOVERNOR

WILLEM ADRIAAN VAN DER STEL 187

III. FAITHLESS CONDUCT OF THE GOVERNOR 207

IV. PROCEEDINGS IN THE NETHERLANDS REGARDING GOVERNOR

WILLEM ADRIAAN VAN DER STEL 234

SKETCH IV.

I. CHRONICLES OF TWO LEADERS OF THE GREAT EMIGRATION,

LOUIS TRIEGARD AND PIETER UYS 253

II. PIETER LAVRAS UYS 275

SYNOPTICAL INDEX.

SKETCH I. 295

SKETCH II. 310

SKETCH III. 314

SKETCH IV. 321

I.

_Exploration by the Portuguese of the Western Coast of Africa and

Discovery of the Cape of Good Hope, including a short Sketch of the

early History of Portugal._

HISTORICAL SKETCHES.

SKETCH I.

EXPLORATION BY THE PORTUGUESE OF THE WESTERN COAST OF AFRICA AND

DISCOVERY OF THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.

The discovery of an ocean route from Europe to India, followed by the

establishment of the Portuguese as the preponderating power in the East,

is one of the greatest events in the history of the world. It is not too

much to say that every state of Central and Western Europe was affected

by it. The time was critical, for the Turks were then menacing

Christendom, and if they had secured a monopoly of the Indian trade

their wealth and strength would have been so augmented that it is

doubtful whether they might not have succeeded in entering Vienna in

1529. As yet the Moslem power was divided, for Egypt was still under the

independent Mameluke rulers, and the greater portion of the Indian

products that found their way to Europe was obtained by the Venetians at

Alexandria. To that city they were conveyed in boats down the Nile from

Cairo, after being carried by camels from the shore of the Red sea,

whither they were brought by ships from the coast of Malabar. From this

traffic Alexandria had thriven greatly, and from it too Venice,--whose

merchants distributed over Europe the silk and cotton fabrics, gems,

pepper, and spices of the East,--had become wealthy and powerful. That

portion of the Indian merchandise which was brought overland by caravans

from the Persian gulf to the Mediterranean coast was under the control

of the Turks, and a few years later, when in 1517 the sultan Selim

overthrew the Mamelukes and made Egypt a province of his dominions, the

whole would have been theirs if the Portuguese had not just in time

forestalled them.

[Sidenote: Historical Sketches.]

In the early years of the fifteenth century the Christian nations were

little acquainted with distant countries, America and Australia were

entirely unknown, Eastern Asia was very imperfectly laid down on the

maps, and the greater part of Africa had never been explored. This

continent might have terminated north of the equator, for anything that

the most learned men in Europe knew with certainty to the contrary. They

had only the map of Ptolemy and perhaps that of Edrisi as their guide,

and these were extremely vague as regards its southern part, and, as is

now known, were most incorrect.

The little kingdom of Portugal at the south-western extremity of Europe

was more favourably situated than any other Christian state for

prosecuting discovery along the western coast of Africa, though its

shipping was small in quantity compared with that of either Venice,

Genoa, the Hanseatic league, or the Netherland dominions of the dukes of

Burgundy. A glance at its history may not be uninteresting, and will

show how it came to embark in maritime exploration.[1]

In Portugal, as throughout Southern Europe, and as in South Africa,

great numbers of ancient stone implements are found of such rude

workmanship as to prove that the men who made and used them were savages

of a very low type, and there is further evidence that they were cave

dwellers. In South Africa the primitive race has continued to exist

until our own times, but in Portugal it disappeared ages ago, no one can

do more than conjecture how or when.

Later, but still in the far distant past, the whole of the Iberian

peninsula came to be inhabited by the race of men of whom the Basques

are the present representatives, but whether they succeeded immediately

to the palæolithic savages, or whether some other people came between

them, is as yet unknown. The Basques in Europe correspond to the early

Egyptians and the light coloured men of the North African coast, so that

in speaking of them we are speaking of a race that led the van of

civilisation at a very remote period in the history of the world.

[Sidenote: The Romans in Spain.]

Next to appear in the Iberian peninsula were the Celts, by whom the

earlier inhabitants of the south and centre were destroyed, though

probably some few were incorporated. Those living in the mountainous

region in the north, particularly in the western part of the Pyrenees

and along the adjoining coast of the bay of Biscay, however, managed to

hold their own, and their descendants are found in those localities at

the present day. The Phœnicians and Carthaginians followed long

afterwards, and occupied many stations in the southern section of the

peninsula, but never succeeded in establishing their authority in the

northern part of the country. The Greeks also are believed by some

historians to have formed trading stations at the mouths of the rivers

on the western coast as well as on the Mediterranean shore, and it has

even been supposed that Lisbon was founded by a Hellenic colony, though

that seems to be extremely doubtful.

In the Punic wars the Romans obtained assistance in Spain, by which name

the entire peninsula is meant, and in the year B.C. 206 the

Carthaginians were finally expelled from the country. But now the Romans

turned their arms against the Spaniards, and after a long struggle

succeeded in establishing their authority over the Celtic part of the

country, though insurrections were frequent, and it was only in the time

of Augustus that the Basque section was subdued and the whole peninsula

was reduced to perfect obedience.

During the next four centuries Spain became thoroughly Romanised, to

such an extent indeed that not only the arts, customs, laws, and

municipal institutions, but even the language of Rome came into general

use, and that language is the basis of the tongue of the Celtic portion

of the people at the present day. The Christian religion also, which had

become that of the ruling power, was firmly adopted. No conquerors ever

left their impression upon a whole people more thoroughly than the

Romans left theirs upon the inhabitants of the greater portion of the

Spanish peninsula.

[Sidenote: Historical Sketches.]

So matters went on until the early years of the fifth century of our

era, when the Western Empire was overrun by hordes of warlike intruders

pressing down from the north, and the Alani, the Vandals, and the Suevi

made their way over the Pyrenees, and took possession of Spain. They

were followed by the Visigoths, when the Vandals and most of the Alani

went on to Africa, the Suevi remaining in Galicia and part of Old

Castile, and the Gothic monarchy of Spain was established. These Goths

held the Romanised Celts in subjection, and lived among them as an

aristocracy, but soon adopted their language, when the two peoples

blended into one.

Three centuries passed away, and then another race of conquerors

appeared. The Arabs, under the influence of the religion of Mohamed, had

overrun Egypt and the whole northern coast of Africa to the Atlantic

ocean, converting everywhere the people to their faith. In the second

decade of the eighth century one of their armies passed from Africa by

way of Gibraltar into Spain, and speedily overran the whole peninsula

except the Basque territory in the north. For a long series of years

they were not harsh conquerors, and by their love of learning, their

splendid schools, and the beauty of their architecture unquestionably

did much to improve the subject people. The Christians were not

compelled to renounce their religion, and their persons and property

were protected by the law. For a time the country was subject to the

caliph of Damascus, and later to an independent caliph of Cordova, but

at length, in the first years of the eleventh century, the Mohamedan

government broke into fragments, and an era of misrule and fanaticism on

both sides commenced. The Gothic nobles from the first had chafed under

foreign supremacy, and within fifty years of the conquest the little

Christian state of the north had begun to expand. Now a struggle between

the Christians and the Mohamedans set in, a struggle which lasted for

centuries and which drenched the land with blood, which spread

desolation far and wide, but created a people inspired with boundless

energy and prepared to undertake the most formidable enterprises. The

Mohamedans were aided by fanatics from Africa, mostly of Berber blood,

and large numbers of crusaders, among whom were many Englishmen, came to

the assistance of the Christians.

[Sidenote: The Kingdom of Portugal.]

A number of little Christian states, sometimes united under one head, at

other times independent of each other, came into existence in the

northern part of the peninsula, and in A.D. 1095 a small section of the

present territory of Portugal, that had been recovered from the

Mohamedans by Alfonso, king of Leon and Castile, was formed into a

county for the benefit of a Burgundian noble named Henrique, who married

Theresa, a natural daughter of the king. The county was called Portugal,

from o Porto, the Port, at the mouth of the river Douro. With this event

the history of Portugal, as distinct from the other sections of the

Spanish peninsula, commences. The county certainly remained a fief of

Leon until the 25th of July 1139, on which day the memorable battle of

Ourique was fought. Affonso, who had succeeded his father Henrique as

count of Portugal, crossed the Tagus, marched far into the Moslem

domains, and defeated with great slaughter five emirs who had united

their forces against him. The old Portuguese historians assert that

after the victory Affonso was proclaimed king by his army, and that a

cortes which assembled at Lamego confirmed the title, but recent

criticism throws doubt upon these statements as being merely legendary.

The latest writers assert that it was in war with his suzerain that

Affonso acquired his independence, and that the cortes did not meet at

Lamego until 1211. At any rate, it is certain that the son of Henrique

styled himself king in 1140, and that in 1143 Pope Innocent the Second

confirmed the title.

After this the waves of war rolled backward and forward over the land,

but in 1147 Affonso got possession of the important city of Santarem,

which was never again lost. In the same year also, with the aid of a

strong body of English crusaders, he seized Lisbon, though it was not

made the national capital until the reign of João I. During the

remainder of his life and that of his son Sancho, who succeeded him, the

Tagus was the southern boundary of Portugal, and the province of

Alemtejo was a debatable land, sometimes overrun by one party, sometimes

by the other. In 1211 Sancho died, and was succeeded by his son Affonso

II, and he again in 1223 by his son Sancho II, during whose reigns a

steady though slow and frequently interrupted advance was made in the

conquest of Alemtejo. Sancho II was despoiled of his kingdom by his

brother Affonso III, and in 1248 died in exile. In 1250 the emirate of

the Algarves was overrun, and was held as a fief of Castile until 1263,

when it was ceded to Portugal in full sovereignty. The country then for

the first time after a struggle of one hundred and sixty-eight years

from the formation of the northern county, acquired its present

dimensions, which it has retained inviolate ever since. The title King

of Portugal and of the Algarves, assumed by Affonso III, was

subsequently borne by all the monarchs of the country.

[Sidenote: Historical Sketches.]

In 1279 Affonso III was succeeded by his son Diniz, who died in 1325,

and was followed on the throne by his son Affonso IV. He was succeeded

in 1357 by his son Pedro, who was followed in 1367 by his son Fernando,

the last monarch of the Burgundian dynasty, who died on the 22nd of

October 1383. Under the government of these kings the Portuguese had

become a fairly wealthy and prosperous commercial people, without losing

any of the martial spirit or fierce energy that they had acquired during

their long wars with the Mohamedans. Fernando died without male heirs,

and his daughter, being married to the king of Castile, was by a

fundamental law excluded from the crown. His widow, the infamous Dona

Leonor, asserted a claim to act as regent for her daughter, but owing to

her profligate habits and her remorseless cruelty she was detested by

the people, who were extremely averse to union or even association with

Castile, and she was expelled.

The leader of the popular party was Dom João, Grand Master of the Order

of Saint Benedict of Avis, a man of remarkable ability, who was an

illegitimate son of King Pedro by Theresa Lourenço. The Castilian

monarch invaded Portugal with a great army and laid siege to Lisbon, but

pestilence broke out in his camp, and he was driven back with heavy

loss. On the 6th of April 1385 the cortes, which had assembled at

Coimbra, the ancient capital, elected the Grand Master of the Order of

Avis king of Portugal. Still the sovereign of Castile might have

succeeded in conquering the country if John of Gaunt, son of Edward III

of England, had not come to its aid with five thousand men. The marriage

of King João with Philippa, eldest daughter of John of Gaunt, cemented

his alliance with England, with which country he had concluded a treaty

of close friendship. Thus the illustrious dynasty of Avis, under whose

leadership the little kingdom held such a proud position in Europe, came

to occupy the throne of Portugal.

[Sidenote: The Dynasty of Avis.]

During the long reign of João I the kingdom continued to prosper. The

policy pursued was to maintain a firm alliance with England, to carry on

commerce with that country, and to avoid connection of any kind with the

other states of the peninsula. Learning was encouraged by the king, and

Portuguese literature may be said to date from this period. If the

martial ardour of the people was relaxing by long peace, it was revived

in 1415 by the prosecution of war with the Moors on the North African

coast, when the strong position of Ceuta, opposite Gibraltar, was taken.

João I died in 1433, and was succeeded by his eldest legitimate son,

Duarte by name. Affonso, an illegitimate son by Ines Pires, who was

created count of Barcellos by his father, and duke of Bragança by his

nephew Affonso V, was the ancestor of the sovereigns of Portugal from

1640 to 1910.

Duarte was an excellent king, but his short reign was marked by a great

disaster. In 1437 an attack upon Tangier failed, and the fourth

legitimate son of João I, Dom Fernando, became a prisoner. As he could

only obtain his liberty by the restoration of Ceuta to the Moors, he

remained a captive, and died at Fez in 1443.

[Sidenote: Historical Sketches.]

King Duarte died in 1438, when his son and heir, Affonso V, was only six

years of age. Dom Pedro, duke of Coimbra, second son of João I and

Philippa of Lancaster, then became regent, but ten years later the young

king took the government into his own hands. He was a scholar and a

patron of literature, but was somewhat reckless and unstable in

character. He carried on war with the Moors of Northern Africa, and took

several towns from them, after which he turned his arms against Castile,

in hope of obtaining possession of that kingdom, but was utterly

defeated in 1476 in the battle of Toro, and in 1481 died, leaving the

throne of Portugal to his son João II.

The new king was twenty-six years of age when he succeeded his father.

Though inclined to be a despot, he was one of the wisest and ablest

princes that ever sat on the throne of Portugal. His great object was to

reduce the power of the nobles, who under the feudal system of

government were really masters of the country, and he therefore

instituted an inquiry into the nature of their tenures, which provoked

their resentment. First among them was the third duke of Bragança, who

was lord of many towns, and owned more than one-fourth of the whole

territory of the kingdom. He was arrested, and after a trial for

treasonable correspondence with a foreign state, was executed. This was

followed by the death of the duke of Viseu, who was stabbed by the

king’s own hand, of the bishop of Evora, who was thrown down a well, and

by the execution of about eighty of the most powerful noblemen in the

country. Their estates were confiscated, though in some instances

partially restored to their heirs, the vast authority they had possessed

was broken for ever, and João II became an absolute monarch, though a

benevolent and excellent one. He was a patron of learned men, a promoter

of commerce, a just administrator, and in every way open to him he

endeavoured to improve the condition of the people. He died at Alvor in

the Algarves on the 25th of October 1495, to the grief of his subjects,

who termed him the perfect king.

[Sidenote: Defective Knowledge of Europeans.]

It was during the reigns of the sovereigns of the dynasty of Avis that

the Portuguese led the way in those geographical discoveries which have

conferred such lustre upon the little kingdom. When João I ascended the

throne Europeans knew far less of the western coast of Africa than was

known by the Carthaginians five centuries before the Christian era, and

of the southern and eastern coasts they were absolutely ignorant. The

Arabs, Persians, and Indians were far more enlightened in this respect

than were the people of Europe. Whether there were other writings in

ancient times upon the shores of the Indian ocean than the _Voyage of

Nearchus_ and the _Periplus of the Erythrean Sea_ is very doubtful, for

if there were they would most likely have been in the great library of

Alexandria,[2] to which Ptolemy had access, and of South-Eastern Africa

he knew nothing at all. There is the most conclusive evidence that in

very ancient times some nations frequented the eastern shore of the

continent at least as far down as Cape Correntes,[3] but no accounts of

their discoveries were extant in the fifteenth century, nor are there

any to-day. The writings of even the Arabs and Persians after the time

of Mohamed appear to have been unknown in Western Europe when the

Portuguese commenced their explorations, so that to them, if the

imperfect information contained in the geography of Ptolemy be excepted,

all that was beyond Cape Nun from the Atlantic to the Indian ocean was a

vast blank which it might be hazardous in the extreme to attempt to

examine.

[Sidenote: Historical Sketches.]

The ships of the fifteenth century were ill-fitted also for long

voyages. Though capable of withstanding heavy seas, they were clumsily

rigged, and were without the mechanical appliances of the present day.

In proportion to their tonnage they needed so many men to work them that

a great deal of space was taken up with food and fresh water, and of

comfort on board there was none. They could make the passage from Lisbon

to London with fruit and wine without difficulty, but it was a very

different thing to sail along an unknown coast, with no harbour in front

where fresh provisions and water could be obtained. The compass, which

is believed to have been in use in an imperfect form in China as far

back as two thousand six hundred years before Christ, had recently

become known in Western Europe, and about the beginning of the

fourteenth century had been so greatly improved by Flavio Gioja, of

Amalphi, that navigation had benefited greatly by it. But the compass,

though enabling ships to steer safely between frequented ports, was not

of much assistance in the exploration of seas never visited before,

though it might be on the return passage. The instrument for determining

latitudes at sea was exceedingly crude and imperfect, and for

ascertaining longitudes no means whatever were known, so that it was

only by computing the direction and the distance run that a navigator

could form an opinion as to where he was. Add to this the current belief

of seamen that the sun’s heat in the south was so great that it caused

the water to boil and thick vapour to obscure the sky, which was always

as dark as night. There was a legend that the crew of a ship that had

made the venture had actually seen the region of eternal gloom, and had

got away from it only by a miracle. In the minds of common mariners the

ocean beyond Cape Nun was as wild and dreadful as that beyond Cape

Correntes was to the Arabs of the eastern coast. Thus it was a task not

only of discomfort, but of peril and dread, to proceed beyond the known

part of the coast.

[Sidenote: Prince Henry the Navigator.]

The discoveries of the Portuguese were largely the result of the genius

and ability of a prince of their royal house, Henrique by name, known in

European history as Henry the Navigator. He was the third son of João I

and Philippa of Lancaster, and was therefore a nephew of Henry IV of

England. Two objects engrossed the attention of the Infante Dom

Henrique: the conversion of the heathen to Christianity, and the

discovery of unknown lands, the last of which he believed would greatly

facilitate the former. As a gallant knight he took part in the

expedition against Ceuta in 1415, and there he learned that trade was

carried on with the country south of the Sahara by means of caravans of

camels, and that the coast of the Atlantic in that direction was often

visited. Then he thought that the same coast could more easily be

reached by sea, and he resolved to attempt to do it. In 1418 he took up

his residence at Sagres, close to Cape Saint Vincent, in the Algarves,

the south-western point of Portugal and the very best position in Europe

as a basis for exploration. He was then twenty-four years of age. At

Sagres he built an observatory, established a school of navigation, and

invited the most expert astronomers, mathematicians, and sea-captains

that he could hear of to visit him, that he might consult with them as

to the best means of prosecuting discovery. He was possessed of much

wealth, as he had been created duke of Viseu, to which title large

estates were attached, and he was also Master of the Order of Christ and

governor of the Algarves. His own revenues he spent entirely in the

promotion of his designs, and he was most liberally aided with means by

his father and his brothers.[4]

[Sidenote: Historical Sketches.]

The first exploring expedition sent out is said to have been under the

command of Bartholomeu Perestrello, who discovered the island of Porto

Santo in 1418 or 1419, but the early accounts of this voyage do not

agree with each other, and nothing connected with it is certain.

In 1419 Perestrello was sent again, and with him were two other ships

commanded by João Gonçalves Zarco and Tristão Vas, who had instructions

from Dom Henrique to establish a station on Porto Santo and plant a

garden for the use of future navigators. Perestrello returned to

Portugal from the island, but the other captains planted a plot of

ground, and in 1420 went on to Madeira, which received its name from

them on account of the trees with which it was covered. They then

returned to Porto Santo, and thence to Portugal. Unfortunately they had

put ashore a rabbit with young, and its progeny increased so rapidly

that the continued cultivation of the ground became impossible, so that

Porto Santo was not permanently colonised until several years later. The

accounts of this voyage are also vague and unreliable. In 1425 a

commencement was made in colonising Madeira, and among other useful

plants the vine and the sugar cane were introduced.[5]

[Sidenote: Progress of Discovery.]

In 1432 Gonçalo Velho Cabral, Commander of the Order of Christ,

discovered and named the island Santa Maria in the Azores.

It was most probably in 1434 that an expedition under Gil Eannes doubled

Cape Bojador, though some of the ancient writers assign the date 1428

for this achievement, others 1432, and others again 1433. This was a

great step in advance, for on finding the sea south of the dreaded

headland to be as easily navigated as that on the north, the old terror

of the common people was dispelled, and it was no longer difficult to

obtain men to work the ships. It is not easy therefore to account for

the various dates assigned for this achievement, but exact chronology

does not seem to have been regarded as of much importance when the

chronicles were prepared from oral testimony years after the events took

place. In 1435 the same captain Gil Eannes reached the mouth of the

river do Ouro, to which he gave this name.

In 1441 Nuno Tristão reached Cape Blanco. In 1443 he visited the bay of

Arguim, and returned to Portugal with a number of negro slaves, who were

gladly received as labourers. In 1444 or 1445 Cape Verde was discovered

and named by Diniz Dias.

From this time onward many small vessels left Portugal every year to

trade on the African coast for gold dust, ivory, and particularly for

slaves. All the features of the shore became thoroughly well known, and

were marked on charts as far south as the Rio Grande, but for fifteen

years, until after the death of Dom Henrique--13th of November

1460--discovery practically ceased. The lucrative slave trade occupied

the minds of the sea captains, and ships freighted with negroes taken

captive in raids, or purchased from conquering chiefs, frequently

entered the harbours of Portugal. The commerce in human flesh was

regarded as highly meritorious, because it brought heathens to a

knowledge of Christianity. But never has a mistake or a crime led to

more disastrous results, for to the introduction of negroes as labourers

on the great estates belonging to the nobles and religious orders in

Alemtejo and the Algarves the decline of the kingdom in power and

importance is mainly due. The effects were not visible for many years,

but no one can come in contact with the lower classes in Southern

Portugal to-day without being impressed with the fact that both the

Europeans and the Africans have been ruined by mixture of their blood.

[Sidenote: Historical Sketches.]

The exploring expeditions which Dom Henrique never ceased to encourage,

but which the greed of those who were in his service had turned into

slave-hunting voyages, were resumed after his death. In 1461, Pedro de

Cinta, who was sent out by Affonso V, reached the coast of the present

republic of Liberia, and in 1471 Fernando Po crossed the equator.

King João II was as resolute as his grand-uncle the Navigator in

endeavouring to discover an ocean road to India. He had not indeed any

idea of the great consequences that would follow, his object being

simply to divert the eastern trade from Venice to Lisbon, which would be

effected if an unbroken sea route could be found. In 1484 he sent out a

ship under Diogo Cam, which reached the mouth of the Congo, and in the

following year the same officer made a greater advance than any previous

explorer could boast of, for he pushed on southward as far as Cape

Cross, latitude 22°, on the coast of what is now German South-West

Africa, where the marble pillar which he set up to mark the extent of

his voyage remained standing more than four hundred years.

[Sidenote: Expedition under Bartholomeu Dias.]

The next expedition sent in the same direction solved the secret

concerning the meridional extent of the African continent. It was under

the chief command of an officer named Bartholomeu Dias, of whose

previous career unfortunately nothing can now be ascertained except that

he was a gentleman of the king’s household and receiver of customs at

Lisbon when the appointment was conferred upon him, and that he had at

some former time taken part in exploring the coast. The historian João

de Barros states that at the end of August 1486[6] he sailed from the

Tagus with two vessels of about fifty tons each, according to the

Portuguese measurement of the time, though they would probably be rated

much higher now. He had also a small storeship with him, for previous

expeditions had often been obliged to turn back from want of food.

[Sidenote: Historical Sketches.]

The officers who were to serve under him were carefully selected, and

were skilful in their professions. They were: Leitão (probably a

nickname) sailing master, and Pedro d’Alanquer pilot of the flag ship;

João Infante captain, João Grego sailing master, and Alvaro Martins

pilot of the São Pantaleão; and Pedro Dias, brother of the commodore,

captain, João Alves sailing master, and João de Santiago pilot of the

storeship. On board the squadron were four negresses--convicts--from the

coast of Guinea, who were to be set ashore at different places to make

discoveries and report to the next white men they should see. This was a

common practice at the time, the persons selected being criminals under

sentence of death, who were glad to escape immediate execution by

risking anything that might befall them in an unknown and barbarous

country. In this instance women were chosen, as it was considered likely

they would be protected by the natives. It was hoped that through their

means a powerful Christian prince called Prester John,[7] who was

believed to reside in the interior, might come to learn of the greatness

of the Portuguese monarchy and that efforts were being made to reach

him, so that he might send messengers to the coast to communicate with

the explorers. King João and his courtiers believed that if this

mythical Prester John could be found, he would point out the way to

India.

Dias, like all preceding explorers, kept close to the coast on his way

southward. Somewhere near the equator he left the storeship with nine

men to look after her, and then continued his course until he reached an

inlet or small harbour with a group of islets at its entrance, the one

now called Angra Pequena or Little Bay by the English, Luderitzbucht by

the Germans, in whose possession it is at present, but which he named

Angra dos Ilheos, the bay of the Islets. The latitude was believed to be

24° south, but in reality it was 26½°, so imperfect were the means then

known for determining it. There he cast anchor, and for the first time

Christian men trod the soil of Africa south of the tropic.

[Sidenote: Visit to Angra Pequena.]

A more desolate place than that on which the weary seamen landed could

hardly be, and no mention is made by the early Portuguese historians of

any sign of human life being observed as far as the explorers wandered.

Unfortunately the original journal or log-book of the expedition has

long since disappeared, so that much that would be intensely interesting

now can never be known. But this is certain, that refreshment there

could have been none, except fish, the flesh of sea-fowl that made their

nests on the islets, and possibly eggs if the breeding season was not

far advanced, though even that would be welcomed by men long accustomed

only to salted food. There was no fresh water, so it was no place in

which to tarry long. Before he left, Dias set up a marble cross some two

metres or so in height, on an eminence that he named Serra Parda, the

Grey Mountain, as a token that he had taken possession of the country

for his king. For more than three hundred years that cross stood there

above the dreary waste just as the brave Portuguese explorer erected

it.[8] The place where it stood so long is called Pedestal Point. Here

one of the negresses was left, almost certainly to perish, when the

expedition moved onward.

[Sidenote: Historical Sketches.]

From Angra Pequena Dias tried to keep the land in sight, but as it was

the season of the south-east winds, which were contrary, he could not

make rapid progress. At length by repeatedly tacking he reached an inlet

or bend in the coast to which he gave the name Angra das Voltas, the Bay

of the Turnings. There is a curve in the land in the position indicated,

29° south, but the latitudes given are not to be depended upon, and the

expedition may have been far from it and farther still from the point at

the mouth of the Orange river called by modern geographers Cape Voltas,

in remembrance of that event. At Angra das Voltas, wherever it was, Dias

remained five days, as the weather was unfavourable for sailing, and

before he left another of the negresses was set ashore.

[Sidenote: Visit to Mossel Bay.]

After making sail again heavy weather was encountered and a boisterous

sea, such as ships often experience in that part of the ocean, and which

is caused by the cold Antarctic current being slightly deflected by some

means from its usual course and striking the hot Mozambique current at a

right angle off the Cape of Good Hope. Very miserable Dias and his

companions must have been in their tiny vessels among the tremendous

billows, with the sails close reefed, and hardly a hope of escape from

being lost. But after thirteen days the weather moderated, and then they

steered eastward, expecting soon to see the coast again. For several

days they sailed in this direction, but as no land appeared Dias

concluded that he must either have passed the extremity of the continent

or be in some deep gulf like that of Guinea. The first surmise was

correct, for on turning to the north he reached the shore at an inlet

which he named Angra dos Vaqueiros, the Bay of the Herdsmen, on account

of the numerous droves of cattle which he saw grazing on its shores. It

was probably the same inlet that was named by the next expedition the

Watering Place of São Bras, and which since 1601 has been known as

Mossel Bay. The inhabitants gazed with astonishment upon the strange

apparition coming over the sea, and then fled inland with their cattle,

so that it was not found possible to have any intercourse with the wild

people. Thus no information concerning the inhabitants of the South

African coast, except that they had domestic cattle in their possession,

was obtained by this expedition.

How long Dias remained at Angra dos Vaqueiros is not known, but his

vessels, good sea-boats as they had proved to be, must have needed some

refitting, so he was probably there several days at least. He and his

officers were in high spirits, as unless they were in another deep bay

like the gulf of Guinea, they had solved the question of the extent

southward of the African continent. As far as their eyes could reach,

the shore stretched east and west, so, sailing again, they continued

along it until they came to an uninhabited islet in latitude 33¾° south.

This islet is in Algoa Bay as now termed--the Bahia da Lagoa of the

Portuguese after the middle of the sixteenth century,--and still bears

in the French form of St. Croix the name Ilheo da Santa Cruz, the islet

of the Holy Cross, which he gave it on account of the pillar bearing a

cross and the arms of Portugal which he erected upon it.

[Sidenote: Historical Sketches.]

Dias visited the mainland, where he observed two women gathering

shellfish, who were left unmolested, as the king had issued instructions

that no cause of offence should be given to the inhabitants of any

countries discovered. Here the last of the negresses was set ashore as

one had died on the passage. The coast was examined some distance to the

eastward, and to a prominent rock upon it the name Penedo das Fontes,

the Rock of the Fountains, was given by some of the people, because two

springs of water were found there.

Here the seamen protested against going farther. They complained that

their supply of food was running short, and the storeship was far

behind, so that there was danger of perishing from hunger. They thought

they had surely done sufficient in one voyage, for they were two

thousand six hundred kilometres beyond the terminus of the preceding

expedition, and no one had ever taken such tidings to Portugal as they

would carry back. Further, from the trending of the coast it was evident

there must be some great headland behind them, and therefore they were

of opinion it would be better to turn about and look for it. One can

hardly blame them for their protest, considering the fatigue and peril

they had gone through and the wretchedly uncomfortable life they must

have been leading.

[Sidenote: Extent of the Voyage.]

Dias, after hearing these statements, took the officers and some of the

principal seamen on shore, where he administered an oath to them, after

which he asked their opinion as to what was the best course to pursue

for the service of the king. They replied with one voice, to return

home, whereupon he caused them to sign a document to that effect. He

then begged of them to continue only two or three days’ sail farther,

and promised that if they should find nothing within that time to

encourage them to proceed on an easterly course, he would put about. The

crews consented, but in the time agreed upon they advanced only to the

mouth of a river to which the commander gave the name Infante, owing to

João Infante, captain of the _São Pantaleão_, being the first to leap

ashore. The river was probably the Fish, but may have been either the

Kowie or the Keiskama as known to us. Its mouth was stated to be

twenty-five leagues from the islet of the Cross, and to be in latitude

32⅔° S., which was very incorrect.

But now, notwithstanding this error, there should have been no doubt in

any mind that they had reached the end of the southern seaboard, which

in a distance of over nine hundred kilometres does not vary a hundred

and seventy kilometres in latitude. The coast before them trended away

to the north-east in a bold, clear line, free of the haze that almost

always hung over the western shore. And down it, only a short distance

from the land, flowed a swift ocean current many degrees warmer than the

water on either side, and revealing itself even to a careless eye by its

deeper blue. That current could only come from a heated sea in the

north, and so they might have known that the eastern side of Africa had

surely been reached.

[Sidenote: Historical Sketches.]

Whether the explorers observed these signs the Portuguese writers who

recorded their deeds, though in a manner so incomplete as to cause

nothing but regret to-day, do not inform us,[9] but from the river

Infante the expedition turned back. At Santa Cruz Dias landed again, and

bade farewell to the cross which he had set up there with as much sorrow

as if he was parting with a son banished for life. In returning, the

great headland was discovered, to which the commander gave the name Cabo

Tormentoso--the Stormy Cape--afterwards changed by the king to Cabo de

Boa Esperança--Cape of Good Hope--owing to the fair prospect which he

could now entertain of India being at last reached by this route. What

particular part of the peninsula Dias landed upon is unknown, but

somewhere on it he set up another of the marble pillars he had brought

from Portugal, to which he gave the name São Philippe. The country about

it he did not explore, as his provisions were so scanty that he was

anxious to get away. Keeping along the coast, after nine months’ absence

the storeship was rejoined, when only three men were found on board of

her, and of these, one, Fernão Colaça by name, died of joy upon seeing

his countrymen again. The other six had been murdered by negroes with

whom they were trading. Having replenished his scanty stock of

provisions, Dias set fire to the storeship, as she was in need of

refitting, and he had not men to work her; and then sailed to Prince’s

Island in the bight of Biafra, where he found some Portuguese in

distress. A gentleman of the king’s household, named Duarte Pacheco, had

been sent to explore the rivers on that part of the coast, but had lost

his vessel, and was then lying ill at the island with part of the crew

who had escaped from the wreck. Dias took them all on board, being very

glad not only to relieve his countrymen but to obtain more men to work

his ships, so many of those who sailed with him from Portugal having

died, and, pursuing his course in a north-westerly direction, touched at

a river where trade was carried on, and also at the fort of São Jorge da

Mina, an established Portuguese factory,[10] of which João Fogaça was

then commander. Here he took charge of the gold that had been collected,

after which he proceeded on his way to Lisbon, where he arrived in

December 1487, sixteen months and seventeen days from the time of his

setting out.

[Sidenote: Return of Dias to Portugal.]

No other dates than those mentioned are given by the early Portuguese

historians, thus the exact time of the discovery of the Cape of Good

Hope and the coast onward to the mouth of the Infante river is doubtful,

and it can only be stated as having occurred in the early months of

1487. The voyage surely was a memorable one, and nothing but regret can

be expressed that more of its details cannot be recovered. Of the three

pillars set up by Dias, two--those of the Holy Cross and São

Philippe--disappeared, no one has ever been able to ascertain when or

how; that of São Thiago at Angra Pequena remained where it was placed

until it was broken down by some unknown vandals about the commencement

of the nineteenth century.

Meantime the king sent two men named Affonso de Paiva, of Castelbranco,

and João Pires,[11] of Covilhão, in another direction to search for

Prester John. For this purpose they left Santarem on the 7th of May

1487, and being well provided with money, they proceeded first to

Naples, then to the island of Rhodes, and thence to Alexandria. They

were both conversant with the Arabic language, and had no difficulty in

passing for Moors. At Alexandria they were detained some time by

illness, but upon recovering they proceeded to Cairo, and thence in the

disguise of merchants to Tor, Suakin, and Aden. Here they separated,

Affonso de Paiva having resolved to visit Abyssinia to ascertain if the

monarch of that country was not the potentate they were in search of,

and João Pires taking passage in a vessel bound to Cananor on the

Malabar coast. They arranged, however, to meet again in Cairo at a time

fixed upon.

[Sidenote: Historical Sketches.]

João Pires reached Cananor in safety, and went down the coast as far as

Calicut, after which he proceeded upwards to Goa. Here he embarked in a

vessel bound to Sofala, and having visited that port, he returned to

Aden, and at the time appointed was back in Cairo, where he learned that

Affonso de Paiva had died not long before. At Cairo he found two

Portuguese Jews, Rabbi Habrão, of Beja, and Josepe, a shoemaker of

Lamego. Josepe had been in Bagdad, on the Euphrates, some years

previously, and had there heard of Ormuz, at the mouth of the Persian

gulf, and of its being the warehouse of the Indian trade and the point

of departure for caravans to Aleppo and Damascus. He had returned to

Portugal and informed the king of what he had learned, who thereupon

sent him and Habrão with letters of instruction to Affonso de Paiva and

João Pires, directing them if they had not already found Prester John,

to proceed to Ormuz and gather all the information they could there.

[Sidenote: Travels of João Pires.]

Upon receiving this order João Pires drew up an account of what he had

seen and learned in India and on the African coast, which he gave to

Josepe to convey to the king, and taking Habrão with him, he proceeded

to Aden and thence to Ormuz. From Ormuz Habrão set out with a caravan

for Aleppo on his way back to Portugal with a duplicate of the narrative

sent to the king by Josepe. None of the early Portuguese historians who

had access to the records of the country ever saw this narrative, so

that probably neither of the Jews lived to deliver his charge. Not a

single date is given in the early accounts of this journey, except that

of the departure from Santarem, which De Goes fixes as May 1486[12] and

Castanheda and De Barros as the 7th of May 1487. There is no trace of

any knowledge in Portugal of the commerce of Sofala before the return of

Vasco da Gama in 1499, but as such a journey as that described must in

the fifteenth century have occupied several years, it is just possible

that Josepe or Habrão reached Lisbon after that date.

João Pires went from Ormuz by way of Aden to Abyssinia, where he was

well received by the ruler of that country. Here, after all his

wanderings he found a home, for as he was not permitted to leave again,

he married and had children, living upon property given to him by the

government. In 1515 Dom Rodrigo de Lima arrived in Abyssinia as

ambassador of the king of Portugal, and found him still alive. With the

embassy was a priest, Francisco Alvares by name, who wrote an account of

the mission and of the statement made to him by João Pires, and also

gave such information on his return home as enabled the Portuguese

historians to place on record the above details. As far as actual result

in increase of geographical knowledge is concerned, this expedition of

Affonso de Paiva and João Pires therefore effected nothing.

[Sidenote: Historical Sketches.]

In the laudable spirit of modern times, prompted by a desire to

rectify error, men do not hesitate to question the accuracy of even

the most renowned writers of old. But the great authority of De

Barros requires that very substantial proof should be supplied

before any date given by him is overturned, especially when that

date is given three different times, and is indirectly corroborated

by other contemporary historians. In an article entitled _The

Voyages of Diogo Cão and Bartholomeu Dias 1482-88_, by E. G.

Ravenstein, in the _Geographical Journal_, Vol. XVI, July to

December 1900, page 625, an attempt is made to substitute other

dates for the voyages of Diogo Cam and Bartholomeu Dias than those

given by João de Barros, but the arguments supplied do not seem to

me to be of much weight.

This is what Mr. Ravenstein says:

“We do not know whether Cão was given the command of one or of more

vessels, nor have the names of any of his officers been placed on

record.

“Cão was the first to carry padrões, or pillars of stone, on an

exploring voyage. Up to his time the Portuguese had been content to

erect perishable wooden crosses, or to carve inscriptions into

trees to mark the progress of their discoveries. King John

conceived the happy idea of introducing stone pillars surmounted by

a cross, and bearing, in addition to the royal arms, an inscription

recording in Portuguese, and sometimes also in Latin, the date, the

name of the king by whose order the voyage was made and the name of

the commander. The four padrões set up by Cão on his two voyages

have been discovered in situ, and the inscriptions upon two of them

(one for each voyage) are still legible, notwithstanding the lapse

of four centuries and have been deciphered.

“During the first voyage two padrões were set up--one at the Congo

mouth, the other on the Cabo do Lobo in latitude 13° 26 S., now

known as Cape St. Mary. The latter has been recovered intact. It

consists of a shaft 1.69 m. high and 0.73 m. in circumference,

surmounted by a cube of 0.47 m. in height and .33 in breadth. Shaft

and cube are cut out of a single block of liaz, a kind of limestone

or coarse marble common in the environs of Lisbon. The cross has

disappeared, with the exception of a stump, from which it is seen

that it also was of stone, and fixed by means of lead.

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