CONTINUATION.--ARRIVAL AT THE ABODE OF TESSOUAT, AND HIS FAVORABLE
RECEPTION OF ME.--CHARACTER OF THEIR CEMETERIES--THE SAVAGES PROMISE ME
FOUR CANOES FOR CONTINUING MY JOURNEY, WHICH THEY HOWEVER SHORTLY AFTER
REFUSE.--ADDRESS OF THE SAVAGES TO DISSUADE ME FROM MY UNDERTAKING, IN
WHICH THEY REPRESENT ITS DIFFICULTIES--MY REPLY TO THESE OBJECTIONS.--
TESSOUAT ACCUSES MY GUIDE OF LYING, AND OF NOT HAVING BEEN WHERE HE SAID HE
HAD.--THE LATTER MAINTAINS HIS VERACITY--I URGE THEM TO GIVE ME CANOES.--
SEVERAL REFUSALS.--MY GUIDE CONVICTED OF FALSEHOOD, AND HIS CONFESSION.
Nibachis had two canoes fitted out, to conduct me to another chief, named
Tessoüat, [65] who lived eight leagues from him, on the border of a great
lake, through which flows the river which we had left, and which extends
northward. Accordingly we crossed the lake in a west-northwesterly
direction, a distance of nearly seven leagues. Landing there, we went a
league towards the northeast through a very fine country, where are small
beaten paths, along which one can go easily. Thus we arrived on the shore
of the lake, [66] where the dwelling of Tessoüat was. He was accompanied by
a neighboring chieftain, and was greatly amazed to see me, saying that he
thought I was a dream, and that he did not believe his eyes. Thence we
crossed on to an island, [67] where their cabins are, which are poorly
constructed out of the bark of trees. The island is covered with oaks,
pines, and elms, and is not subject to inundations, like the other islands
in the lake.
This island is strongly situated; for at its two ends, and where the river
enters the lake, there are troublesome falls, the roughness of which makes
the island difficult of access. They have accordingly taken up their abode
here in order to avoid the pursuit of their enemies. It is in latitude 47°,
[68] as also the lake, which is twenty leagues long, [69] and three or four
wide. It abounds in fish; the hunting, however, is not especially good.
On visiting the island, I observed their cemeteries, and was struck with
wonder as I saw sepulchres of a shape like shrines, made of pieces of wood
fixed in the ground at a distance of about three feet from each other, and
intersecting at the upper end. On the intersections above they place a
large piece of wood, and in front another upright piece, on which is carved
roughly, as would be expected, the figure of the male or female interred.
If it is a man, they add a shield, a sword attached to a handle after their
manner, a mace, and bow and arrows. If it is a chief, there is a plume on
his head, and some other _matachia_ or embellishment. If it is a child,
they give it a bow and arrow; if a woman or girl, a boiler, an earthen
vessel, a wooden spoon, and an oar. The entire sepulchre is six or seven
feet long at most, and four wide; others are smaller. They are painted
yellow and red, with various ornaments as neatly done as the carving. The
deceased is buried with his dress of beaver or other skins which he wore
when living, and they lay by his side all his possessions, as hatchets,
knives, boilers, and awls, so that these things may serve him in the land
whither he goes; for they believe in the immortality of the soul, as I have
elsewhere observed. These carved sepulchres are only made for the warriors;
for in respect to others they add no more than in the case of women, who
are considered a useless class, accordingly but little is added in their
case.
Observing the poor quality of the soil, I asked them what pleasure they
took in cultivating land so unpromising, since there was some much better,
which they left barren and waste, as at the Falls of St. Louis. They
answered that they were forced to do so in order to dwell in security, and
that the roughness of the locality served them as a defence against their
enemies. But they said that if I would make a settlement of French at the
Falls of St. Louis, as I had promised, they would leave their abode and go
and live near us, confident that their enemies would do them no harm while
we were with them. I told them that we would this year collect wood and
stone in order the coming year to build a fort and cultivate the land; upon
hearing which they raised a great cry of applause. This conference having
been finished, I asked all the chiefs and prominent men among them to
assemble the next day on the main land, at the cabin of Tessoüat, who
purposed to celebrate a _tabagie_ in my honor, adding that I would there
tell them my plans. This they promised, and sent word to their neighbors to
convene at the appointed place.
The next day all the guests came, each with his porringer and wooden
spoon. They seated themselves without order or ceremony on the ground in
the cabin of Tessoüat, who distributed to them a kind of broth made of
maize crushed between two stones, together with meat and fish which was cut
into little pieces, the whole being boiled together without salt. They also
had meat roasted on coals, and fish boiled apart, which he also
distributed. In respect to myself, as I did not wish any of their chowder,
which they prepare in a very dirty manner, I asked them for some fish and
meat, that I might prepare it in my own way, which they gave me. For drink,
we had fine clear water. Tessoüat, who gave the _tabagie_, entertained us
without eating himself, according to their custom.
The _tabagie_ being over, the young men, who are not present at the
harangues and councils, and who during the _tabagies_ remain at the door of
the cabins, withdrew, when all who remained began to fill their pipes, one
and another offering me one. We then spent a full half-hour in this
occupation, not a word being spoken, as is their custom.
After smoking amply during so long a period of silence, I explained to
them, through my interpreter, that the object of my journey was none other
than to assure them of my friendship, and of the desire I had to assist
them in their wars, as I had before done; that I had been prevented from
coming the preceding year, as I had promised them, because the king had
employed me in other wars, but that now he had ordered me to visit them and
to fulfil my promises, and that for this purpose I had a number of men at
the Falls of St. Louis. I told them that I was making an excursion in their
territory to observe the fertility of their soil, their lakes and rivers,
and the sea which they had told me was in their country; and that I desired
to see a tribe distant six days' journey from them, called the
_Nebicerini_, in order to invite them also to the war, and accordingly I
asked them to give me four canoes with eight savages to guide me to these
lands. And since the Algonquins are not great friends of the _Nebicerini_,
[70] they seemed to listen to me with greater attention.
After I had finished my discourse, they began again to smoke, and to confer
among themselves in a very low voice respecting my propositions. Then
Tessoüat in behalf of all the rest began and said, that they had always
regarded me more friendly towards them than any Frenchman they had seen;
that the proofs they had of this in the past made their confidence easier
for the future: moreover, that I had shown myself in reality their friend,
by encountering so many risks in coming to see them and invite them to the
war, and that all these considerations obliged them to feel as kindly
disposed towards me as towards their own children. But they said that I had
the preceding year broken my promise, that two thousand savages had gone to
the Falls with the expectation of finding me ready to go to the war, and
making me presents, but that they had not found me and were greatly
saddened, supposing that I was dead, as some persons had told them. He said
also, that the French who were at the Falls did not want to help them in
their wars, that they had been badly treated by certain ones, so that they
had resolved among themselves not to go to the Falls again, and that this
had caused them, as they did not expect to see me again, to go alone to the
war, and that in fact twelve hundred of them had already gone. And since
the greater part of their warriors were absent, they begged me to postpone
the expedition to the following year, saying that they would communicate
the matter to all the people of their country. In regard to the four
canoes, which I asked for, they granted them to me, but with great
reluctance, telling me that they were greatly displeased at the idea of
such an undertaking, in view of the hardships which I would endure; that
the people there were sorcerers, that they had caused the death of many of
their own tribe by charms and poisoning, on which account they were not
their friends: moreover they said that, as it regards war, I was not to
think of them, as they were little-hearted. With these and many other
considerations they endeavored to deter me from my purpose.
But my sole desire on the other hand was to see this people, and enter into
friendship with them, so that I might visit the North Sea. Accordingly,
with a view to lessening the force of their objections, I said to them,
that it was not far to the country in question; that the bad roads could
not be worse than those I had already passed; that their witchcraft would
have no power to harm me, as my God would preserve me from them; that I was
also acquainted with their herbs, and would therefore beware of eating
them; that I desired to make the two tribes mutual friends, and that I
would to this end make presents to the other tribe, being assured that they
would do something for me. In view of these reasons they granted me, as I
have said, four canoes, at which I was very happy, forgetting all past
hardships in the hope of seeing this sea, as I so much desired.
For the remainder of the day, I went out walking in their gardens, which
were filled with squashes, beans, and our peas, which they were beginning
to cultivate, when Thomas, my interpreter, who understands the language
very well, came to inform me that the savages, after I had left them, had
come to the conclusion, that if I were to undertake this journey I should
die and they also, and that they could not furnish the promised canoes, as
there was no one of them who would guide me, but that they wished me to
postpone the journey until the next year, when they would conduct me with a
good train to protect me from that people, in case they should attempt to
harm me, as they are evil-disposed.
This intelligence greatly disturbed me, and I at once went to them and told
them, that up to this day I had regarded them as men and truthful persons,
but that now they had shown themselves children and liars, and that if they
would not fulfil their promises, they would fail to show me their
friendship; that, however, if they felt it an inconvenience to give me four
canoes they should only furnish two and four savages.
They represented to me anew the difficulties attending the journey, the
number of the falls, the bad character of the people, and that their reason
for refusing my request was their fear of losing me.
I replied that I was sorry to have them show themselves to so slight an
extent my friends, and that I should never have believed it; that I had a
young man, showing them my impostor, who had been in their country, and had
not found all these difficulties which they represented, nor the people in
question so bad as they asserted. Then they began to look at him, in
particular Tessoüat the old captain, with whom he had passed the winter,
and calling him by name he said to him in his language: Nicholas, is it
true that you said you were among the Nebicerini? It was long before he
spoke, when he said to them in their language, which he spoke to a certain
extent: Yes, I was there. They immediately looked at him awry, and throwing
themselves upon him, as if they would eat him up or tear him in pieces,
raised loud cries, when Tessoüat said to him: You are a downright liar, you
know well that you slept at my side every night with my children, where you
arose every morning; if you were among the people mentioned, it was while
sleeping. How could you have been so bold as to lead your chief to believe
lies, and so wicked as to be willing to expose his life to so many dangers?
You are a worthless fellow, and he ought to put you to death more cruelly
than we do our enemies. I am not astonished that he should so importune us
on the assurance of your words.
I at once told him that he must reply to these people; and since he had
been in the regions indicated, that he must give me proofs of it, and free
me from the suspense in which he had placed me. But he remained silent and
greatly terrified.
I immediately withdrew him from the savages, and conjured him to declare
the truth of the matter, telling him that, if he had seen the sea in
question, I would give him the reward which I had promised him, and that,
if he had not seen it, he must tell me so without causing me farther
trouble. Again he affirmed with oaths all he had before said, and that he
would demonstrate to me the truth of it, if the savages would give us
canoes.
Upon this, Thomas came and informed me, that the savages of the island had
secretly sent a canoe to the Nebicerini, to notify them of my arrival.
Thereupon, in order to profit by the opportunity, I went to the savages to
tell them, that I had dreamed the past night that they purposed to send a
canoe to the Nebicerini without notifying me of it, at which I was greatly
surprised, since they knew that I was desirous of going there. Upon which
they replied that I did them a great wrong in trusting a liar, who wanted
to cause my death, more than so many brave chiefs, who were my friends and
who held my life dear. I replied that my man, meaning our impostor, had
been in the aforesaid country with one of the relatives of Tessoüat and had
seen the sea, the wreck and ruins of an English vessel, together with
eighty scalps which the savages had in their possession, and a young
English boy whom they held as prisoner, and whom they wished to give me as
a present.
When they heard me speak of the sea, vessels, scalps of the English, and
the young prisoner, they cried out more than before that he was a liar, and
thus they afterwards called him, as if it were the greatest insult they
could have done him, and they all united in saying that he ought to be put
to death, or else that he should tell with whom he had gone to the place
indicated, and state the lakes, rivers, and roads, by which he had gone. To
this he replied with assurance, that he had forgotten the name of the
savage, although he had stated to me his name more than twenty times, and
even on the previous day. In respect to the peculiarities of the country,
he had described them in a paper which he had handed me. Then I brought
forward the map and had it explained to the savages, who questioned him in
regard to it. To this he made no reply, but rather manifested by his sullen
silence his perverse nature.
As my mind was wavering in uncertainty, I withdrew by myself, and reflected
upon the above-mentioned particulars of the voyage of the English, and how
the reports of our liar were quite in conformity with it, also that there
was little probability of this young man's having invented all that, in
which case he would not have been willing to undertake the journey, but
that it was more probable that he had seen these things, and that his
ignorance did not permit him to reply to the questions of the savages. To
the above is to be added the fact that, if the report of the English be
true, the North Sea cannot be farther distant from this region than a
hundred leagues in latitude, for I was in latitude 47° and in longitude
296°.[71] But it may be that the difficulties attending the passage of the
falls, the roughness of the mountains covered with shows, is the reason why
this people have no knowledge of the sea in question; indeed they have
always said that from the country of the Ochateguins it is a journey of
thirty-five or forty days to the sea, which they see in three places, a
thing which they have again assured me of this year. But no one has spoken
to me of this sea on the north, except this liar, who had given me thereby
great pleasure in view of the shortness of the journey.
Now, when this canoe was ready, I had him summoned into the presence of his
companions; and after laying before him all that had transpired, I told him
that any further dissimulation was out of the question, and that he must
say whether he had seen these things or not; that I was desirous of
improving the opportunity that presented itself; that I had forgotten the
past; but that, if I went farther, I would have him hung and strangled,
which should be his sole reward. After meditating by himself, he fell on
his knees and asked my pardon, declaring that all he had said, both in
France and this country, in respect to the sea in question was false; that
he had never seen it, and that he had never gone farther than the village
of Tessoüat; that he had said these things in order to return to Canada.
Overcome with wrath at this, I had him removed, being unable to endure him
any longer in my presence, and giving orders to Thomas to inquire into the
whole matter in detail; to whom he stated, that he did not believe that I
would undertake the journey on account of the dangers, thinking that some
difficulty would present itself to prevent me from going on, as in the case
of these savages, who were not disposed to lend me canoes; and accordingly
that the journey would be put off until another year, when he being in
France would be rewarded for his discovery; but that, if I would leave him
in this country, he would go until he found the sea in question, even if he
should die in the attempt. These were his words as reported to me by
Thomas, but they did not give me much satisfaction, astounded as I was at
the effrontery and maliciousness of this liar: and I cannot imagine how he
could have devised this imposition, unless that he had heard of the
above-mentioned voyage of the English, and in the hope of some reward, as
he said, had the temerity to venture on it.
Shortly after I proceeded to notify the savages, to my great regret, of the
malignity of this liar, stating that he had confessed the truth; at which
they were delighted, reproaching me with the little confidence I put in
them, who were chiefs and my friends, and who always spoke the truth; and
who said that this liar ought to be put to death, being extremely
malicious; and they added, Do you not see that he meant to cause your
death. Give him to us, and we promise you that he shall not lie any more.
And as they all went after him shouting, their children also shouting still
more, I forbade them to do him any harm, directing them to keep their
children also from doing so, inasmuch as I wished to take him to the Falls
to show him to the gentlemen there, to whom he was to bring some salt
water; and I said that, when I arrived there, I would consult as to what
should be done with him.
My journey having been in this manner terminated, and without any hope of
seeing the sea in this direction, except in imagination, I felt a regret
that I should not have employed my time better, and that I should have had
to endure the difficulties and hardships, which however I was obliged
patiently to submit to. If I had gone in another direction, according to
the report of the savages, I should have made a beginning in a thing which
must be postponed to another time. At present my only wish being to return,
I desired the savages to go to the Falls of St. Louis, where there were
four vessels loaded with all kinds of merchandise, and where they would be
well treated. This they communicated to all their neighbors. Before setting
out, I made a cross of white cedar, which I planted in a prominent place on
the border of the lake, with the arms of France, and I begged the savages
to have the kindness to preserve it, as also those which they would find
along the ways we had passed; telling them that, if they broke them,
misfortune would befall them, but that, if they preserved them, they would
not be assaulted by their enemies. They promised to do so, and said that I
should find them when I came to visit them again.
ENDNOTES:
65. It seems not improbable, as suggested by Laverdière, that this was the
same chief that Champlain met at Tadoussac in 1603, then called
_Besouat. Vide_ Vol. I. p. 242.
66. They crossed Muskrat Lake, and after a portage of a league, by general
estimation, they reached Lake Allumette. This lake is only the expanded
current of the river Ottawa on the southern side of Allumette Island;
which is formed by the bifurcation of the Ottawa.
67. Allumette Island, often called, in the _Relations des Jésuites_, simply
the Island. The savages in occupation were in the habit of exacting
tribute from the Hurons and others, who passed along on their war
excursions or their journeys for trade with the French at Montreal.
They bartered their maize with other tribes for skins with which they
clothed themselves.
68. The true latitude here is about 45° 47'. On the map of 1632 the
latitude corresponds with the statement in the text.
69. In his issue of 1632 Champlain corrects his statement as to the length
of Allumette Island, and says it is ten leagues long, which is nearly
correct. _Vide_ Quebec ed. p 868. Of this island Bouchette says that in
length it is about fifteen miles, and on an average four miles wide.
_British Dominions in North America_, London, 1831, Vol I. p. 187.
70. This tribe was subsequently known as the Nipissings, who dwelt on the
borders of Lake Nipissing. They were distinguished for their sorceries,
under the cover of which they appear to have practised impositions
which naturally enough rendered other neighboring Algonquin tribes
hostile to them.
71. The true latitude, as we have stated, _antea_, note 61, is about 45°
37'; but on Champlain's map it corresponds with the statement in the
text, and a hundred leagues north of where they then were, as his map
is constructed, would carry them to the place in the bay where Hudson
wintered, as stated by Champlain, and as laid down on his small map
included in this volume; but the longitude is incorrect, Allumette
Island being two or three degrees east of longitude 296°, as laid down
on Champlain's map of 1632.