Totemic Aspect of Alósaka

The _Alósaka_ cult may be regarded as another form of that totemic

ancestor worship which appears in all Hopi mythology and ritual. The

male and female _Alósakas_ are supposed to be ancestors of a cult

society called the _Aaltû_, and are represented symbolically in the

ritual by graven images, pictures, or personations by men. The name

_Alósaka_ is simply a sacerdotal name used in this society, but it is

applied to a similar conception found in the worship of other societies

under other names.

In the Snake-Antelope societies of the Hopi the male and female parents

are called _Tcüa-tiyo_ (Snake-youth) and _Tcüa-mana_ (Snake-maid),

which beings are personated in the secret exercises of the Snake dance

by a boy and a girl appropriately clothed.

In the Flute ceremony the cult society ancestors are called the

_Leñya-tiyo_ (Flute-youth) and _Leñya-mana_ (Flute-maid), who are

represented symbolically by images on the altars and by a boy and two

girls in the public exhibition.

In the _Lalakonti_ ceremony these two ancestral personages are

represented in a symbolic way by images on the altar and by sand

pictures on the floor, and by a man and two girls in the public

dance. These personages are called by the _Lalakonti_ society the

_Lakone-taka_ and the _Lakone-manas_ respectively.

In the _Mamzrautû_ society they are called the _Marau-taka_ and

the _Marau-manas_, and are symbolically represented on the altar

by figurines and in the public dance by a boy and a maid called

the _Palahiko-mana_ whose headdress with symbolic clouds and

squash blossoms so closely resembles that of _Calako-mana_, or the

Corn-maid,[31] that it is difficult to distinguish the two.

In the great _katcina_ cult these two personages are called

_Anwucnoshotaka_ and _Hahaiwuqti_, or “Man of all the Crow clans,” and

“Mother of _katcinas_,” respectively; but as this cult is very complex

in the East Mesa towns, and is celebrated by many amalgamated cult

societies, there are various other names for these two ancestors.

It is instructive to consider somewhat more in detail this aspect of

the Hopi _katcina_ cult in the two great characteristic festivals

called _Powamû_ and _Nimán_.

Reviewing the Hopi calendar it is found that _katcina_ worship appears

in ceremonies from December to July, inclusive, and while none of the

festivals between July and December is a true _katcina_, the majority

of those during the remainder of the year bear this name. As expressed

by the Hopi priests, the _Nimán_ ceremony celebrates the departure of

the _katcinas_ from the pueblos, to which they do not return for about

six months. This _Nimán_ (“Departure”) ceremony of the _katcinas_

is celebrated in July, and no _katcinas_ are personated in the Hopi

pueblos until December. The time of the return of these supernaturals

is not as distinct as that of their departure, and they may be said to

straggle back in the December and January rites; but their return in

force takes place in the February ceremony called _Powamû_ which is

made up wholly of characteristic _katcina_ exhibitions.

It is of some interest to determine the month of the return, for there

are _katcina_ personations in December (_Soyáluña_) and during the

January moon, and it may be held that their appearance in the former

proves that the advent of these worthies occurs in the month named. The

chief participants in the December rite (and the same may be said of

the January ceremony) are not distinctive _katcinas_, or rather there

are other ceremonies not belonging to this cult in their composition,

and no special distinctive _katcina_ altars are erected. In the

_Powamû_, however, there is a true _katcina_ altar which is essentially

the same as that set up in the _Nimán_ when the _katcinas_ leave the

pueblo. _Powamû_ may thus be regarded as the official celebration of

the return, and from that time to July these personages dominate the

ritual. But the rites of intervening moons are not all necessarily pure

_katcinas_, even if _katcinas_ participate in them. Thus, in the March

ceremony, _Palülükoñti_ (_Unkwanti_), they are again subordinate. This

is not a pure _katcina_, but that of another cult into which they have

straggled or to which they have been added in the course of evolution.

There are only two great _katcina_ celebrations, _Powamû_ and _Nimán_,

both controlled by the _katcina_ chief, both with a true _katcina_

altar, both free from other Hopi cults.

Some of the differences between the _Powamû_ at Walpi and the other

Hopi pueblos are due to the introduction of masked personifications at

Walpi which are absent elsewhere. This may be explained as follows:

Near Walpi there are two other pueblos—one Tanoan, the other peopled by

descendants of Tanoan clans, neither of which has exerted an influence

on the other pueblos. These Tanoan colonists have brought their own

_katcinas_ to the East Mesa of Tusayan, and while they possess no

altar of this cult they contribute their distinctive _katcinas_ to the

Walpi _Powamû_. In the January ceremony they do the same, and while

the Walpi priests are celebrating in that month a true Hopi Flute or

Snake rite, Hano and Sitcomovi contribute masked _katcinas_ which

complicate the ceremony.[32] Hence the _Powamû_ rites at Walpi became

more complicated than those performed elsewhere at the same time,

because of the proximity of two pueblos in which there are variations

in the _katcina_ cult that are peculiar to them; and as it is probable

that the _katcina_ rites in other pueblos have not been affected by

_Ása_ and Hano clans, we should expect to find in them a less complex

presentation of the rites of the _katcina_ cult.

This is also in accordance with tradition, for the _Honani_ clans,

which introduced the _katcina_ cult from Kicuba, went first to Oraibi,

from which pueblo the cult was distributed to the other pueblos. The

Walpi _katcina_ altar is simple as compared with that at Oraibi; it has

no figurines because it is derivative, and the same fact may explain

why Walpi has but one _Powamû_ altar while Oraibi has several. The

Walpi _katcina_ altar is simpler than that of Oraibi,[33] because

derivative, but the _katcina_ personations in this pueblo are more

numerous and varied because the _Ása_ and other Tanoan clans have

contributed many new forms.

If we separate from the Walpi _Powamû_ the elements introduced by _Ása_

and Hano clans, we find in it the same personages as in the Oraibi

celebration—_Ahole_, a Sun-god who flogs the children; the _katcina_

cultus hero; _Hahaiwuqti_, the old woman, and _Eototo_. The last

mentioned, a cultus hero of the _Kokop_ people and a tutelary god of

Sikyatki,[34] was an early addition to the Walpi ritual before the

_Powamû_ was celebrated. He was historically the first _katcina_ to

come to the pueblo, as he now leads the procession of masked priests in

their dramatization of their advent and exit. Under the name _Masauuh_

he invaded the Snake rites, and as _Eototo_ he became a masked

personage in the _Powamû_ and the _Nimán_ when these ceremonies were

added to the Walpi ritual.

_Conclusions_

1. There survives in the Hopi ritual a worship of horned beings called

_Alósakas_, which once existed at the now ruined pueblo of Awatobi.

2. The purpose of the rites performed in this cult is to cause seeds,

especially corn, to germinate and grow, and to bring rain to water the

farms.

3. The _Aaltû_ priesthood at Walpi, who personate _Alósakas_, perform

duties suggestive of those of warriors.

4. The intimate relationship of _Alósaka_ rites with those of the

Rain-cloud clans supports legends that they were at one time associated

and brought from southern Arizona by the Squash people who formerly

lived with or near the Rain-cloud people along Little Colorado river.

5. The _Alósaka_ cult is a highly modified form of animal totemism, and

the _Alósaka_ represents the mountain sheep.

The Alósaka cult of the Hopi Indians · 第 15 / 17 题